Dissertations / Theses: 'Politics and literature – Nigeria'

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Adenekan, Olorunshola. "African literature in the digital age : class and sexual politics in new writing from Nigeria and Kenya." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3895/.

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Using wide-ranging literature and theoretical concepts published digitally and in print, this thesis will build the emerging picture of African literature in English that is being published in the digital space. The study will analyse the technological production of classed and sexualised bodies in new African writing in cyberspace by some of the young writers from Nigeria and Kenya, as well as writing from a few of their contemporaries from other African countries. This thesis will also analyse the differences between the agenda of the previous generation – including representation and perspectives - and that of a new generation in cyberspace. In the process, I hope to show how literature in cyberspace is asking questions as much of psychic landscapes as of the material world. To my knowledge, there is no substantive literary study done so far that contextualizes this digital experience.

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Osiebe, Garhe Victor. "Political music genres in postcolonial Nigeria, 1960-2013." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2016. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/6812/.

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This thesis attempts an intervention in popular music classification. It argues that popular musicians do not only choose the titles to their works, but go further to define the genres of these works. The dynamic at play is such that most popular musicians claim to produce works of different and new genres with each new work they create. By engaging with the works of a selection of Nigerian popular musicians, the thesis demonstrates that the disorderliness in popular music branding can be restricted. Through a critical discourse analysis of the textual elements of the material and of ‘alternative’ audience contributions, the thesis advocates a new genre of popular music, namely the genre of ‘political music’. This distinctive genre is extractable from the otherwise conventional genres of popular music, and is composed of three comprehensible subgenres namely protest political music, unity political music and terrestrial praise political music. The study’s selection is made of popular music material from hip hop, reggae, afro-beat, and juju genres. They are delivered in popular Nigerian languages ranging between Yoruba, Hausa, Igbo, English and Pidgin English.

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McCabe, Douglas Anthony. "'Born-to-die' : the history and politics of abiku and ogbanje in Nigerian literature." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.406992.

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Agum, David. "African Social and Political History: The Novelist (Chinua Achebe) as a Witness." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2013. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/216514.

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African American Studies
Ph.D.
This study examines the role of African novelists as major sources of historiography of Africa, and the socio-cultural experience of its people. Although many African novelists have over the years reflected issues of social and political significance in their works, only a few scholarly works seem to have addressed this phenomenon adequately. A major objective of this dissertation then is to help fill this gap by explicating these issues in the fiction of Chinua Achebe, a great iconic figure in African Literature. Utilizing the conceptual and analytical framework suggested in C.T. Keto's, Africa-Centered Perspective on History (1989), the contexts, themes, structures and techniques of the following five novels were examined: Things Fall Apart (1958), No Longer at Ease (1960), Arrow of God (1964), A Man of the People (1966), and Anthills of the Savannah (1987). The novels were shown to be replete with cogent social and political insights which provide an accurate portraiture of African/ Nigerian history of the 19th and 20th Century. The study seeks to make a modest contribution to the steadily mounting body of Africa centered criticism of the African novel/fiction within the context of African social and political history.
Temple University--Theses

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Hutchison, Yvette. ""Memory is a weapon" : the uses of history and myth in selected post-1960 Kenyan, Nigerian and South African plays." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/51338.

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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 1999.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In hierdie proefskrif word gekyk na die verwantskap tussen geskiedenis, mite, geheue en teater. Daar word ook gekyk na die mate waartoe historiese of mitiese toneelstukke gebruik kan word om die amptelike geheue en identiteite, soos deur bewindhebbers in post-koloniale Nigerie en Kenya geskep, terug kon wen of uit kon daag. Hierdie werke word dan vergelyk met die soort teater wat tydens die Apartheidbewind in Suid-Afrika geskep is, om verskille en ooreenkomste in die gebruik van historiese en mitiese gegewens te bekyk. Die slotsom is dat een van die belangrikste kenmerke van die teater in vandag se samelewing sy vermod is om alternatiewe historiese narratiewe te ontwikkel wat kan dien as teen-geheue ("counter-memory") vir die dominante narratief van amptelike geskiedenisse. Sodoende bevraagteken die teater dan ook 'n liniere en causale siening van die geskiedenis, maar interpreteer dit eerder as meervoudig en kompleks.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: This thesis considers the relationship between history, myth, memory and theatre. The study explores the extent to which historic or mythic plays were used to either reclaim or challenge the official memories and identities created by those in power in the postcolonial Kenyan and Nigerian context. These are then compared to the South African theatre created during Apartheid, exploring the similarities and differences in the South Africans use of historic or mythic referents. The conclusion reached is that one of the most powerful aspects of theatre in society is its ability to create alternate historic narratives that become a counter-memory to the dominant narrative of official histories. It also challenges seeing history as linear and causal, and makes it more plural and complex.

