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Journal articles on the topic 'Politics and literature – Nigeria'

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1

Dr., Bello Muhammad, and A. Umar A. "Islamic Ethical Leadership: Sheikh Abubakar Gumi's Perspective on Governance and Its Relevance in Contemporary Nigerian Politics." SSR Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences (SSRJAHSS) 2, no. 3 (2025): 121–26. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.15528865.

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Ethical leadership is the basis of a successful government but it has always been a challenge  to Nigerian governance. This study looks closely at Sheikh Abubakar Gumi's view on ethical leadership and how it applies to contemporary Nigerian politics. Drawing from secondary sources, the study delves into Gumi’s principles of justice, accountability and moral integrity through reflecting on Gummi’s views as documented in his sermons, writings and teachings.  Moreover, it looks at how well Gumi's ideas about ethical leadership fit with how contemporary Nigerian political lea
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Eze, Malachy Chukwuemeka. "Ethno-Religious Struggle and Human Insecurity in the Fledging Nigerian Democracy since 1999." Society & Sustainability 3, no. 2 (2021): 16–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.38157/society_sustainability.v3i2.321.

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Religious and ethnic identity clashes laid the structure of the Nigerian state in 1914, which transmogrified into and characterized the struggle for control of power and distribution of national resources. This paper explores the nature and manifestation of these conflicts since 1999. It seeks to find out if ethno-religious struggles led to the emergence of major conflicts in Nigeria since 1999, their impact on human insecurity, and the influence of politics on the conflicts. This inquiry is designed in line with a one-shot case study, while literature survey and ex post facto methods were ado
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Klantschnig, Gernot. "The politics of law enforcement in Nigeria: lessons from the war on drugs." Journal of Modern African Studies 47, no. 4 (2009): 529–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x09990036.

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ABSTRACTThis article examines the institutional politics of law enforcement in Nigeria by focusing on illegal drug control since the mid 1980s. It assesses the available academic research on law enforcement governance, and contrasts it with an in-depth case study of drug law enforcement. The case study confirms views of the politicised nature of law enforcement. However, it goes beyond the patron–client centred approach to politics prevalent in the literature on African policing. The article adds an institutional dimension to the study of law enforcement governance, highlighting processes of c
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Simon, Ogoyi Christopher, and Okpe James Simon. "THEORETICAL ANALYSIS OF THE LIBERAL AND MARXIST POLITICAL ECONOMY IN UNDERSTANDING THE PROBLEMS OF NIGERIAN POLITICS." KONTAGORA JOURNAL OF INTELLECTUAL DISCOURSE 3, no. 1 (2025): 151–72. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.14647672.

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<strong>Abstract</strong> Nigeria and her practice of politics has attracted avalanche of diagnosis and prescriptions by analyst, political and social commentators, scholars and researchers alike. Despite these arrays of explanations none can claim sole proprietorship of solutions to the Nigerian political system. The paper generally x-rayed both the Liberal and Marxist orientations and took a position with the Marxist orientation in providing explanations to the Nigerian state. From the review of related literature it clearly showed there is a problem with the Nigerian political system and th
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Joseph Ayodabo, Sunday. "Constructing Nigerian Manhood: Gender Symbols and Tropes in Children’s Narratives." International Journal of Research in Social Science and Humanities 04, no. 12 (2023): 01–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.47505/ijrss.2023.v4.12.1.

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This paper examines the representation of masculinity in Nigerian children's literature, focusing on how gender symbols and tropes shape perceptions ofNigerian manhood. The study delves into children's narratives to analyze the sociocultural construction of masculinity, highlighting the impact of these representations on the masculinization of the Nigerian male and broader gender politics. The analysis concentrates on three primary symbolic categories: the male body, sexuality, and agriculture, exploring how these elements contribute to the construction of traditional archetypes of Nigerian ma
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Akinyetun, Tope Shola. "Identity and Identity Politics in Nigeria: A Reflection on the Indicators." Društvene i humanističke studije (Online) 6, no. 4(17) (2021): 263–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.51558/2490-3647.2021.6.4.263.

