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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Politics and government, 1610-1643

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Academic literature on the topic 'Politics and government, 1610-1643'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 11 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Politics and government, 1610-1643"

1

RAFFE, ALASDAIR. "PRESBYTERIANISM, SECULARIZATION, AND SCOTTISH POLITICS AFTER THE REVOLUTION OF 1688–1690." Historical Journal 53, no. 2 (April 27, 2010): 317–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x10000038.

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ABSTRACTThis article assesses the significance of Presbyterian ideas of church government in Scottish politics after the revolution of 1688–90. While recent historians have revised our understanding of Scottish politics in this period, they have mostly overlooked debates concerning religious authority. The article focuses on what contemporaries called the ‘intrinsic right’ of the church: its claim to independent authority in spiritual matters and ecclesiastical administration. The religious settlement of 1690 gave control of the kirk to clergy who endorsed divine right Presbyterianism, believed in the binding force of the National Covenant (1638) and the Solemn League and Covenant (1643), and sought to uphold the intrinsic right. An ambiguous legal situation, the criticisms of episcopalian clergy and politicians, and the crown's religious policies helped to make the Presbyterians' ecclesiological claims a source of instability in Scottish politics. Meetings of the general assembly and, after 1707, the appointment of national fast and thanksgiving days were particularly likely to spark controversy. More broadly, the article questions two narratives of secularization assumed by many previous scholars. It argues that Scottish politics was not differentiated from religious controversy in this period, and that historians have exaggerated the pace of liberalization in Scottish Presbyterian thought.

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Pogson, Fiona. "Strafford's ‘spirit’ at the royalist court: Sir George Radcliffe and Irish affairs, 1643–5." Irish Historical Studies 43, no. 164 (November 2019): 175–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2019.49.

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AbstractThis article examines how the handling of Irish affairs at the civil-war court was observed, commented upon, and probably influenced, by a man who had been at the heart of Irish government during the previous decade. It argues that the presence of Sir George Radcliffe, arguably Thomas Wentworth, earl of Strafford's closest advisor, at the royalist court in Oxford was significant in a number of respects. His surviving correspondence reveals the extent to which he was able to advise and support the newly-appointed lord lieutenant of Ireland, the marquis of Ormond. His letters also cast light on the politics of the civil-war court, in particular on how he, as an essentially second-level figure, worked flexibly with both secretaries of state. This article argues that Radcliffe's discussions with secretary of state, George Lord Digby, provided an important means by which Strafford's influence could make itself felt at the Oxford court, particularly during the 1644 negotiations with the Confederate commissioners. The pursuit of forceful, contentious policies by the former Irish administration and its contemptuous attitude towards critics, however, ensured that Radcliffe's presence at Oxford was probably unwelcome to many at court and failed to advance his career.

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Olejnik, Maciej. "Ewolucja reżimu politycznego w Polsce w okresie funkcjonowania rządu Beaty Szydło." Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne 26 (August 23, 2019): 21–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1643-0328.26.2.

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Evolution of the political regime in Poland during the functioning of Beata Szydło’s government Liberal and illiberal democracies can be defined on the basis of five criteria distinct in both types of democracy: the rule of law, the government’s control, political elites’ integrity, media freedom and minorities’ protection. The article shows that four out of five criteria constituting illiberal democracy were fulfilled in Poland while Beata Szydło’s government was functioning the rule of law, the government’s control, media freedom and minorities’ protection, whereas only one systemic norm forming illiberal democracy minorities’ protection was fulfilled when the previous governments Donald Tusk and Ewa Kopacz’s governments operated. Thus, it can be stated that the transition from liberal to illiberal democracy took place in the period of the functioning of Szydło’s government.

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Antosz, Mateusz. "Przemoc w państwie demokratycznym." Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne 23 (November 29, 2017): 55–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1643-0328.23.4.

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The violence in democratic state The democratic state — like any social-political system — have to contend with numerous forms of social tensions that force governments to take action in order to preserve organizational stability of the whole state. Democratic systems are characterized by having a number of tools and mechanisms to regulating system and/or to “the spreading” social mood, which makes it possible to “peaceful” resolutions of conflicts. However, even in consolidated and mature democracies there are situations where the state government resort to coercion and violence against citizens. What factors influence the making “definitive” measures? How different is the coercion between state violence? These and many other questions I will try to answer in this article.

