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Journal articles on the topic 'Politics elite. eng'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 3 February 2022

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1

Johnson, Janet Elise, and Darren Rosenblum. "Rethinking Qualitative Methodology around Masculinity." Politics & Gender 14, no. 2 (2018): 288–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x18000181.

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Given the predominance of men among elites, it is remarkable how little scholarship there is on the challenges of qualitative empirical work on elite men, especially work that interrogates the intersection of gender and class. We have both sought to include elite men as subjects, noting that the gender of our subjects, their social power, and our own gender performance have played a central role in defining our efficacy as researchers. Darren has researched top French corporate boards (e.g., Rosenblum and Roithmayr 2015). Janet has researched male dominance in the politics of Iceland and Russi

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Baguet, Jelten Y. P. "Social change and markets for urban credit: political elites as investors in urban annuities in sixteenth-century Ghent." Financial History Review 23, no. 3 (2016): 347–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565016000184.

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Financial historians have devoted considerable attention to the investment behaviour of urban politicians in the market for public debt in the Low Countries. They have focused not only on how many urban officials invested in annuities, but also why they did so. On the one hand, it has been suggested that political elites often had political and economic motivations for investing in urban annuities. By contrast, historians from the institutional school defend the thesis that inclusive governance led to broader participation in the market for urban credit. A variable that has gone largely unnoti

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Gaman-Golutvina, Oxana. "Political Elites in the Commonwealth of Independent States: Recruitment and Rotation Tendencies." Comparative Sociology 6, no. 1-2 (2007): 136–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913307x208140.

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AbstractThis paper deals with the process of elite recruitment in the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). The analysis of CIS countries' experiences allows a correlation to be drawn between the model of elite organization and the political and economic policies they pursue. As a rule, based on the mold of traditionalist (patron-client) relations, elites act as the agents of de-modernization and re-traditionalization. Organized on the principles of rational bureaucracy, elites are able to ensure modernization. Looking at the evolution of the CIS countries from this angle, the author inves

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Khalil, Hiwa Majeed, Murad Hakim Mohammed та Abdul Hakim Khasrw Guzel. "متمانەی سياسی لە هەرێمی كوردستان ٢٠١١-٢٠١٣". Journal of University of Human Development 3, № 2 (2017): 150. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/juhd.v3n2y2017.pp150-171.

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The Kurdistan region (KR) suffers from poor studies on the subject of political trust. This research aims to do this. The research investigates on the subject of political trust in the KR, at two levels in period of 2011-2013. Firstly, on the level of political institutions e.g. parliament, government, courts and political parties. Secondly, it addresses the salient political figures. To analyse, the available secondary data at mentioned period have been utilised, which collected by specialized organizations in conducting survey and public opinion. The data covers different geographical locati

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Spaskovska, Ljubica. "The “Children of Crisis”: Making Sense of (Post)socialism and the End of Yugoslavia." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 31, no. 3 (2017): 500–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325417692862.

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This article is part of the special section titled The Genealogies of Memory, guest edited by Ferenc Laczó and Joanna Wawrzyniak The article traces certain mnemonic patterns in the ways individuals who belonged to the late-socialist Yugoslav youth elite articulated their values in the wake of Yugoslavia’s demise and the ways they make sense of the Yugoslav socialist past and their generational role a quarter of a century later. It detects narratives of loss, betrayed hopes, and a general disillusionment with politics and the state of post-socialist democracy that appear to be particularly freq

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Abboud, Samer. "Pax Syriana." American Journal of Islam and Society 31, no. 2 (2014): 104–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v31i2.1039.