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Adeniyi, Adesoji Oyedele Abimbola. "The politics of Bitumen Development in Nigeria." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.522928.

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Inuwa, Muhammat Nura. "Oil politics and national security in Nigeria." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/5049.

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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited
In the last two decades, the federal government of Nigeria has employed several strategies in an effort to resolve the ongoing crisis in its Niger Delta Region. Two main approaches were adopted concurrently by both military and civilian regimes within the period of study, diplomatic and non-diplomatic. Unfortunately, both strategies failed to resolve the crisis. This thesis explains why the strategies failed, arguing that combination of an overly high military with low civil counterinsurgency strategies during the military regimes of 1990-1999 allowed an excessively repressive approach that did not only fail to end the crisis but eventually fuelled it to transform agitation into insurgency. In addition, the civilian regimes of 1999-2009, which engaged low military and relatively high civil counterinsurgency strategies, have also not been able to resolve the crisis. The study hence suggests a moderate approach comprising of both strategies; a professional military approach with moderate civil counterinsurgency strategies, and adopting measures that would assist the government to isolate its counterinsurgency strategies from political groups' interference, and resist responding to all pressures and complaints likely to sabotage its strategies.

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Zovighian, Diane. "Clientelism and Party Politics| Evidence from Nigeria." Thesis, Georgetown University, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10826911.

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This dissertation provides an explanation for the workings of clientelism and some preliminary insights on the conditions under which it can recede.

First, I provide evidence from Nigeria on the “loyal-voter anomaly” (Stokes et al. 2013, 66): I show that political parties tend to target clientelistic transfers to partisans, whose votes should already be secure, rather than to swing voters, whose votes are up for grabs. Second, I develop a theory of strategic safe-betting to explain the disproportionate targeting of partisans. This theory puts the emphasis on risk mitigation, an aspect of clientelistic relations that existing explanations tend to overlook. I argue that clientelistic transfers are risky and expensive endeavors, and that loyal voters represent a safer bet for political parties: their voting behavior is indeed easier to influence, predict or, in a best-case scenario, monitor. This is due to their close ties to the operatives of the party machine, as well as their deeper embeddedness in networks of control through which parties exert influence and gather information on voters before and during elections. Third, I provide preliminary insights on the demise of clientelism. I show that macro developments—in particular urbanization and economic development—that increase the weight of swing voters make clientelistic transfers riskier and provide incentives for parties to develop programmatic promises during elections.

The dissertation builds on original quantitative and qualitative empirical evidence from the most populous sub-Saharan African country, Nigeria. It draws on observational and experimental survey data to provide a quantitative analysis of the determinants and workings of clientelism at the individual level. It also builds on selected archival documents and in-depth key informant interviews to develop a qualitative narrative of the historical roots of clientelistic partisan pacts in Nigeria and the mechanisms that sustain and break them in contemporary politics.

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SIST. "Politics, Social Change and the Church in Nigeria." Kingsley's, 2007. http://digital.library.duq.edu/u?/spiritanbook,10670.

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Table of Contents -- General Introduction -- (p. v) -- One: A welcome address -- (p. 1) -- Two: Keynote address -- (p. 5) -- Three: Fully Catholic, Fully Political: Exploring the Biblical Grounds for active Christian participation in politics -- (p. 15) -- Four: Factors that Militate against the active involvement of Christians in politics and societal transformation in Nigeria -- (p. 16) -- Five: The Church and the State in Nigeria: Partners in Dialogue towards a better Nation -- (p. 75) -- Six: Elections of Selection, Ethnic and Money Politics in Nigeria: Lessons from the past towards a better tomorrow -- (p. 101) -- Seven: Art, Media and Lterature as Catalyst of Socio-Political change: The Nigerian Experience and the role of the Church -- (p. 119) -- Eight: The Church as an Alternative Society: A Critical Examination of Ecclesiastical Structures, Leadership and Prophetic witness in Nigeria today -- (p. 137) -- Nine: Diocesan Justice and Peace Departments and their Contributions as agents of Conscientization, Education and Motivation of Christians for Political Responsibility and other Civic Duties -- (p. 183) -- Communique -- (p. 199) -- Contributors -- (p. 203 -- Symposium Co-ordinators -- (p. 206)

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Marshall, Ruth A. "The Politics of Pentecostalism in Nigeria : 1975 - 2000." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.504113.

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Kukah, Matthew Hassan. "Religion and politics in northern Nigeria since 1960." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.418365.