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Boridczenko, Stanisław. "Geneza demokratycznych instytucji samorządu na terenach Islandii w latach 870–930." Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne 23 (November 29, 2017): 173–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1643-0328.23.13.

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The genesis of the democratic self-government institutions in the Iceland in 870–930The article presents information about creating of the politic institution in Iceland in 870–930. The author’s intention is the study and description of the development of democratic self-governing institutions with demonstration proofs that Iceland self-govern institution can be percepted like democratic. It also indicates the main features of Icelandic society that have left a mark on government institutions.

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6

Ganowicz, Ewa. "Zasada subsydiarności w organizacji i funkcjonowaniu samorządu terytorialnego w III Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej." Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne 20 (August 16, 2016): 141–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1643-0328.20.10.

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The principle of subsidiarity in organisation and functioningof the local government in the Third Republic of PolandThis article aims to show the impact of subsidiarity on the shape and functioning of self-government at the local level after the political transformation in the Republic of Poland. The analysis covers the main determinants of implementation of the principle of subsidiarity — from the territorial ones, determining the place of local government in the organizational structure of the State, those relating to the distribution of power public tasks and competence to perform them between the central government and the local government degree of autonomy and between local government units vertically and horizontally.The principle of subsidiarity in Poland at first in the first decade after the transformation manifested itself as a kind of directive for the lawmakers to create institutions in such a way that allows decisions to be made at the lowest possible level, and then as a legal principle that enables verification of the use of powers given to those institutions and assessment of compatibility of their functioning with the subsidiarity. Although the current conditions are not sufficient for the full implementation of the principle of subsidiarity, it seems that the Constitution creates a possibility to deepen this process.

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7

Bukowczyk, Piotr. "Polityka wyznaniowa w myśli austriackiej Partii Chrześcijańsko-Społecznej w latach 1918−1934." Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne 21 (March 14, 2017): 35–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1643-0328.21.3.

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Religious policy in the thought of the Austrian Christian Social Party 1918−1934In the paper I present the vision of a relation between the state and religious denominations and the status of atheists and free-thinkers delineated in the political thought of the Christian Social Party Christlichsoziale Partei, active in Austria-Hungary and the First Republic of Austria, Christian-democratic, after 1931 influenced by Italian fascism and inclining towards authoritarianism. I infer it from its propaganda materials books, brochures, press articles, leaflets, posters and legislation enacted under its governmentI also show the impact of the social, cultural and political context on the postulates of the Christian Social Party with regard to religious policy.

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8

Łabędź, Krzysztof. "Postulaty ustrojowe społeczeństwa polskiego w okresie transformacji systemowej." Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne 26 (August 23, 2019): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1643-0328.26.1.

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Polish society’s demands on the political system in the period of systemic transformation It has been widely accepted that the demands which accompanied the systemic transformation, with regard to the political system, concerned above all the shape of democracy, the scope of the state’s functions, organisation of the state authorities and the relations between them, the scope and the constitutional guarantees of the civic rights, the foreign policy priorities, establishment of the territorial self-government as well as the relations between the state and the Catholic Church. In the economic sphere, the demands concerned primarily privatisation, implementation of market economy and the principles of equitable distribution of wealth. The paper discusses views within the Polish society concerning these issues and indicating the desirable development trends. In general, it can be stated that these trends were consistent with the trends of the reforms implemented by politicians, albeit not without some differences and doubts.

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9

Strutyński, Maciej. "Masoneria w dyskursie polskich środowisk prawicowych po 1989 roku." Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne 25 (October 31, 2018): 164–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1643-0328.25.11.

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Freemasonry in the discourse of Polish right wing parties after 1989Contemporary anti-masonic circles in Poland are noticeable on the political scene. There are numerous publications, both books and articles in right-wing magazines. Ideological schemas present in pre-war journalism of hostile freemasonry are still used. The situation in the Catholic Church is particularly interesting, especially in connection with the changes that take place in it from the Second Vatican Council, which is critically assessed by the Antimony community. Important elements in the anti-masonic discourse are issues related to globalization and the development of the European Union. Critics attribute these phenomena to the construction of the Masonic world government New World Order.