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There has rarely been a dull period in Lebanon’s post-Ottoman political history.Its central geographic, if not political, position within the Arab region,along with its penetrable political system, has made the country vulnerable toregional and international pressures. These pressures have manifested themselvesin both spectacular (e.g., the civil war and Israeli occupation) and moresubtle ways (e.g., the sustained brain drain and continued socioeconomic deprivationof rural communities). Despite these changes, however, the country’spolitical system has remained resilient and the sectarian power

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Inomata, Takeshi, Daniela Triadan, Erick Ponciano, Estela Pinto, Richard E. Terry, and Markus Eberl. "Domestic and Political Lives of Classic Maya Elites: The Excavation of Rapidly Abandoned Structures at Aguateca, Guatemala." Latin American Antiquity 13, no. 3 (2002): 305–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/972113.

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The Aguateca Archaeological Project conducted extensive excavations of elite residences at the Maya center of Aguateca, which was attacked by enemies and abandoned rapidly at the end of the Classic period. Burned buildings contained rich floor assemblages, providing extraordinary information on the domestic and political lives of Classic Maya elites. Each elite residence served for a wide range of domestic work, including the storage, preparation, and consumption of food, with a relatively clear division of male and female spaces. These patterns suggest that each of the excavated elite residen

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François, Luc. "Theorievorming als machtsfactor : politieke elites en hun legitimatie 1830-1914." Res Publica 27, no. 4 (1985): 567–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v27i4.19206.

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Theories concerning the origin, the growth and the efficacy of political elites mainly originated after the first world-war. They arose in circles and with people who resented the increasing democratisation of political life. They were above all meant as a legitimation of conservative ideas with regard to the exertion of politica! power. The years between 1830 and 1914 however can be considered as the incubation-period for these elite-theories. Some examples taken from the Belgian political literature shall illustrate this evolution.The liberal middle class got divided on the interpretation of

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Eppel, Michael. "The Elite, theEffendiyya, and the Growth of Nationalism and Pan-Arabism in Hashemite Iraq, 1921–1958." International Journal of Middle East Studies 30, no. 2 (1998): 227–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800065880.

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One of the basic characteristics of the social conditions that marked political life in the Arab states in the 1920s, 1930s, and 1940s was the complex relationship between the politicians from among the elites of traditional notables of the Fertile Crescent cities and theeffendiyya, or Westernized middle stratum. These elites consisted not only of traditional notable families, but also of families newly risen since the Tanzimat reforms in the 19th-century Ottoman Empire. Since the end of World War I, these elites had stood at the center of the new states established by the Western powers—Great

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Centeno, Miguel Angel, and Sylvia Maxfield. "The Marriage of Finance and Order: Changes in the Mexican Political Elite." Journal of Latin American Studies 24, no. 1 (1992): 57–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00022951.

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Recent literature on Latin American political economy appears to echo work of the 1960s and 1970s emphasising technical expertise in government. Sikkink and Geddes, for example, suggest that the role of technical experts and professionalisation of the bureaucracy explain Brazil's relative economic successes in the 1960s.1 Conaghan, Malloy and Abugattas focus on the role of technocrats in economic policy—making in the Central Andes.2 Following seminal work by Camp and Smith, Hernández Rodríguez presents the latest data on the role of technocrats in the Mexican political elite.3 To a large exten

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Mach, André, Thomas David, Stéphanie Ginalski, and Felix Bühlmann. "From Quiet to Noisy Politics: Transformations of Swiss Business Elites’ Power." Politics & Society 49, no. 1 (2021): 17–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329220985693.

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During most of the twentieth century, it was possible to consider Switzerland a coordinated market economy, characterized by dense interfirm networks and the strong role of business associations. Thanks to their cohesion and collective organization, in a context of quiet politics and informal institutions, business elites could largely self-regulate major socioeconomic issues in the shadow of politics. However, since the end of the twentieth century, Swiss business elites have undergone profound changes not only in their composition, but also in their coordinating capacity, their growing polit

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Sharafutdinova, Gulnaz. "Elite Management in Electoral Authoritarian Regimes: A View From Bashkortostan and Tatarstan." Central Asian Affairs 2, no. 2 (2015): 117–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22142290-00202001.