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Nigeria is a nation with plural ethnic, religious, lingual and cultural identities that are constantly exploited by the political class to promote their selfish interest. Although not a determinant forconflict, diversity in Nigeria has unjustifiably sparked identity-based conflicts which necessitateseparatism, insurgency and ethnic restiveness – among others, which threatens to drive the country to a perpetual state of fragility. This paper thence sought to assess Nigeria’s tortuous experience with identity and identity politics with particular reference to ethnic, religious, and lingual chall
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7

Bentor, Eli. "Masquerade Politics in Contemporary Southeastern Nigeria." African Arts 41, no. 4 (2008): 32–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/afar.2008.41.4.32.

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8

LIKINYO, Olufunmi Solomon, and Ifeyinwa ARUM. "Women and Political Participation in the Nigerian Fourth Republic, 2019-2023." International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science IX, no. IV (2025): 323–37. https://doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2025.90400026.

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Women participation in Nigerian politics has been a major concern as a result of limited number of women in both elective and appointive political positions. There have been efforts by government, non-governmental organizations, and different women movements to improve women political participation. Such efforts include the National Gender Policy (NGP), which recommends 35% affirmative action, seeking for a more inclusive representation of women in public service positions. This is in line with the Beijing Declaration during the Fourth World Conference on women which advocated 30% affirmative
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9

Benaiah, Wendy Chinonyerem. "The Interaction of Religion with the Political Culture of Nigeria: Exploring the Challenges and Opportunities." Ethiopian Renaissance Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 11, no. 1 (2024): 1–19. https://doi.org/10.4314/erjssh.v11i1.1.

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This article was intended to examine the interaction of religion with the political culture of Nigeria. The positive influence of Nigeria’s socioeconomic and political development shouldn’t be understated since its economy is one of the giant economies of Africa, and its contribution to the continent is very significant. However, the politicization of religion has obstructed Nigeria’s progress. This study employed functionalist and conflict theories to explore the challenges and opportunities posed by religion in Nigerian politics. Similarly, a qualitative research design was adopted. My study
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EKEVERE, Francis Oghenekaro, Alero Uwawah Agbonkonkon-Ogbeide, Omessah C.C., and Onyari A.J. "CRITIQUING POWER: OLA ROTIMI'S INTERROGATION OF NIGERIAN POLITICAL LEADERSHIP." Cognizance Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 5, no. 1 (2025): 666–705. https://doi.org/10.47760/cognizance.2025.v05i01.051.

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Through a comparative analysis of Ola Rotimi’s three plays: “The Gods Are Not to Blame”, “Our Husband Has Gone Mad Again”, and “Holding Talks”, the study seeks to understand the dynamics of leadership in Nigeria politics. It explores Emerson, Kola and Rotimi’s leadership traits as depicted in those works as an attempt to ‘cast light’ to ‘the complex problem of leadership in the Nigeria political sphere. This research employs literature review and analysis and is able to note regularities such as ethical constraints, politics, culture and society in the issue of leadership. The argument lies in
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Umunakwe, Bruno Onyinye, and Mary Jane Osaren. "Kleptocracy and Nigerian politics: A reflection on the fourth republic." African Social Science and Humanities Journal 4, no. 1 (2023): 37–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.57040/asshj.v4i1.380.

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Kleptocracy scores high in weakening rule of law and undermining the development of the global south. Despite different anti-corruption measures by nation-states, political evil continuously assumes a political culture. Kleptocracy consists of embezzling and stealing public funds and resources for selfish profits (consumption and glorification). In Nigeria particularly the fourth republic, political offices have turned to channels for unchecking sources of riches to both oneself and family members. Political elites take turn engaging in siphoning, embezzling, stealing, looting, and diverting p
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Amaefule, Adolphus Ekedimma. "The Roman Catholic Church in Nigeria and Liturgical Inculturation in Chimamanda Adichie’s Purple Hibiscus." Ecclesiology 17, no. 1 (2021): 72–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455316-bja10002.

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Abstract Beyond its entertainment value, every piece of creative literature has something more to say which reading between the lines often has a way of revealing. This is true of the novel Purple Hibiscus by the award-winning Nigerian writer, Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie. While his novel says something about the family, politics, post-colonial history and religious realities such as priesthood, mission, Mary, and the Eucharist, this paper looks at what it can tell us about liturgical inculturation and its implications for the Roman Catholic Church in Nigeria. It is hoped that the paper would help
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Chukwudebelu, Ifeanyi A., Ajakor Emmanuel PhD, and Nganwuchu Geoffrey Chiazo PhD. "The Ecclesiastical Impact: Exploring the Role of Christian Church in Democracy Development in Nigeria." Journal of Psychology and Political Science, no. 32 (August 5, 2024): 30–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.55529/jpps.32.30.40.