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Ejizu, Chris I. "ETHICS OF POLITICS IN NIGERIA: THE CHRISTIAN PERSPECTIVE." Bulletin of Ecumenical Theology, 1989. http://digital.library.duq.edu/u?/bet,1359.

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Mbachirin, Abraham T. Davis Derek. "The responses of the church in Nigeria to socio-economic, political, and religious problems in Nigeria a case study of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) /." Waco, Tex. : Baylor University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2104/4874.

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Angerbrandt, Henrik. "Placing Conflict : Religion and politics in Kaduna State, Nigeria." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-120386.

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Decentralisation and federalism are often said to mitigate conflict by better meeting the preferences of a heterogeneous population and demands for limited autonomy. But it is argued in this thesis that this perspective does not sufficiently address the ways in which conflict-ridden relations entangle processes across different scales ‒ local, regional as well as national. The aim of this thesis is to explain how it is that while decentralisation may contribute to national stability, it may simultaneously generate local conflict. This problem is analysed through a conflict in Kaduna State in north-central Nigeria where there have been outbreaks of violence between Hausa-Fulani Muslims and Christians of different ethnicities since the 1980s. Christian ethnic groups claim to be excluded from state benefits, while Muslim groups claim that Christians have undue influence over the state bureaucracy. The conflict feeds off ethnic and religious mobilisation. Expanded local political space further fuelled the conflict following the decentralisation that came with the shift from military to civilian rule in 1999. Decentralisation in Nigeria implies that the authorities should be associated with the majority ethnicity or religion in a specific territory. A localisation of politics accordingly raises the stakes in identity-based conflicts, especially as control of local institutions is necessary for inclusion in wider political processes. In Kaduna, this has led to demands for separating the state on a religious and ethnic basis. Actors make use of “scalar politics” to conform to or challenge boundaries set by the state. Social relations are associated with different boundaries. Accordingly, decentralisation triggers conflicts on an identity basis, involving contestation over the hierarchy of scales. While national struggles between ethnic and religious groups may be subdued, conflicts play out locally as decentralisation in Nigeria makes religion and ethnicity a powerful tool for political mobilisation.

At the time of the doctoral defense, the following paper was unpublished and had a status as follows: Paper 2: Manuscript.

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Ette, Mercy. "Does the Nigerian press support democracy? : an analysis of press coverage of political transition programmes." Thesis, University of Leeds, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.268648.

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Onomake, Umoloyouvwe Ejiroghene Ovbije. "Elite exchanges : the cultural politics of Chinese business in Nigeria." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2017. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/69510/.

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Weaver, Kristina N. "Sayling, stories from the mothership: narrating political geographies of Nigerian campus cultism." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2010. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1512/.

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"Sayling, Stories from the Mothership" is a collection of ethnographic fictions ? short stories ? adapted from notes, archival materials, and interviews compiled over a year of geographic fieldwork in southwestern Nigeria. Touching on a wide range of themes, from domesticity to internet fraud, the stories explore the interface of occult violence and youth politics in the contemporary period. They are connected through overlapping characters and through their relationships to a central geography: the University of Ibadan (UI), Nigeria?s oldest and most prestigious institute of higher education and the site of origin for the nation?s first campus ?cult?: the Pyrates Confraternity. The collection is, in essence, a character study of Nigerian campus cultism, itself. The stories are organized into three sections that can be mapped onto a ritual landscape: the stages of initiation, participation, and renunciation serve to link diverse voices and life stories. The dissertation is framed by a Preface and Epilogue that explore issues of race, representation, and reflexivity, themes that are important to a project engaging with living memories of contemporary violence. A critical prologue and footnotes throughout serve to connect the creative core of this work to larger academic, literary, and ethnographic contexts. An appendix features maps that highlight spaces and dates important to the stories as well as four original interview ?transcripts?, semi-fictionalised records that provide both additional ethnographic detail and evidence of methodology.

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Watson, Ruth. "Chieftaincy politics and civic consciousness in Ibadan history, 1829-1939." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.287518.

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Jombo, Augustin B. (Augustin Bolsover). "Nigerian Politics: A Case Study of Military Coups." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1986. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500341/.

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This study surveys the issue of military coups in Nigerian politics. An attempt is made to explain the causes of coups d'etat. To this end, Thompson's thesis of military grievances has been rigorously employed to explain the occurrences of military coups in Nigeria. The Thompson thesis asserts that coups occur because the military is aggrieved. A study of the opinions of expert observers familiar with Nigerian politics confirmed that four out of the six military coups occurred due to problems emanating from the Nigerian military establishment. Although military grievances such as its political positions, resource bases, ethnicity, and factions within the military caused most coups, there is sufficient evidence that societal factors like economic crises, election decisions, and the need for reforms also encouraged the military to overthrow governments in Nigeria.