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Contributing to the literature on authoritarian elite management, this study explores a puzzle concerned with the elite evolution in Russia’s two ethnic republics, Tatarstan and Bashkortostan. The variation of political legacies left by these two republics’ first presidents cannot be addressed using mainstream explanations that are usually considered principal for the Kremlin’s decisionmaking on gubernatorial cadres in Russia. Both Rakhimov and Shaimiev were very successful as political bosses who could effectively deliver electoral votes to the Kremlin and maintain relative social and economi

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Arjumand Rauf, Dr. Yaar Muhammad, and Dr. Ayesha Saleem. "Elite School Students’ Perceptions of Human Rights: An Interview Study." Research Journal of Social Sciences and Economics Review (RJSSER) 2, no. 1 (2021): 402–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.36902/rjsser-vol2-iss1-2021(402-413).

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Since independence, Pakistan has been struggling to deal with its two focal phenomena. One is the culture of elite governance whereby precious chosen few can influence all societal and administrative segments of the country, and the second related to the issues in the realization of human rights. The realization of fundamental, social, cultural, and political rights depends upon how the ruling elites perceive it. Keeping in view the scenario, this qualitative study was set to explore the perceptions of elite students regarding status and issues in the realization of human rights in Pakistan. S

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Hadi, Kisno. "The source of power of the Dayak Ma’anyan Tribes’ political thought and its influence on the elites." Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik 32, no. 3 (2019): 251. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/mkp.v32i32019.251-261.

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This article describes the political thoughts of power and authority, especially concerning sources of energy and its influences, in the elite group of the Dayak Ma’anyan tribe. Dayak Ma’anyan linked to the Nan Sarunai Kingdom, which was a sovereign country in the politic, economy, social and cultural scope in the 14th century. It collapsed because of the Majapahit military intervention. The elites’ political thoughts highly influence the source of power in Nan Sarunai in the current era in local political practices. This article employed the descriptive, explanatory method paired with descrip

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Kholifah, Siti. "Capital Exchange between Islamic Boarding Schools and Political Parties in the 2019 Election." Wawasan: Jurnal Ilmiah Agama dan Sosial Budaya 5, no. 1 (2020): 43–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/jw.v5i1.7562.

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This study examines the social practices of Islamic boarding schools in Jombang in the 2019 elections. It aims to analyze the role and capital exchange between Islamic boarding schools in Jombang and political parties. This study is important because the intersection of Islamic boarding schools and politics has been going on since colonial times until now. The political dynamics of Islamic boarding schools cannot be separated from NU because several NU Kiai are in the vortex of local and national politics. In the 2019 presidential election, a Kiai of NU named Kiai Ma’ruf Amin ran as Jokowi’s p

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Tome, Dhavid Kristofel Dira, and Yaspis Edgar N. Funay. "Melampaui Politik Identitas: Elaborasi Publik dalam Meretas Kemiskinan di Kabupaten Timor Tengah Selatan." POLITICOS: Jurnal Politik dan Pemerintahan 1, no. 1 (2021): 14–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.22225/politicos.1.1.2791.14-23.

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This paper will describe and analyze the elaboration of government programs and realities that occur in society as one of the strengths to create a system of integration in the context of poverty in South Central Timor. Furthermore, the article was appointed to show how the identity politics of local communities not only become a symbol of resistance but can also be synergized as a critical space in order to achieve an ideal social transformation. Therefore, the method used in collecting data in the form of reviewing the facts of literature sources will then be tested for relevance to the real

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Polak, Wojciech. "The Round Table in 1989 – Consequences and Evaluation." Polish Political Science Yearbook 50 (2021): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202131.

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The agreement of the round table signed on April 5, 1989, resulted in the creation of the government of Tadeusz Mazowiecki (September 12, 1989) and the end of communist rule in Poland. However, it should be pointed out that the agreement of the round table is currently often criticized. It is claimed, among other things, that the agreement was a form of “unification of the elite” (the term Jack Kuroń) to obtain financial and political benefits. As a result, the mixed communist-solidarity elite has taken over power in the country, guided solely by their own interests. It is also stressed that t

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Anderson, Siwan, Patrick Francois, and Ashok Kotwal. "Clientelism in Indian Villages." American Economic Review 105, no. 6 (2015): 1780–816. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.20130623.