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This research investigates the multifaceted role of Christian church in the development and consolidation of democracy in Nigeria. Through a comprehensive analysis of scholarly literature, empirical data, and case studies, the study aims to elucidate the various dimensions of the church's influence on democratic processes, institutions, and norms in the Nigerian context. Specifically, the research will examine how Christian churches contribute to promoting democratic values, civic education, moral leadership, peace-building, social welfare initiatives, and political engagement. By employing a
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14

Diala. "The Nigeria Prize for Literature and Current Nigerian Writing: Politics, Process, and Price of Literary Legitimation." Research in African Literatures 51, no. 4 (2021): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/reseafrilite.51.4.03.

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15

Ndu, Abraham Okeke, and Nwulu Nwoko Michael. "Contributions of the Presbyterian Church of Nigeria (PCN) to the Nigeria's Development." International Journal of Advanced Academic Research 10, no. 10 (2024): 1–13. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.13927198.

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<em>The Church has always been regarded and acted as an agent of social transformation especially in the area of national development. This paper discusses the contributions of the Presbyterian Church of Nigeria (PCN) to the development of Nigerian society in the contemporary time. Methodologically, the sources of data for this paper are purely secondary through their content and documentary analysis of relevant empirical literature. Qualitative historical and descriptive research designs are adopted in the primary and secondary data collection, analysis and presentation. However, I brought in
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IdachabaOdaudu, Alfred, and Mr Braimoh Mikhelobva E. "Godfatherism And Electoral Malpractice In Nigeria: A Reflection of People’s Perception in Some Selected States." Journal of Research in Humanities and Social Science 13, no. 4 (2025): 86–101. https://doi.org/10.35629/9467-130486101.

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In Nigeria, there seems to be a consensus between political and elitist writers that godfatherism is a menace to the electoral process. Godfatherism in the leadership of political parties has characterized the nation’s politics since the advent of the extant Fourth Republic, weakening democratic institutions. The culture of political dominance guarded by a few political elites has not just become pervasive but has also raised so much uncontrollable tension and political instability as well as imbalances within our political space. Godfatherism has put question marks on the credibility of inter
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Odaudu, Alfred Idachaba, and Mr Braimoh Mikhelobva E. "Godfatherism And Electoral Malpractice In Nigeria: A Reflection of People’s Perception in Some Selected States." Journal of Research in Humanities and Social Science 13, no. 4 (2025): 140–54. https://doi.org/10.35629/9467-1304140154.

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In Nigeria, there seems to be a consensus between political and elitist writers that godfatherism is a menace to the electoral process. Godfatherism in the leadership of political parties has characterized the nation’s politics since the advent of the extant Fourth Republic, weakening democratic institutions. The culture of political dominance guarded by a few political elites has not just become pervasive but has also raised so much uncontrollable tension and political instability as well as imbalances within our political space. Godfatherism has put question marks on the credibility of inter
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18

Khunga, CC. "Modern States’ Administration: Cases of Nigeria and Sudan." JOURNAL OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION AND DEVELOPMENT ALTERNATIVES 8, no. 1 (2023): 58–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.55190/mvgs6083.

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The main purpose of this article is to examine the role played by modern states in administration, using Nigeria and Sudan as case studies. Modern states have become predominant basis on which political authority and power are constructed, playing important roles in administration and governance of countries. They ensure that citizens are protected and that there is stability, both internally and externally. Using open systems theory and content analysis, this article conducted a systematic review of literature. The article finds that Nigeria and Sudan administrations have not been effective d
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19

Roelofs, Portia. "Beyond programmatic versus patrimonial politics: contested conceptions of legitimate distribution in Nigeria." Journal of Modern African Studies 57, no. 3 (2019): 415–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x19000260.

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AbstractThis article argues against the long-standing instinct to read African politics in terms of programmatic versus patrimonial politics. Unlike the assumptions of much of the current quantitative literature, there are substantive political struggles that go beyond ‘public goods good, private goods bad’. Scholarly framings serve to obscure the essentially contested nature of what counts as legitimate distribution. This article uses the recent political history of the Lagos Model in south-west Nigeria to show that the idea of patrimonial versus programmatic politics does not stand outside o
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20

Phillips, Olubiyi. "A Review of the Challenges and Prospects for Educational Development amidst National Insecurity in Nigeria: The Socio Philosophical Way Forward." Journal of Education and Policy Review 15, no. 1 (2023): 49–59. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.8231282.