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Bień, Dominik. "The meaning attributed to the University of Gdańsk in the “Academic Journal” in the 1971–1974." Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne 29 (April 9, 2021): 119–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1643-0328.29.9.

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The aim of the article is to define the meanings that were given to the University of Gdańsk by the authors published in the “Academic Journal” in the years 1971–1974. The authors of the articles were probably associated with the Association of Polish Students, a youth organization acting as a student self-government. There was also a hypothesis, according to which, the meaning given to the UG was devoid of an ideological tone.To achieve the objectives, discourse analysis was used, based on the corpus of texts from the “Academic Journal“, which referred to the UG.Ultimately, several areas were identified on which the discourse on the UG focuses. These include, among others: bureaucracy, student culture, and marine research. The hypothesis was also confirmed with the assumption that the absence of political values is compensated by economic values.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Politics and government, 1610-1643"

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Munden, R. C. "Government and opposition : Initiative, reform and politics in the House of Commons, 1597-1610." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.372206.

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This thesis represents an attempt to question the stress traditionally placed by accounts of the last Parliaments of Elizabeth I and the first of James I on political and constitutional change after 1603 and their association of that change with the emergence of an increasingly coherent and purposeful opposition in the House of Commons. It is divided into three sections. The first examines the evidence of continuity in Parliamentary affairs provided by the procedures of the Lower House, its personnel and their aspirations. As such, it emphasises the importance for MPs of their duty to represent (and be responsible to) the communities to which they belonged. The second section seeks to re-examine the Elizabethan 'norm' against which subsequent changes have been measured, suggesting that in 1597 and 1601 government leadership was neither as strong, nor opposition as inchoate, as has been implied and pointing to MPs' perception of their duties as representatives as instrumental in moderating the one and motivating the other. The third section, examines the evidence for explaining the conduct of business in James' first Parliament in terms of adversary politics and suggests that the evidence of conflict that emerges is less convincing than has often been suggested. In particular, it argues that most MPs were reluctant to follow the leadership of either official opinion or its critics and that the problems that did emerge had their origins less in any 'winning of the initiative' by an emergent opposition than in attempts on the part of Robert Cecil, and (to a lesser extent) James himself, to secure the commitment of MPs and thereby their constituents, to executive policies of which they were extremely suspicious; a course of action which encouraged inert resistance rather than overt opposition and generated politics that were more reactionary than revolutionary.

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Books on the topic "Politics and government, 1610-1643"

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Malov, V. N. Parlamentskai︠a︡ Fronda: Frant︠s︡ii︠a︡, 1643-1653. Moskva: Nauka, 2009.

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2

Vers la monarchie absolue: 1610-1661. Paris: Larousse, 1986.

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3

Randall, White. Ontario, 1610-1985: A political and economic history. Toronto: Dundurn Press, 1985.

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4

Munden, R. C. Government and opposition: Initiative, reform and politics in the House of Commons, 1597-1610. Norwich: University of East Anglia, 1985.

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5

1940-, Billings Warren M., ed. The papers of Francis Howard, Baron Howard of Effingham, 1643-1695. Richmond, Va: Virginia State Library and Archives, 1989.

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6

1610, l'assassinat d'Henri IV, un tournant pour l'Europe? Chaintreaux: France-Empire, 2009.

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7

Ontario, 1610-1985: A political and economic history. Toronto: Dundurn, 1985.

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8

La France de Louis XIV, 1643-1715: Ordre intérieur et place en Euroupe. 3rd ed. Paris: SEDES, 1990.

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9

Ulster Presbyterianism: The historical perspective, 1610-1970. Ireland: Gill and Macmillan, 1987.

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10

Benigno, Francesco. L' ombra del rey: La lotta politica nella Spagna dei validos (1598-1643). Catania: C.U.E.C.M., 1990.

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Book chapters on the topic "Politics and government, 1610-1643"

1

"One. French Government and Society in 1610." In The Revolt of the Judges: The Parlement of Paris and the Fronde, 1643-1652, 3–35. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781400870387-002.

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"In which a brief account is given of the political, civil, and military government of the Mogol Emperor and of the great wealth of its Empire 1." In Travels of Fray Sebastien Manrique 1629—1643, edited by Sir C. Eckford Luard and H. Hosten, 268–72. Routledge, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429197376-36.

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