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We study the operation of local governments (Panchayats) in rural Maharashtra, India, using a survey that we designed for this end. Elections are freely contested, fairly tallied, highly participatory, non-coerced, and lead to appointment of representative politicians. However, beneath this veneer of ideal democracy we find evidence of deeply ingrained clientelist vote-trading structures maintained through extra-political means. Elite minorities undermine policies that would redistribute income toward the majority poor. We explore the means by which elites use their dominance of land ownership

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Majchierkiewicz, Tatiana. "Polish Regional Elite Career Paths and the Impact of a Multilevel System." Politics in Central Europe 16, no. 1 (2020): 283–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2020-0013.

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AbstractThis paper aims to investigate the multilevel careers of members of Polish regional executives from the first direct election to regional parliaments in 1998 until the end of 2014. Formation of self-government in regions is assumed to have started the process of formation of the multilevel system in Poland. Consequently, political career paths began to be diversified and to take place at more than one level. Among the factors with a critical impact on the specificity of Polish regional careers was the fact that regionalisation was preceded by local government reform (1990), and it was

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Grebennikov, Marat. "Farewell to the Caucasus: Regional ethnic clan politics and the growing instability of the ruling elite after the 2012 presidential elections in Russia." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 46, no. 1 (2013): 159–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2012.12.011.

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One of the most lingering questions about Russian politics that dominates public discourse and media coverage is the future of political regime after the 2012 presidential elections. The answer to this question is inextricably linked to the extent of differences between President Vladimir Putin and Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev, how long their “tandemocracy” will last and what can bring about regime change as scarce critics of the Kremlin, from ultra-liberals to communists, have been haphazardly co-opted into the power system, leaving no political ambitions that they would not, in principle,

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Vorontsov, V. S. "FORMATION, DEVELOPMENT AND TRANSFORMATION OF NATIONAL ELITES IN THE USSR AND THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 3, no. 2 (2019): 201–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2019-3-2-201-213.

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The article reveals the establishment and transformation of elite groups in the USSR. “The theory of elites” allows to expand our understanding of the crisis of the beginning and end of the 20th century, which affected all spheres of life in the Russian society. The analysis of the ethnopolitical situation right prior to the collapse of the country suggests that it was not only a clash between the “top” and the “bottom”, elites and counter-elites, but also a confrontation within the elites and counter-elites, considering their different ideological attitudes and the ethnonational component. In

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Loughlin, Neil. "Reassessing Cambodia's Patronage System(s) and the End of Competitive Authoritarianism: Electoral Clientelism in the Shadow of Coercion." Pacific Affairs 93, no. 3 (2020): 497–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.5509/2020933497.

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The dominant literature on Cambodian politics over the past two decades suggested that a mixture of elite and mass clientelism had enabled the hegemonic Cambodian People's Party (CPP) to rule via competitive but authoritarian elections, while lessening its previous reliance on repression and violence. Such explanations did not predict the upswing in contestation in the country in 2013 and thereafter. Neither do they account for the crackdown that followed. Following literature that draws attention to the tensions in building and maintaining political coalitions under authoritarianism, and demo

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Valencia Daza, Galia Irina. "El Valle del Cauca para los vallecaucanos. Proceso de constitución del Departamento del Valle." HiSTOReLo. Revista de Historia Regional y Local 2, no. 3 (2010): 31–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.15446/historelo.v2n3.12380.