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<strong>ABSTRACT</strong> The goal of education in modern times is broader than it was in preliterate communities. Education currently influences politics, society, family, and the economy, among other things. Education must evolve in tandem with society, which is continuously changing and evolving. In the Nigerian context, professionals both at home and abroad have voiced great worry about the incoherence or inadequacies of the country&#39;s education system, particularly at the college, polytechnic, and university levels. Youth between the ages of 18 and 30 years are commonly implicated in n
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Anzalone, Christopher. "Salafism in Nigeria: Islam, Preaching, and Politics." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 35, no. 3 (2018): 98–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v35i3.489.

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The global spread of Salafism, though it began in the 1960s and 1970s, only started to attract significant attention from scholars and analysts outside of Islamic studies as well as journalists, politicians, and the general public following the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks perpetrated by Al-Qaeda Central. After the attacks, Salafism—or, as it was pejoratively labeled by its critics inside and outside of the Islamic tradition, “Wahhabism”—was accused of being the ideological basis of all expressions of Sunni militancy from North America and Europe to West and East Africa, the Arab world
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Anzalone, Christopher. "Salafism in Nigeria: Islam, Preaching, and Politics." American Journal of Islam and Society 35, no. 3 (2018): 98–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v35i3.489.

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The global spread of Salafism, though it began in the 1960s and 1970s, only started to attract significant attention from scholars and analysts outside of Islamic studies as well as journalists, politicians, and the general public following the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks perpetrated by Al-Qaeda Central. After the attacks, Salafism—or, as it was pejoratively labeled by its critics inside and outside of the Islamic tradition, “Wahhabism”—was accused of being the ideological basis of all expressions of Sunni militancy from North America and Europe to West and East Africa, the Arab world
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23

Onu, Godwin, Amobi P. Chiamogu, and Uchechukwu P. Chiamogu. "Governance challenges and resurgence of Igbo nationalism in Nigeria: Dissecting Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB)." Journal of Governance and Accountability Studies 2, no. 2 (2022): 133–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.35912/jgas.v2i2.1443.

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Purpose: The remote and immediate causes of the Nigerian civil war are rather deepening in the psyche of Ndi-Igbo in contemporary Nigerian politics and administration. Amidst the introduction of the Reconciliation, Reconstruction, and Rehabilitation (3Rs) policy over four (4) decades ago, the Ndi-Igbo are not just marginalized but alienated and separated from political power and its benefits in an ethnically and religiously deeply divided federation. More divesting wounds are flagrantly being inflicted upon the Igbo nation. The course pursued by secessionist Biafra between 1967-70 has continue
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Faleye, Olukayode A. "Border Securitisation and Politics of State Policy in Nigeria, 2014–2017." Insight on Africa 11, no. 1 (2018): 78–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0975087818805887.

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This article examines the politics of public policies characterised by increased securitisation of Nigeria’s national boundary from 2014 to 2017. While the regulation appears on paper to discourage transborder crime, capital outflow and sustain a favourable balance of payment, the existing armoury of West African border literature argues otherwise. What is new in the transborder dynamics of West Africa? What informs government’s border policies in Nigeria? In answering these questions, this study provides a template for a reassessment of the gap between borderlands theory and policy in West Af
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Ogungbemi, Olarotimi. "Centering the margins." Journal of Language and Sexuality 14, no. 1 (2025): 115–36. https://doi.org/10.1075/jls.00043.ogu.

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Abstract Until recently, queer sexuality has been on the periphery of African literary imaginations. Studies on queer sexuality have paid attention to its representations on social media, Nollywood movies, and the Nigerian print media, with scarce attention to how contemporary literary texts construct queer people’s identity. Therefore, this article presents findings from Jude Dibia’s Walking with Shadows, drawing attention to how language is co-opted to construct gay identity and advance rights advocacy. Using Bucholtz and Hall’s Tactics of Intersubjectivity, the article examines Jude Dibia’s
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Kalejaiye, Peter Oluwadare, and Nurudeen Alliyu. "ETHNIC POLITICS AND SOCIAL CONFLICTS: FACTORS IN NIGERIA'S UNDERDEVELOPMENT." Journal of International Social Research 6, no. 27 (2013): 251–62. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.1450788.