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Smith, Mark Patrick. "Northern identity and the politics of culture in Nigeria, 1945-1966." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.416356.

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Ikiebe, Richard. "The press, national elections, and the politics of belonging in Nigeria." Thesis, University of Westminster, 2017. https://westminsterresearch.westminster.ac.uk/item/q509x/the-press-national-elections-and-the-politics-of-belonging-in-nigeria.

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Nigeria, today, more or less operates under an intricate web of antagonistic ethnic colonies engaged in all-against-all, low-burning feuds everywhere across the land, nurturing puzzling existential questions. This study seeks to validate the notion that the press may have played a significant role in the promotion of the ethno-regional culture that has dominated Nigeria’s post-colonial politics. Studies on the effects of newspaper press have long established the significant role of the press in statecraft; however this study seeks to understand how the newspaper-press became complicit in the forging of a dysfunctional post-colonial political culture that makes identity politics a central electoral feature. In order to provide a historic understanding of ethnicised politics, the study deploys content analysis of nine newspapers over six federal elections from 1959 to 2011. But to unlock the present day construct of belonging, the study uses in-depth elite interviews with leading academics, politicians, and press owners and managers. The study finds that the press did indeed help to construct ethnicised political culture and identities. It directly links strong elite ethno-regional exclusionist politics with the press. However, the press neither acted alone nor was it always a willing accomplice. Press owners sold the soul of the press to service their own political interests, being often in cohort with political elites through common ethnic interests and power pursuit. Data from the study have forced fresh attention on the newspaper-press as an instrumentalised, predominantly urban-based elite-to-elite medium, and not in any measurable way a mass medium. The study proves that, in reality, Nigeria does not have a populist press. The study concludes with a proposition that the forum function of the press could still be deployed, from an agonistic perspective, to counter antagonism and re-imagine a more democratically productive ethno-federalist nation.

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Ukachukwu, Chris Manus. "New Testament Theological Foundations for Christian Contribution to Politics in Nigeria." Bulletin of Ecumenical Theology, 1989. http://digital.library.duq.edu/u?/bet,1417.

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Ashamole, Darlington C. "The politics of oil and masculinity : youth, politics and intergenerational struggle in the Niger Delta of Nigeria." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2013. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/4913/.

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Kattekola, Lara V. Virginia. "The Politics of Multiculturalism and The Politics of Friendship." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2012. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/192856.

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English
Ph.D.
This dissertation examines what I refer to as the politics of multiculturalism and the politics of friendship as represented in five texts: Rudyard Kipling's Kim, E.M. Forster's A Passage to India, Meera Syal's novel Anita and Me, Syal's film adaptation Anita and Me, and Gurinder Chadha's film Bend it Like Beckham. I argue these texts are dialogically engaged with larger political discourses concerning race relations, anticipating or problematizing contemporary multiculturalist debates and practices. I read the theme of interracial friendship, prioritized in all five texts, as a strategic narrative device through which larger political questions of race relations get played out. The colonial novels suggest friendship as a potential antidote to interracial tensions, but show (albeit inadvertently in Kim) how it cannot induce a future egalitarian world if one race rules another. In doing so, these novels anticipate multiculturalist discourses, which celebrate diverse cultures but do nothing to address the political inequalities of racialized peoples. The British-Asian texts already assume the futility of multiculturalist celebrations of cultural diversity as a means for progressive race relations and disrupt ideals of fraternal friendship that overlook cultural difference for the sake of social harmony. Even so, these texts still express the necessity of building connections between diverse peoples. Through various narrative strategies, I argue they promote the notion of political friendship, which supports the enunciation not elision of cultural difference, negotiating rather than avoiding the terrain of uneven, incommensurable differences between peoples and cultures to move toward a more promising future. .
Temple University--Theses

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Mbagwu, Joy Oluoma Ezeji. "Globalisation and news media : the impact of the global news media on Nigeria." Thesis, Staffordshire University, 2011. http://eprints.staffs.ac.uk/1890/.

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The focus of this thesis is the impact of the global news media on Nigeria, and the extent to which it has affected Nigeria’s development and international relations. The unprecedented impact of the global news media in recent decades has been conceptualised as perpetuating underdevelopment and inequality in the developing countries. This study develops the idea that the kind of global news that flows into and out of Nigeria, coupled with the access Nigerians and the world have to the news, as well as the way it is packaged, shaped, represented and interpreted, have profound effects on Nigeria. The study integrates both quantitative and qualitative methodological approaches. It refers to and selects from various theories of International Relations (IR) and Mass Communication. It is apparent that there is a growing perception that the global news media have influenced Nigerian society. The study suggests that the effects of the global media on Nigeria are psychological, sociological, economic, cultural and political. The global news media are believed to be the best instruments for the purpose of stimulating global and transnational economic development and international relations. However, the benefits of media globalisation are unevenly shared and its costs are unevenly distributed, the main beneficiaries being the developed nations, while the developing nations (such as Nigeria) are disadvantaged. The study recommends the promotion and strengthening of the local media in Nigeria.