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El presente artículo explica el proceso de creación del Departamento del Valle del Cauca en 1910. Hecho que constituye un hito importante en la historia regional del suroccidente colombiano, teniendo en cuenta que concluyen: 1) el proceso de disolución del Estado del Cauca, que se venía gestando por el Gobierno nacional desde finales del siglo XIX, y 2) el movimiento separatista de la elite vallecaucana que anhelaba su autonomía frente al Cauca. La autora analiza el papel de las elites y los grupos dirigentes regionales y subregionales, algunos centrados en mantener su tradicional poder políti

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Prufer, Keith M., Holley Moyes, Brendan J. Culleton, Andrew Kindon, and Douglas J. Kennett. "Formation of a Complex Polity on the Eastern Periphery of the Maya Lowlands." Latin American Antiquity 22, no. 2 (2011): 199–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/1045-6635.22.2.199.

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AbstractThis paper pursues the application of a central tenet of the dual-processual framework, the corporate/network continuum, to the development of Uxbenká, a small monument-bearing polity in the southern Maya Lowlands. During its growth, Uxbenká underwent a transformation from a small farming community to a complex polity with many of the trappings of elite authority that characterizes Classic Maya centers. It was one of the earliest complex polities to develop on the southeastern periphery of the Maya lowlands during the Early Classic period (A.D. 300—600). The polity was founded upon ear

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Broomhall, Susan. "Devoted Politics: Jesuits and Elite Catholic Women at the Later Sixteenth-century Valois Court." Journal of Jesuit Studies 2, no. 4 (2015): 586–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00204003.

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This essay analyses how elite women at the sixteenth-century French court interacted with the Jesuits, in the context of the spiritual and political ambitions of all participants. Focusing particularly on the dynamic relationship between Catherine de Medici and the Jesuits, contextualized by the experiences of other elite women and men, it explores the period from the 1560s to the end of the 1580s during which Catherine occupied a powerful role and when individual members of the Society of Jesus rose to prominence at the court. To date, the scholarship of elite Catholic politics in which the J

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Schulz, Carsten-Andreas. "Territorial sovereignty and the end of inter-cultural diplomacy along the “Southern frontier”." European Journal of International Relations 25, no. 3 (2018): 878–903. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066118814890.

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European politics at the turn of the 19th century saw a dramatic reduction in the number and diversity of polities as the territorial nation-state emerged as the dominant form of political organization. The transformation had a profound impact on the periphery. The study examines how embracing the principle of territoriality transformed relations between settler societies and indigenous peoples in South America. As this shift coincided with independence from Spain, Creole elites rapidly dismantled the remnants of imperial heteronomy, ending centuries of inter-cultural diplomacy. The study illu

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Baham, Karl F. "Beyond the Bourgeoisie: Rethinking Nation, Culture, and Modernity in Nineteenth-Century Central Europ." Austrian History Yearbook 29, no. 1 (1998): 19–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800014788.

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The historyof Central Europe at the end of the nineteenth century (as indeed at the end of the twentieth) is to a large extent the history of the furies of nationalism. The attempt to understand that fact has for a long time been dominated by understandings of nationalism and the mobilization of national identity that are rooted in conceptions of a particularly modern social and political crisis. In this paradigm the rise of nationalism is associated—as it was for many critical observers at the time—with the failure of liberal politics and the general breakdown of an elite-dominated, rational-

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Semenenko, I., and I. Prokhorenko. "From Elitist Project to Mass Politics: Challenges of Politicization to European Integration." World Economy and International Relations, no. 7 (2015): 29–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-7-29-40.

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The current recession has stimulated the politicization of the economic regulation in the EU and has brought about a change in the priorities of European integration. European identity landmarks emerge amid a growing interdependence of the European and divergent national political agendas and a “conflictual Europeanization” of mass politics. Protest publics have come to the forefront of European politics, and a conspicuous rise of the voters support for hybrid anti-establishment parties repudiating traditional politics demonstrates a cumulative effect of dissatisfaction and frustration in both

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Albarracin-Jordan, Juan, José M. Capriles, and Melanie J. Miller. "Transformations in ritual practice and social interaction on the Tiwanaku periphery." Antiquity 88, no. 341 (2014): 851–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00050730.