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Although Nigeria is blessed with abundant natural and human resources, yet the country remains underdeveloped. In line with this, consensus is emerging that ethnic politics and social conflicts are the most fundamental factors to this underdevelopment. In this study, the authors supported the view, through the content analysis of literature reviewed, that ethnic politics and social conflicts have hindered political, economic and social developments in the country. In many instances, they have slowed down the development process, which is essential for pulling Nigeria out of poverty and placing
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Nwagbara, Uzoechi. "Earth in the Balance The Commodification of the Environment in and." Matatu 40, no. 1 (2012): 61–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-040001005.

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Tanure Ojaide and Niyi Òsundare are among the foremost politically committed Nigerian poets at present. The overriding concern in virtually all their literary works is commenting on the politics of the season. In Òsundare's words, poetry is “man meaning to man.” For Ojaide, a creative writer is not “an airplant” that is not situated in a place. Both writers envision literature should have political message. Thus, in Òsundare's collection (1986) and Tanure Ojaide's (1998) the major aesthetic focus is eco-poetry, which interrogates the politics behind oil exploration in Nigeria as well as its co
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Adig, Mathias Azang. "The Question of British Southern Cameroons’ Autonomy in the Evolution of Nigeria Federation, 1945-1961." IRA-International Journal of Management & Social Sciences (ISSN 2455-2267) 7, no. 2 (2017): 213. http://dx.doi.org/10.21013/jmss.v7.n2.p11.

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&lt;div&gt;&lt;p&gt;&lt;em&gt;The connection of Southern Cameroons to the Nigerian Federation by Britain after the First World War, worked to the disadvantage of Southern Cameroons’ sovereignty and political ambitions. With her international status as a Trust Territory, Southern Cameroons was marginalized by the colonial administration which failed to recognize her as a separate territory within the Nigerian Federation. Under such dispensation, Southern Cameroonians felt that for such a Nigerian connection to be of any benefit to the territory, it should be granted an autonomous regional statu
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GEORGE, Kayode, and Toye MANUWA. "UNDERSTANDING “COMMON GOOD” AND ITS IMPACT ON THE NIGERIAN POLITICS." Caleb Journal of Social and Management Science 07, no. 02 (2022): 77–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.26772/cjsms2022070204.

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The purpose of the study was to investigate the concept of the common good and its impact on Nigerian politics. To achieve this purpose, the descriptive research design was used with 150 undergraduates (in Political Science Department) randomly selected from three (3) tertiary institutions in Lagos State. The primary source of data collection was derived through a self-structured questionnaire given to the participants within the study area on the subject matter. The reliability of the instrument was determined using the Split-Half Method with a co-efficient of reliability of 0.82. Simple perc
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Nwosu, Onyebuchi, and Elliott S. Uguru. "Politics, Identity and Ethno-Religious Conflicts in Richard Ali’s "City of Memories"." Ahyu: A Journal of Language and Literature 2 (December 4, 2021): 12–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.56666/ahyu.v2i.57.

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Abstract The North-Central part of Nigeria especially the city of Jos was once a bastion of peace and a settler’s haven because of its azure weather, fertile vegetation and infectious cordial and hospitable inter-human relationship among its inhabitants. As Nigeria’s ‘melting pot’, Jos has a significant place in Nigeria’s politico-economic and social history. In recent times, Jos has witnessed and keeps witnessing some political and social upheavals. As literature is a reflection and representation of the society, this study examines the extent to which the social and political events in Jos,
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Jonah, Onuoha, and Onuoha Ifeanyi. "RETHINKING NIGERIA'S AFROCENTRIC FOREIGN POLICY AND THE POLITICS OF THE TECHNICAL AID CORPS PROGRAMME." University of Nigeria Journal of Political Economy 12, no. 1 (2022): 1–15. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.6987182.