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Ibeh, Martin Joe U. "Environmental ethics and politics in the developing countries : case study from Nigeria /." Paderborn : F. Schöningh, 2003. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39048352f.

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Erhueh, Anthony O. "THE CONTRIBUTION OF CHRISTIANITY TO POLITICS IN NIGERIA A HISTORICO-THEOLOGICAL OVERVIEW." Bulletin of Ecumenical Theology, 1989. http://digital.library.duq.edu/u?/bet,1335.

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Kingsley, Peter Alden. "Life extended : the intimate politics of the antiretroviral era in Northern Nigeria." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/9771.

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For more than thirty years, the HIV pandemic has caused immense harm across sub-Saharan Africa. From the middle of the last decade, however, a treatment revolution has been underway, as effective antiretroviral drugs (ARVs) have become available to millions of ordinary people. This thesis examines the far-reaching consequences of this new reality in Northern Nigeria. It argues that the significance of the ARV era cannot be fully understood simply by monitoring how many patients are receiving treatment, but instead must be explained in terms of the multifaceted changes it has driven in institutions and the lives of HIV positive people. This study uses ethnographic case studies and participatory methods to understand this new historical moment from ‘below’. It provides new empirical perspectives on how the ARV era has profoundly altered the ways in which HIV positive people suffer. The difficulties of daily life when subjected to opportunistic infections, side effects from drugs, and social stigma are compounded by memories of past trauma and fears for an uncertain future. Previous studies have indicated HIV positive people often form new relationships (e.g. Rhine, 2009), but rarely have these post-HIV relationships been described. This study argues that these new relationships, often distant from conventional family supervision, have a unique character, blending traditional forms with ‘modern’ ideas about romance. After a HIV disclosure, incomes and assets (particularly those reliant on family relationships) are often reduced. Along with the cost of treatment (broadly defined to include a range of curative practices), this forces those living with HIV to adapt their livelihood strategies, often using networks of solidarity between positive people. The process of lobbying for improvements in medical care is also explored. Both doctors and NGOs advocate on behalf of HIV positive people, but do so with strikingly different tactics and results. This has important implications for continuing debates about working ‘with the grain’ (Crook and Booth, 2011) for development in patrimonial states. In summary, whilst HIV treatment has saved the lives of millions, inventing drugs and getting them to the people who need them are merely the first steps in alleviating suffering. The thesis traces the most important tasks in securing wellbeing in the ARV era – those pursued by HIV positive people themselves.

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Thiele, Sarah. "Social capital and state repression in Nigeria." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=98586.

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This study seeks to explain the relationship between civic associations and attitudinal social capital---norms of trust and reciprocity---within the context of an authoritarian state. In contrast to many post-industrial nations, Nigeria boasts a vibrant civil society but seems to possess little attitudinal social capital. A deeper understanding of this relationship is offered by considering how an association's structure influences members' attitudes and how this relationship is impacted by a repressive regime. These relationships are tested using both statistical data and a qualitative study of three associations. The findings support the hypothesis that certain structural characteristics are more conducive to the fostering of attitudinal social capital but that the presence of state repression undermines this process. Furthermore, it is shown that pro-democracy associations are essential in creating the space necessary for trust and cooperation between citizens, even when they do not foster these norms amongst their own membership.

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Cui, Wendong, and 崔文东. "Politics vs. poetics." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2011. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B47752981.