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Ritual practices and their associated material paraphernalia played a key role in extending the reach and ideological impact of early states. The discovery of a leather bag containing snuffing tablets and traces of psychoactive substances at Cueva del Chileno in the southern Andes testifies to the adoption of Tiwanaku practices by emergent local elites. Tiwanaku control spread over the whole of the south-central Andes during the Middle Horizon (AD 500–1100) but by the end of the period it had begun to fragment into a series of smaller polities. The bag had been buried by an emergent local elit

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Street, John, Matthew Worley, and David Wilkinson. "‘Does it threaten the status quo?’ Elite responses to British punk, 1976–1978." Popular Music 37, no. 2 (2018): 271–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026114301800003x.

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AbstractThe emergence of punk in Britain (1976–1978) is recalled and documented as a moment of rebellion, one in which youth culture was seen to challenge accepted values and forms of behaviour, and to set in motion a new kind of cultural politics. In this article we do two things. First, we ask how far punk's challenge extended. Did it penetrate those political, cultural and social elites against which it set itself? And second, we reflect on the problem of recovering the history and politics of moments such as punk, and on the value of archives to such exercises in recuperation. In pursuit o

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Heath, Robert L., and Damion Waymer. "Elite status talks, but how loudly and why? Exploring elite CSR micro-politics." Corporate Communications: An International Journal 24, no. 2 (2019): 232–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ccij-11-2017-0113.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to investigate the proactive role elite organizations play within-network corporate social responsibility (CSR) performance by determining whether organizations can be identified that serve as aspirational CSR role models. The assumption is that elite CSR performance inspires and challenges other in-network actors to raise their standards in order to be legitimate, and resource rewardable. Design/methodology/approach Three cases are discussed to exemplify elite CSR: historical: recognizing the value of embracing a trend in improved standards of meatpacking,

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Beatty, Ted. "Pesos and Politics: Business, Elites, and Government in Mexico, 1854–1940 by Mark Wasserman." Enterprise & Society 17, no. 1 (2015): 233–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ens.2015.0098.

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de Oliveira, Ricardo Soares. "Illiberal peacebuilding in Angola." Journal of Modern African Studies 49, no. 2 (2011): 287–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x1100005x.

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ABSTRACTAngola's oil-fuelled reconstruction since the end of the civil war in 2002 is a world away from the mainstream liberal peacebuilding approach that Western donors have promoted and run since the end of cold war. The Angolan case is a pivotal example of what can be termed ‘illiberal peacebuilding’, a process of post-war reconstruction managed by local elites in defiance of liberal peace precepts on civil liberties, the rule of law, the expansion of economic freedoms and poverty alleviation, with a view to constructing a hegemonic order and an elite stranglehold over the political economy

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Corso, Lucia. "When Anti-Politics Becomes Political: What can the Italian Five Star Movement Tell us about the Relationship Between Populism and Legalism." European Constitutional Law Review 15, no. 3 (2019): 462–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019619000282.

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Populist politicians have to deal with a foundational paradox, i.e. ruling without being contaminated by the corrupting influence of power - Strategies to shield populists’ political actions from the accusations that populist parties have flung against pre-existing elites – The Italian Five Star Movement as a populist political discourse resorting to legalist strategies – Legalism as a way of introducing political reforms as mandatory actions, required by some sort of exclusionary, pre-existing legal rule rather than the product of ideological confrontation and political compromise – Populism

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Gunawan, Tedi. "The Origin of Kinship Politics in 2020 Regional Elections in Sleman Regency." Jurnal Bina Praja 13, no. 2 (2021): 183–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.21787/jbp.13.2021.183-194.

