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Journal articles on the topic 'Politics and culture – Swaziland'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 9 February 2022

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1

Debly, Teresa. "Culture and resistance in Swaziland." Journal of Contemporary African Studies 32, no. 3 (July 3, 2014): 284–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589001.2014.956496.

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2

Sihlongonyane, Mfaniseni Fana. "The Invisible Hand of the Royal Family in the Political Dynamics of Swaziland." African and Asian Studies 2, no. 2 (2003): 155–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920903322149419.

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AbstractWhy does Swaziland remain authoritarian despite the democratic political changes that have occurred in the other parts of the African continent since the 1990s? Does it mean that Swaziland is immune to political change? The answers to these questions are diverse and wide-ranging from the international relations view to the radical perspectives and to the functionalist view. But the tendency of these views is to analyse Swazi politics according to historically constructed and particularised contexts and dynamics without fusing the wide-ranging factors that play various roles in the politics of the country. One of the major assumptions by these views is that the state (royal family) and the nation (subjects) are the same as was the case in the pre-colonial period and that the state has a sole privilege to cultural instrumentalism. These views therefore have a tendency to explain political change in terms of class structure and capital relations without taking the multifunctional dimensions of culture into consideration. This paper brings together the various views to explain political resistance in the country in terms of a cleavage between the state and the nation. It provides a historical overview of the political transformation in the country within a framework of cultural nationalism. The thrust of the paper is to look at how the royal family has survived between a primordial and constructivist perspective to political change from the colonial to the post-colonial period. It subjects both the incumbent and the opposition onto a critical analysis and points out a possible direction for political resolve.
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3

Crush, Jonathan, and Laurel Rose. "The Politics of Harmony: Land Dispute Strategies in Swaziland." International Journal of African Historical Studies 29, no. 1 (1996): 136. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221428.

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4

Cummergen, Paul. "Zionism and Politics in Swaziland." Journal of Religion in Africa 30, no. 3 (2000): 370–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006600x00573.

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AbstractThis paper gives an account of the place of Zionism in Swazi society. It does so by examining the available literature on Zionism in Swaziland, looking at the origins and development of Swazi Zionism and at its contemporary social and political context. In this way, Swazi Zionism is shown to be a distinctive and significant social and religious phenomenon.
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5

Booth, Alan R., and D. Hugh Gillis. "The Kingdom of Swaziland." International Journal of African Historical Studies 32, no. 2/3 (1999): 476. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220383.

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6

Crush, Jonathan, and Alan R. Booth. "Historical Dictionary of Swaziland." International Journal of African Historical Studies 34, no. 2 (2001): 432. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3097504.

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7

Sichone, Owen, and Laurel L. Rose. "The Politics of Harmony: Land Dispute Strategies in Swaziland." Man 29, no. 4 (December 1994): 1021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3034021.

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8

FUNNELL, D. C. "The Politics of Harmony: Land dispute strategies in Swaziland." African Affairs 92, no. 367 (April 1993): 309–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a098625.

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9

ADISU, M. "Margaret Zoller Booth, Culture and Education: The Social Consequences of Western Schooling in Contemporary Swaziland, Lanham, md.: University Press of America, ISBN 0-7618-2717-X, 2004 (308pp., including index, map, and illustrations, $41.00 pbk).#Adisu#2005#91#92#M." International Journal of Educational Development 25, no. 1 (January 2005): 91–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0738-0593(04)00110-5.

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10

Curry, John J., and Rebecca Huss-Ashmore. "Diet, Nutrition, and the Culture of Agriculture in Swaziland." Culture & Agriculture 10, no. 39 (September 1989): 2–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/cuag.1989.10.39.2.

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11

Curry, John J., and Rebecca Huss-Ashmore. "Diet, Nutrition, and the Culture of Agriculture in Swaziland." Culture Agriculture -, no. 39 (September 1989): 2–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/cag.1989.-.39.2.

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12

Daniel, John. "Teaching Politics in Exile: A Memoir from Swaziland 1973–1985." Politikon 40, no. 3 (December 2013): 447–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2013.856571.

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13

Freeman, Joanne B. "The Culture of Politics: The Politics of Culture." Journal of Policy History 16, no. 2 (April 2004): 137–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2004.0007.

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In a way, there is an unspoken subtext to this “state-of-the-field” panel on political history. For at least some of us, there is a whisper of uneasiness associated with this topic, a small internal voice concerned about the health and survival of political history. In the relatively recent past, the flowering of social history challenged and eventually toppled the dominance of political history—a fine development, given that in the long reach of history politics is only part of the story. Unfortunately, this shift of balance left some scholars with a bad taste in their mouths. Some social historians have retained a lingering antipathy toward political history as a looming presence—an elite-driven, chronologically organized, “imperalist” narrative that threatens to subsume scholarship once again. Some political historians, in turn, feel besieged by social history and its seeming focus on minority and underprivileged populations to the exclusion of much else. Both of these emotionalized outlooks rest on distorted and exaggerated assumptions. But for many political historians, the end result is a current of nervous tension about the place of their field in the larger scheme of historical scholarship.
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14

Nyeko, Balam, Robert H. Davies, Dan O'Meara, and Sipho Dlamini. "The Kingdom of Swaziland; A Profile." International Journal of African Historical Studies 19, no. 4 (1986): 702. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219146.