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Up to now, in the field of translation studies, late Qing translated fictions have still been termed by many scholars as “liberal translation” or “domesticating practice” lacking literary values, or generalized by some others as “rewriting” or “manipulation” completely distorting the originals, which has led to an undervaluation of those works. In the field of historical studies, although researchers have attached much importance to late Qing translations like Yan Fu’s renditions of social and political theories which had profound impact on Chinese intellectual history, translated fictions are still beyond their sight. Based on my critique of previous studies, this research attempts to study five late Qing Chinese translations of Robinson Crusoe from the perspective of intellectual history to explore the historical significance of those works. As one of the most frequently translated fictions at that time, Robinson Crusoe drew the attention of many Chinese intellectuals because of its ideological significance rather than literary values. On the one hand, aiming at publicizing new ideas to readers under influence of Chinese tradition, late Qing translators tried to deal with the contradictions between new ideas and traditional ideas, thus showing their cultural stance. On the other hand, influenced by the elites’ proposal of enlightening common people with fictions, translators endeavored to bridge the gap between elite discourse and popular culture, thus reflecting the extent of the reception of elites’ ideas. Based on textual and contextual comparisons, it is easy to see that the translators all looked to the novel, Robinson Crusoe, for national salvation, believing that their renditions would be able to arouse adventurous spirit among Chinese people, and tried to reshape the relation between citizen, nation, family and the self in their renditions. First, they either made Crusoe a patriot or linked the adventure with national salvation although in the original, Crusoe’s adventure has no relation with nationalism. Second, the translators all advocated a new ethical idea by, on the one hand, defending Crusoe’s disobedience to his father and, on the other hand, changing his lack of filial affection. Third, as the economic and puritan individualism Crusoe embodied in the original conflicted with Chinese ethics, all translators transformed the individualist into either Confucian or altruist. Thus the translators’ changes, additions, deletions and explanations in and out of the renditions fully showed the trend of thought in late Qing from the perspective of intellectual history. Obviously, different late Qing translators of Robinson Crusoe tackled the same cultural conflicts in similar ways, which offers us an opportunity to study late Qing translated fictions systematically. In so doing, the new mode of study enhances our understanding of the general trend of thought in late Qing and the historical significance of late Qing translated fictions.
published_or_final_version
Chinese
Master
Master of Philosophy

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Emelifeonwu, David C. "Anatomy of a failed democratic transition : the case of Nigeria, 1985-1993." Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36587.

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This study is about the vicissitudes of democratisation in the context of neo-patrimonialism. It examines the aborted transition to democracy in Nigeria (1985--1993) by critically adopting the arguments proffered in the 'new institutionalism' literature. The key insight of the 'new institutionalism' approaches is that they neither privilege structures nor human agency. Instead they seek to explicate how pre-existing institutions and rules shape the choices of political actors. To this end, the 'new institutionalism' approaches lend themselves to a more comprehensive understanding of the processes of regime change.
The annulment of 1993, and the country's continuous failure to establish a viable democratic regime, can be attributed to the underlying political process in Nigeria, which puts an emphasis on capturing power for personal and sectional gains. Given this situation, political competition becomes a struggle of the survival of the fittest between those with power and those without. Thus, this study contends that the constitutive rules of a polity, while not determining the outcome of regime transitions, shapes actors' behavior towards specific goals and interests. The breakdown of the Babangida-initiated transition programme is an interesting example of this dynamic. The challenge to regime transitions therefore is understanding how inherited rules and institutions structure the political actors' choices. To meet this challenge an integrative approach is required for the study of regime transitions.

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Hodgkinson, Michael. "The politics of Saturninus." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/10678.

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Ilu, Musa D. "The politics of knowledge and the discourse on development policy : the intellectuals and the State in Nigeria, 1984-1993 /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9998486.

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Forjwuor, Bernard A. "Between Democratic Promises and Socio-Political Realities: The Challenges of Political Representation in Ghana and Nigeria." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1244222282.

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35

Isima, J. "Demilitarisation Nigeria and South Africa compared." Thesis, Department of Defence Management and Security Analysis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1826/3887.

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In sub-Saharan African countries that have made democratic transition from military rule and military-backed authoritarian regimes, state elites have embarked upon strategies aimed at demilitarising the new democratic political process. Demilitarisation of the state and politics has become an imperative because it is decisive for consolidating democratic politics and for ensuring improvements in public safety and security. Yet the process of such demilitarisation in these countries has often generated a paradox, whereby the reduction of the political influence of state institutions of violence has been associatedw ith rising civil militarism and the prevalenceo f organised violence in the wider society. In these circumstances, taking cognisance of the dangers of civil militarism and other forms of private violence is a priority for designing and implementing demilitarisation strategies and other security reforms in post-authoritarian African states. Reformminded political elites and external supporters need to be sensitive to these dangers or risk perpetuating the shell of electoral democracy that cannot deliver the goal of human security in the region. This dissertation explored how the current approach to demilitarisation is related to the problem of civil militarism by examining the case studies of Nigeria and South Africa. It explains that given the condition of the state in Africa, demilitarisation of politics after transition from military or military-backed authoritarianism contributes to the emergence of civil militarism. Based on this finding, it argues for a comprehensive approach to demilitarisation as a strategy that caters to both state and societal violence in order to mitigate the risks of civil militarism in the process.

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Uche, Chibuike Ugochukwu. "Banking developments in pre-independence Nigeria : a study in regulation, control and politics." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1997. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1470/.