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Nigeria&rsquo;s Afrocentric foreign policy posture has given the country worldwide visibility and recognition as a putative regional hegemon with the right to speak and be listened to on African issues. To further drive the vision, Nigeria in 1987 established the Technical Aid Corps Scheme as a platform to provide technical support to the least developed countries in Africa, Caribbean and pacific (ACP) based on request. The scheme is designed around four main objectives namely: to share Nigeria&rsquo;s Know-how and expertise with other African, Caribbean and pacific countries; to give assistan
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AMBALI, Rasheed. "POLITICAL PARTIES AND DEMOCRATIC PROCESS: A STUDY OF THE NIGERIAN FOURTH REPUBLIC." Nigerian Educational Digest (NED) Volume 15, No. 1, June - December 2023 (2023): 137–45. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.8400218.

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Of course, partism is agreeably one of the salient features of democracy, but it seems to constitute an impediment to democratization in the Nigerian political context. Nigeria had inconsistently practiced party politics alongside federalism to the detriment of the nationalistic ethnics upon which the state itself was founded. The issue now is that partism which ought to foster a virile democracy is in reality a constraint. Premised on this background, this paper examines the role of political parties in democratic process. The aim is to identify the constitutional roles political parties are
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DARE, OLATUNJI. "The Press, Politics and Democracy in Nigeria Since 1960." Matatu 23-24, no. 1 (2001): 251–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-90000375.

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Imam, Abdulbasit. "Analyzing the Influence of Nigeria's Domestic Politics on Muhammadu Buhari's Foreign Policy Directions (2019 – 2023)." Journal of Political Science (JPS 1, no. 3 (2024): 39–52. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.13746713.

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This study examines the impact of domestic political factors on President Muhammadu Buhari's foreign policy decisions during his 2015-2023 tenure in Nigeria. Utilising Putnam's Two-Level Game Theory and Allison's Bureaucratic Politics Model, the research analyses how economic pressures, security concerns, and political rivalries influenced Buhari's international engagements. The findings reveal that economic challenges drove a focus on economic diplomacy and foreign investment, while security issues, particularly the Boko Haram insurgency, shaped military cooperation and regional security init
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Salau, Mohammed Bashir. "RELIGION AND POLITICS IN AFRICA: THREE STUDIES ON NIGERIA." Journal of Law and Religion 35, no. 1 (2020): 165–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jlr.2020.15.

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Until the second half of the twentieth century, the role of religion in Africa was profoundly neglected. There were no university centers devoted to the study of religion in Africa; there was only a handful of scholars who focused primarily on religious studies and most of them were not historians; and there were relatively few serious empirical studies on Christianity, Islam, and African traditional religions. This paucity of rigorous research began to be remedied in the 1960s and by the last decade of the twentieth century, the body of literature on religion in Africa had expanded significan
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Serra, Gerardo, and Morten Jerven. "Contested Numbers: Census Controversies and the Press in 1960s Nigeria." Journal of African History 62, no. 2 (2021): 235–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853721000438.

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AbstractThis article reconstructs the controversies following the release of the figures from Nigeria's 1963 population census. As the basis for the allocation of seats in the federal parliament and for the distribution of resources, the census is a valuable entry point into postcolonial Nigeria's political culture. After presenting an overview of how the Africanist literature has conceptualized the politics of population counting, the article analyses the role of the press in constructing the meaning and implications of the 1963 count. In contrast with the literature's emphasis on identificat
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Sanusi Gambo, Adamu, and Abubakar Adamu Kotorkoshi. "ASSESSMENT OF WOMEN PARTICIPATION IN POLITICS IN ZAMFARA STATE, NIGERIA." GOMBE JOURNAL OF ADMINISTRATION AND MANAGEMENT (GJAM) 4, no. 2 (2021): 152–61. https://doi.org/10.64290/gjam.v4i2.1124.

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This study assesses women participation in politics and the political process in Zamfara State, Nigeria. Accordingly, the relationship between educational attainment, economic and political empowerment and women participation were examined. Literature relating to women participation especially factors inhibiting them from participating in the political process were reviewed. Data was generated through primary and secondary sources. Interviews were conducted with women groups from the selected local governments under study. Similarly, articles, journals and other secondary sources of materials
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Isumonah, V. Adefemi. "The Making of the Ogoni Ethnic Group." Africa 74, no. 3 (2004): 433–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2004.74.3.433.