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15

Gates, Henry Louis, W. Lawrence Hogue, and Michael Thelwell. "The Culture of Politics and the Politics of Culture." Callaloo 14, no. 3 (1991): 752. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2931497.

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16

Sallinger-McBride, Jan, and Louis A. Picard. "Rural Development Areas in Swaziland: The Politics of Integrated Rural Development." Comparative Politics 22, no. 1 (October 1989): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/422319.

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17

Booth, Alan R., and Huw W. Jones. "A Biographical Register of Swaziland to 1902." International Journal of African Historical Studies 29, no. 1 (1996): 188. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221452.

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18

Martin, Bill. "Politics and Culture." Radical Philosophy Review of Books 2, no. 2 (1990): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/radphilrevbooks1990219.

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19

Olasky, Marvin. "Culture or Politics?" Chesterton Review 23, no. 3 (1997): 389–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/chesterton199723369.

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20

G.M.D. "Culture and Politics." Americas 43, no. 2 (October 1986): 222. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500052767.

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21

Nwafor, Okechukwu. "Culture, Corruption, Politics." Critical Interventions 4, no. 2 (January 2010): 118–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19301944.2010.10781391.

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22

Kofman, Myron. "Culture or politics." Modern & Contemporary France 1, no. 3 (January 1993): 318–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09639489308456133.

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23

Fulbright, Harriet Mayor. "Culture and Politics." Higher Education in Europe 24, no. 2 (January 1999): 225–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0379772990240209.

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24

Çetinkaya, Yalcin. "Politics or culture." Index on Censorship 24, no. 1 (January 1995): 155–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064229508535858.

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25

Nyerges, A. Endre. "The Politics of Harmony: Land Dispute Strategies in Swaziland. Laurel L. Rose." Journal of Anthropological Research 50, no. 4 (December 1994): 406–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jar.50.4.3630565.

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26

Ferguson, James. ": The Politics of Harmony: Land Dispute Strategies in Swaziland . Laurel L. Rose." American Anthropologist 95, no. 1 (March 1993): 234–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.1993.95.1.02a00930.

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27

VAIL, LEROY. "The Politics of Harmony: Land Dispute Strategies in Swaziland . LAUREL L. ROSE." American Ethnologist 21, no. 4 (November 1994): 958–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ae.1994.21.4.02a00720.

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28

Berland, Jody. "Politics after Nationalism, Culture after "Culture"." Canadian Review of American Studies 27, no. 3 (January 1, 1997): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cras-027-03-03.

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29

Berland, Jody. "Politics after Nationalism, Culture after ‘Culture’." Canadian Review of American Studies 27, no. 3 (January 1997): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cras.1997.27.3.35.

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30

Schiller, Nina Glick. "Cultural politics and the politics of culture." Identities 4, no. 1 (August 1997): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1070289x.1997.9962580.

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31

Crush, Jonathan. "The culture of failure: racism, violence and white farming in colonial Swaziland." Journal of Historical Geography 22, no. 2 (April 1996): 177–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/jhge.1996.0012.

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32

Vincent, Kerry. "“Reduced by Writing”: Imperial Discourse, Oral Culture, and Contemporary Media in Swaziland." Journal of the African Literature Association 1, no. 2 (January 2007): 140–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21674736.2007.11690052.

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33

Gruenwald, Oskar. "Culture, Religion and Politics." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 21, no. 1 (2009): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis2009211/21.

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This essay proposes that while a "Christian" democracy may be too idealistic, liberal democracy presupposes transcendent moral and spiritual norms, in particular a Judeo-Christian foundation for human dignity and human rights. A Biblical understanding of human nature as fallible and imperfect susceptible to worldly temptations, emphasizes free choice and personal responsibility, and the imperative to limit the temporal exercise of power by any man or institution. Maritain's concept of integral or Christian humanism is founded on personalism, the unique value and dignity of each human being created in the image of God, and the need for community. The major challenge for literal democracy is how to reconcile individual freedom with socio-economic-political-legal institutions and processes which require the constraint of man-made laws and the exercise of authority and power The essay condudes that perhaps the major legacy of the American founding is the notion of the priority of liberty which offers the best prospects for conjoining reason and faith, the secular and the sacred, Athens and Jerusalem, The priority of liberty also animates Maritain's vision of a "Christianly-inspired" personalistic society capable of advancing both individual human flourishing and the common good.
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34

Handler, Richard, and Ernest Gellner. "Culture, Identity, and Politics." Man 23, no. 4 (December 1988): 771. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2802615.