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This research is exploratory and is intended to help us understand the diverse interests and forces that helped shape various developments in the Nigerian banking industry, during the pre-independence era. The study investigates the activities of colonial banks in British Nigeria. Emphasis is placed on the dealings between these colonial banks and the Africans and the claim, by the Africans, that these foreign institutions were unhelpful to them. The motives and activities of the indigenous banks, subsequently established by the Africans, are also examined. Furthermore, the study investigates the different modes of bank regulation while Nigeria was a British Colony, studying the extent to which bank regulation in Nigeria has been influenced by that in other countries, and examining the complex role of banking sector regulation in a developing economy where banks have often been used overtly as instruments of political policy. Special emphasis is placed on the forces that helped shape the law and enforcement of banking regulation and the structure of the emergent regulatory institution. This research makes a contribution in a number of areas: (1) to our understanding of how banking regulation operates in a highly politicised environment (2) to our knowledge of the diffusion of banking practices and ideas and the significance of political control and social contact to the diffusion process and (3) to our appreciation of the forces shaping banking regulation over a long period.

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Bersselaar, Dmitri van den. "In search of Igbo identity : language, culture and politics in Nigeria, 1900-1966 /." Leiden, 1998. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40124972c.

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Anyanwu, Ogechi Emmanuel. "THE POLICIES AND POLITICS OF MASSIFICATION OF UNIVERSITY EDUCATION IN NIGERIA, 1952-2000." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1159589539.

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39

Oduko, Olusegun A. "Television drama in a developing society : the case of Nigeria." Thesis, University of Leicester, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/34604.

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40

Hindson, Paul. "Burke's dramatic theory of politics." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.346432.

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41

Sham, Hok-man Desmond, and 岑學敏. "Sinophone comparative literature: problems, politics and possibilities." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2009. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B42182530.

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Sham, Hok-man Desmond. "Sinophone comparative literature problems, politics and possibilities /." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2009. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B42182530.

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Lundmark, Emmy. "The Political Power of Women in Helon Habila's Waiting for an Angel." Thesis, Högskolan Kristianstad, Sektionen för lärande och miljö, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hkr:diva-10358.

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44

Ritchie, Amanda Ross. "Margaret Fuller and the politics of German sensibility." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/289215.

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This study seeks to accomplish two goals. First, it will reestablish Margaret Fuller (1810-1850) as America's first important interpreter of Johann Wolfgang Goethe (1749-1832), Germany's best-known lyric poet. The study includes full transcription and complete annotation of Fuller's Reading Journal O manuscript detailing the experimental series of Conversations on Goethe that Fuller conducted in the spring or summer of 1839. The manuscript suggests that Fuller was an expert on all of Goethe's works, not just on his literary oeuvre. The experimental series of Conversations on Goethe was a prototype for the Boston Conversations for Women, those watershed events in the history of the American women's movement that Fuller envisioned and then carried out between the fall of 1839, and the winter of 1844. Second, this study will examine Fuller's debt to German sensibility as she found it in Goethe and other German writers of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Fuller learned Innerlichkeit, inwardness, and Gelassenheit, or serenity, from her long study of German letters. Her incorporation of German sensibility was useful to her in two ways. First, German sensibility was important to Fuller's unique pedagogical philosophy. By encouraging her students to practice German sensibility, Fuller taught them how to educate themselves through their own initiatives. Second, German sensibility facilitated Fuller's critical stance, thereby aiding in the development of her feminism. Fuller's discussion of Iphigenia, the heroine of Goethe's classical play called Iphigenia at Tauris, displays the extent of her reliance on German sensibility in creating her most insightful feminist writings. Fuller wrote about Goethe's Iphigenia in the July 1841 issue of the transcendentalist journal called the Dial. Her remarks a there prove that her feminism was fully developed two years before she wrote "The Great Lawsuit: Man vs. Men, Woman vs. Women," the essay she expanded and later published as Woman in the Nineteenth Century.

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Houssouba, Mohomodou Strickland Ronald. "Teaching the diaspora beyond identity politics /." Normal, Ill. Illinois State University, 1998. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ilstu/fullcit?p9914569.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Illinois State University, 1998.
Title from title page screen, viewed July 11, 2006. Dissertation Committee: Ronald L. Strickland (chair), Jonathan M. Rosenthal, Cecil Giscombe. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 203-208) and abstract. Also available in print.

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46

Dinneya, Godson Eze. "An analysis of the impact of democratization on debt-led growth : the Nigerian experience, 1970-2000." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007807.