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AbstractThe existence of the Ogoni ethnic group is taken for granted in the literature that has grown out of the minority rights and environmentalist campaigns of the 1990s. This article departs from this tradition by engaging the historical development of the Ogoni ethnic group, taking as its point of departure elite politics in the context of colonial categories and post-colonial politics. With comparative data on the development of ethnic groups in Nigeria, it shows how elite politics and state structures and administrative decisions influenced the development of the Ogoni ethnic group and
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Chioke, Stephen Chinedu. "Can Lamb And Lion Tango? Investigating Nigeria’s Practice of Public Administration and Peculiar Challenges from Structural Functional Theory." PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD) 5, no. 1 (2024): 78–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.46404/panjogov.v5i1.5362.

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There is a gap in scholarly literature that has yet to be filled by scholars regarding the practice of public administration, challenges, and viable policy roadmaps for urgent governance situations in Nigeria. Anchored on functionalism, this study specifically examined the historical, phenomenological, and philosophical investigation of Nigeria's practice of public administration, the challenges of Nigeria's public administration, and how the politics-administration dichotomy influences Nigeria's practice of public administration. The type of data sought established the study through the quali
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Fadakinte, M. M., and Uche Nwali. "The Grassroots and Party Funding in Nigeria: Trajectories for Money Politics." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 8, no. 11 (2021): 490–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.811.11225.

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This paper addresses grassroots indifference to party funding in Nigeria. It argues that all existing explanations on political apathy do not address the escalating tendency of the ordinary but educated and politically aware Nigerians to be averse to party funding. Drawing on political culture theory, the paper attributes the current trajectory of the phenomenon to a form of "inverse participant" culture by the grassroots, consequent upon their alienation that is driven by a convergence of three key variables: the cartel nature of party formation which is responsible for the disconnect in stat
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Femi, Chukwudi Justus. "Exploring the Origins of Nigeria’s Present-Day Multi-Ethnic, Religious, Socio-Political, and Governmental Dynamics." International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science VIII, no. III (2024): 1452–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2024.803107.

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This paper explores the deep-rooted factors that have shaped multi-ethnic religious, socio-political, and government politics in Nigeria. Nigeria, being a diverse country with hundreds of ethnic groups and a blend of various religions, has experienced complex dynamics that have influenced its contemporary political landscape. This analysis aims to shed light on the historical, socio-cultural, and economic factors that have contributed to the current state of multi-ethnic politics in the country. The process of colonization and subsequent independence marked a critical turning point in Nigeria’
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Awofeso, Olu, and Kingsley Ogunne. "Politics of Local Government Administration and the Challenges of Primary Healthcare System in Nigeria." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 7, no. 9 (2020): 96–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.79.8799.

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The degree of decentralization among federalist countries differs and this invariably demonstrates the dynamics of federalism in practice. The idea of federal system of government demands that there should be constitutional division of powers among the different tiers of government. To this end, in Nigeria, the federal, state and local government have their powers embedded in the constitution. However, the Nigerian constitution created much incertitude which allows local government to merely operate based on the reserved rights, disposition, prescription and discretion of the higher tiers of g
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Fourchard, Laurent. "Undocumented citizens and the making of ID documents in Nigeria: an ethnography of the politics of suspicion in Jos." African Affairs 120, no. 481 (2021): 511–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adab022.

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Abstract For 40 years, Nigeria has separated its citizens into two categories, ‘indigenes’ and ‘non-indigenes’. Indigene citizens can trace their genealogical roots back to a community in a locality. All local governments (LGs) in Nigeria issue certificates of indigene, which give access to the job market and university. This issuance of certificate of indigene has received scant academic attention despite the centrality of the indigeneity issue in Nigeria. In the two last decades, issuing certificates has become part of the political tensions and mass violence in Plateau State (Jos) as politi
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Nnabuihe, Onyekachi E., Kelvin Ashindorbe, and Samuel Osagie Odobo Odobo. "Politics of Security Sector Reform: Violence and the Emergence of Regional Security Outfits in Nigeria." African Studies Quarterly 21, no. 4 (2023): 49–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/asq.21.4.135902.

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A growing deterioration of the security situation in Nigeria is provoking debate about the subsisting federalized but ineffective policing structure. The general deterioration of security is also manifesting in the growth of regional outfits that have emerged to fill the security gap created by a weak and centralized security arrangement. While there is a plethora of literature discussing security governance in Nigeria—with an emphasis on reforms—emergent regional security outfits receive marginal attention. Relying on oral interviews with security experts, including personnel of Amotekun and
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Agbor, Olubunmi Sandra. "Political Behaviour and The Funding of Political Parties in Nigeria." Global Journal of Political Science and Administration 13, no. 2 (2025): 42–51. https://doi.org/10.37745/gjpsa.2013/vol13n24251.