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35

Gruneau, Richard, Raphael Samuel, and Gareth Stedman Jones. "Culture, Ideology and Politics." Labour / Le Travail 18 (1986): 273. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25142712.

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36

Strunc, Abbie. "The Politics of Culture." Journal of Culture and Values in Education 2, no. 1 (May 6, 2019): 71–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.46303/jcve.02.01.6.

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Using Van Dijk’s sociocognitive theory as a framework for discourse analysis, the state-mandated standards were examined to determine how the educational culture is impacted by the social studies curriculum. The process to revise the curriculum in Texas is highly politicized and outside interest groups, such as Mel and Norma Gabler’s Educational Research Analysts, have inserted their own cultural perspective over the last 50 years. The article considers the impact of this influence and discusses the norms and power structures produced. Keywords: discourse analysis, social studies, Texas, culture
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37

Ahmad, Aijaz. "The Politics of Culture." Social Scientist 27, no. 9/10 (September 1999): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3518104.

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38

Floyd, Virginia Davis. "Food, Culture and Politics." Journal of the Association for the Study of Food and Society 1, no. 1 (March 1996): 5–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.2752/152897996786623408.

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39

Grant, Robert. "High Culture, Low Politics." Royal Institute of Philosophy Supplement 58 (March 2006): 189–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1358246100009371.

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My theme at its most general is the relation between culture and power; at its most specific, the relation between a particular type of culture, so-called high culture, and two types of power, namely governmental power, and the related but more diffuse power prevailing in society at large.So-called ‘high’ politics are often (and better) called statesmanship, and are typically, though not invariably, international in scope. By the ‘low’ politics of my title I mean, not democracy specifically, but what politicians engage in at the domestic level, where popularity matters most. Democratic or not, most politics are perforce pretty low, and are justified only because they are preferable to despotism, which in its pure form signifies the absence of politics. Yet most real-life despotisms concede something to the political spirit, since they profit from their subjects' consent, endeavour to cultivate it, and are foolish if they think to dispense with it entirely. In politics proper, however, consent (like consensus) must be sought; in fact, wherever avowed and conflicting interests prefer to resolve matters through negotiation and agreement rather than through force, there we have something like politics. The conditions for consent will usually be ascertained through representative institutions. Their business is to transmit public opinion to the rulers, if those are separate from the representatives, or to act on it, where the representatives are themselves the rulers.
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40

Grant, Robert. "High Culture, Low Politics." Royal Institute of Philosophy Supplement 58 (May 2006): 189–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1358246106058103.

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My theme at its most general is the relation between culture and power; at its most specific, the relation between a particular type of culture, so-called high culture, and two types of power, namely governmental power, and the related but more diffuse power prevailing in society at large.
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41

Street, John. "Global culture, local politics." Leisure Studies 12, no. 3 (July 1993): 191–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02614369300390191.

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42

STAGGENBORG, SUZANNE. "BEYOND CULTURE VERSUS POLITICS." Gender & Society 15, no. 4 (August 2001): 507–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/089124301015004002.

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43

Jefferess, David. "Violence, Culture, and Politics." Peace Review 13, no. 2 (June 2001): 195–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10402650120060373.

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44

Tsoi, Ling Yu Debbie, and Fung Ming Christy Liu. "Translation, culture and politics." Translation Spaces 8, no. 2 (November 5, 2019): 280–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ts.18009.tso.

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Abstract This article analyzes the election slogans of Hong Kong chief executives and the titles of their policy addresses since Hong Kong’s handover to mainland China in 1997, from the point of view of translation methods, cultural implications and reader responses. It finds that literal translation dominates in the translation of election slogans and policy address titles, that translated slogans and titles portray Hong Kong as a collectivist society with low power distance, and that choices between domestication and foreignization are dependent upon individual chief executives (or nominees). The article discusses the growing importance of the role of readers and proposes an inductive framework of interactive responses to represent the reality of political translation in the new era brought about by digitalization.
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45

Davis, Graham. "History, Politics And Culture." Irish Studies Review 15, no. 3 (July 30, 2007): 377–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09670880701461910.

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46

GAGE, J. "Whose Politics? Whose Culture?" Oxford Art Journal 16, no. 2 (January 1, 1993): 76–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxartj/16.2.76.

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47

Whitaker, Mark P., and Brett Williams. "The Politics of Culture." Man 28, no. 2 (June 1993): 408. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2803466.

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48

Escobar, Arturo. "Culture, Practice and Politics." Critique of Anthropology 12, no. 4 (December 1992): 395–432. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308275x9201200402.

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49

Hutnyk, John. "Media, Research, Politics, Culture." Critique of Anthropology 16, no. 4 (December 1996): 417–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308275x9601600406.

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50

Matar, Dina. "Communicating Politics in Culture." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 1, no. 2 (2008): 97–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187398608x335847.

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