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The debt-for democracy hypothesis is that undemocratic governments were largely responsible for not only the accumulation but also poor management of externally sourced capital resources. External borrowing had therefore failed to lead to growth of the economies of debtor countries under undemocratic political leadership. Despite this explanation of the debt problem conventional empirical analyses of the debt-growth relationship did not include political institutional variables. This study investigates the relationship between democratization and debt-led growth, using Nigeria, a typical debtor country whose politics was dominated by 'undemocratic ' governance, as a case study. Two broad research questions are investigated namely, whether available data support a negative or positive contribution of debt to the growth of the Nigeria economy during the period 1970-2000; and ifso was there any link between the levels of democratization in Nigeria and debt-led growth. Using a census of major political events in Nigeria around four dimensions of democratization, four primary indices of democratization and one composite index were constructed for the period. Using the Taylor (1983) marginal conditions to gauge the contribution of external debt to the growth of the Nigerian economy, the study found that external debt is capable of playing a double edged sword on the performance of the economy. Positive contributions coincided with the periods when Nigeria's oil dominated foreign exchange revenues were robust, and/ or when debt management strategies were better articulated and vice versa. The analyses of the link between democratization and debt-led growth using both correlation and regression techniques, yielded different results in two definitional contexts of debt-led growth. When defined purely in terms of the Taylor marginal conditions for a positive contribution of debt to the economy of a borrowing nation, the results support the pessimist view that democratization impeded growth. On the contrary, when debt-led growth was defined in a broader sense to incorporate variables such as domestic savings and investment, foreign direct investments, public and private consumption and debt burden, there was strong evidence that debt-led growth performed beller at higher levels of democratization than other wise. The result using the narrow definition was found to be a direct consequence of the overriding influence of export performance in the Taylor conditions. With Nigeria's exports almost entirely dominated by extractive industry the result derived using the narrow definition confirmed the theoretical links between natural resource endowment and regime type on the one hand, and external capital and the nature of the host country 's industry on the other. In the first resource dependence allowed the political leadership to be more detached and less accountable to the electorate since they did not need to levy taxes. Secondly foreign investors concerned with security of their sunk investments in the extractive oil induslly in particular favoured continuity of powerfol regimes with less democratic content. In both findings one thing was common: democratization was associated more with those factors whose decreases affect growth positively than with those whose increases improve growth. The conclusion from this is that the impact of democratization is stronger with negative than with positive growth factors. In other words, while democratization may be supportive of growth its greater impact appears to be in limiting the factors that themselves limit growth. To benefit from the favourable impact of democratisation on debt-led growth therefore the study suggests that improvements in the democratisation process in Nigeria is needed It identifies political education as central to this improvement. A model is developed to show how improvements in the political institutional framework may trickle down, through an enabling environment that is capable of engendering growth-enhancing domestic and international responses to lead in the direction of debt-led growth.

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McWilliams, Sara E. "Disturbances: Figures of hybridity and the politics of representation /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/9411.

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Thiam, Djibril S. "Soyinka's drama in relation to the traditional Yoruba culture of Nigeria." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.301263.

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49

Ozoeze, Victor Anthony. "Ethnicity and Politics of Exclusion in Nigeria : Employing Rawls'Theory of Justice in Plural Societies." Thesis, Linköping University, Centre for Applied Ethics, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-2913.

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With an estimated 250 ethnic groups, Nigeria, no doubt, has been grappling with the problem of pluralism of ethnic nationalities. It is not news in Nigeria that extreme ethnic consciousness of its citizens has led to the victimization of one ethnic group by another. This victimization has come in the form of exclusions in the distribution of both wealth and power in the country.

Amidst all the exclusions, the unity of the country has been ironically regarded as sacrosanct, and should not be negotiated. It is often said that fate brought all the ethnic nationalities in order to form one great country. I subscribe to this belief that fate brought us together for the above purpose, especially now that several countries around the world are merging in one way or the other to form a formidable force to reckon with both politically and economically. Hence, “(ethnic integration) is the integration of capabilities. It develops the capabilities of the workforce… it offers opportunities for better synergy of skills”. However, it would be ethically unhealthy for the unity of the country not to be compromised under the present dispensation, which has been compromising in turn the basic moral principle of social justice. There cannot be any moral basis for the continued existence of a country like Nigeria, which as it were, has thrown equality of all citizens to the dogs.

Should the country remain united, it must do so by imbibing the culture of regarding all citizens, as well as, all ethnic nationalities as equal, and none should have more privileges than the others. Therefore, how can a plural society like Nigeria remain united as one indivisible country?

Rawls has offered some solutions to the problem of stability engendered by the pluralism of ethnic groups in Nigeria. His idea of ‘overlapping consensus of reasonable comprehensive doctrines’ in his Political Liberalism is capable of bringing back the country to the state of stability. There will be stability, if all forms of exclusion seize to exist in the Nigerian polity.

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Best, S. G. "Religion, politics and conflict in northern Nigeria : an historical analysis with two case studies." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.499864.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Politics and literature – Nigeria'

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