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The problem addressed is the lack of clarity regarding the impact of political behaviour on the funding mechanisms of political parties and the broader implications for governance in Nigeria. This study examines the dynamics of political behaviour and the funding of political parties in Nigeria, with a focus on how political actions and party financing interact to influence democratic processes. Anchored in the Rational Choice Theory of political behaviour, as introduced by Anthony Downs in an Economic Theory of Democracy (1957), the study explores how individuals and political parties make st
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A., G. Ossai. "POLITICISATION OF EDUCATION IN NIGERIA: IMPLICATIONS FOR NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT." International Journal of Multidisciplinary Research and Modern Education (IJMRME) 6, no. 2 (2020): 32–36. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.4075342.

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Education is an instrument for national development. For several decades past governments in Nigeria have made unsuccessful efforts through several policies and the reshaping of institutional mechanism to revamp the education system. The current deterioration of the Nigerian education sector is a cog to national development. Several literatures on the education system attribute the deploring condition of the education sector to poor financing, poor policy formulation and implementation, and monitoring. This paper argues on the contrary that, the problem with the education sector in Nigeria is
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Abiodun, Odusote. "Perspectives on the Participation of Civil/Public Servants in Partisan Politics in Nigeria: A Call for Rethinking and Revision of the Public Service Rules." African Journal of Politics and Administrative Studies 16, no. 1 (2023): 376–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ajpas.v16i1.22.

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Towards the 2023 general elections in Nigeria, the debate on the validity and application of the principle of absolute political neutrality of civil servants resurfaced. This principle requires civil servants to abstain from political activities including campaigning and joining political parties. The Federal Civil Service Commission and the Attorney General of the Federation contend that the Public Service Rules prohibit civil servants from political activities. However, the Nigeria Labour Congress and other labour unions disagree and argue that the Public Service Rules contravene the constit
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Tembo, Nick Mdika. "Ethnic Conflict and the Politics of Greed Rethinking Chimamanda Adichie's." Matatu 40, no. 1 (2012): 173–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-040001011.

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The African continent today is laced with some of the most intractable conflicts, most of them based on ethnic nationalism. More often than not, this has led to poor governance, unequal distribution of resources, state collapse, high attrition of human resources, economic decline, and inter-ethnic clashes. This essay seeks to examine Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie's through the lens of ethnic conflict. It begins by tracing the history and manifestations of ethnic stereotypes and ethnic cleavage in African imaginaries. The essay then argues that group loyalty in Nigeria led to the creation of 'biafra
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Bakare, Najimdeen. "Edward Azar’s Protracted Social Conflict Theory and Drivers of Self-Determination: the Case of Nigeria." Przegląd Strategiczny, no. 14 (December 29, 2021): 313–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ps.2021.1.18.

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Soon after attaining independence on October 1, 1960, the newly created nation-state – Nigeria had to wrestle with post-independent political realities. These combined with the legacies of colonial rule, and the prevalence of ethno-religious politics, led the country into civil war in 1967. Since 1960, Nigeria has experimented with different forms of government and achieved some degree of economic growth but is still plagued by the agitation of self-determination in the form of secessionist campaigns, be it the Biafra or the Oduduwa and Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND).
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Okoye-Ugwu, Stella. "Is the Hood in Womanhood the Hood in Motherhood?: An Analysis of Emecheta’s The Joys of Motherhood." IKENGA International Journal of Institute of African Studies 25, no. 4 (2024): 83–100. https://doi.org/10.53836/ijia/2024/25/4/004.

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This paper aims to bring to the fore the plight of women in Nigeria, particularly in Igbo land in a manner that proposes a paradigm shift. The issue of men setting the standards for women has been a dominant global discourse. However, this paper focuses on the Nigerian situation, while making references to feminist criticism in general. The status of women being seen but not heard, lacking significance, dignity, and personality and being unable to contribute meaningfully to decision-making in the home and community have been foregrounded in the works of Mariama Ba, Ama-Ata Aidoo, Buchi Emechet
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