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On December 9, 2020, The Sleman Regional Head Election was won by the Kustini-Danang pair. The victory of Kustini (wife of Sri Purnomo, the incumbent Regent) is referred to as part of kinship politics. Kinship politics is understood as an attempt to perpetuate power, in this case, Sri Purnomo's power. Sri Purnomo itself is the Regent of Sleman who is famous for his political superiority, which is shown by winning two consecutive terms. This study aims to capture the local political phenomenon in Sleman by identifying the political contestation in the 2020 Regional Head Election from a socio-hi

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Langenbacher, Eric. "Twenty-first Century Memory Regimes in Germany and Poland: An Analysis of Elite Discourses and Public Opinion." German Politics and Society 26, no. 4 (2008): 50–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2008.260404.

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One of the most important developments in the incipient Berlin Republic's memory regime has been the return of the memory of German suffering from the end and aftermath of World War II. Elite discourses about the bombing of German cities, the mass rape of German women by members of the Red Army, and, above all, the expulsion of Germans from then-Eastern Germany and elsewhere in Central and Eastern Europe have gained massive visibility in the last decade. Although many voices have lauded these developments as liberating, many others within Germany and especially in Poland—from where the vast ma

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Fakhoury, Tamirace. "GOVERNANCE STRATEGIES AND REFUGEE RESPONSE: LEBANON IN THE FACE OF SYRIAN DISPLACEMENT." International Journal of Middle East Studies 49, no. 4 (2017): 681–700. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743817000654.

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AbstractThis article discusses how the Lebanese state has responded to displacement from Syria (2011–17), and how the resulting policy formulation processes and discourses have constructed the relationship between the hosting state and the refugee. It focuses especially on how this small state has negotiated its politics of reception and choice of policy tools amid dysfunctional institutions and political disputes. To this end, it uses the lens of Lebanon's model of sectarian power sharing to understand the polity's response to mass displacement. This process has been structured by the definin

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Hamayotsu, Kikue. "The End of Political Islam? A Comparative Analysis of Religious Parties in the Muslim Democracy of Indonesia." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 30, no. 3 (2011): 133–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341103000305.

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Why do some religious parties survive after adopting a moderate ideological outlook while others do not? The rise and fall of religious parties since the onset of democratic transition in Indonesia has set off an intriguing debate over the role and future of political Islam in electoral politics. This article seeks to explain the diverging – and unexpected – trajectories of the two most prominent religious parties, the National Awakening Party (PKB) and Justice Prosperous Party (PKS) through a close examination of the case of PKB. It emphasizes organizational qualities to advance two claims. F

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Janusek, John Wayne. "Craft and Local Power: Embedded Specialization in Tiwanaku Cities." Latin American Antiquity 10, no. 02 (1999): 107–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/972198.

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Proponents of many comparative models of craft specialization explain variability in the organization of production according to the nature of elite interest and economic demand. To this end, many propose a basic dichotomy between independent and attached specialization, whereby valued goods are produced for elites in controlled, nondomestic workshops. I examine new evidence for craft production in the prehispanic Andean polity of Tiwanaku (A. D. 500-1150). I outline expectations for these two forms of specialization and, based on ethnohistorical research in the Tiwanaku region, propose a thir

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Fearon, James D. "State Failure and Challenges to Democratization in Africa." Perspectives on Politics 7, no. 2 (2009): 361–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153759270922086x.

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When Things Fell Apart manages to be wonderfully concise but still compelling. The thing Robert Bates seeks to explain is the secular trend in sub-Saharan Africa toward civil war, although he often characterizes this in broader terms, as a trend toward “political conflict” or “political disorder.” He explains the trend as follows: Public revenues fell in the 1970s and 1980s as a result of commodity price declines, effects of the second oil shock, and bad economic policy choices that overtaxed farmers so that politicians could dispense patronage to smaller, politically more important urban cons

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Griffiths, Dave, Andrew Miles, and Mike Savage. "The End of the English Cultural Elite?" Sociological Review 56, no. 1_suppl (2008): 187–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.2008.00768.x.

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Kelly, Serena. "New Zealand Elite Perceptions on the EU: A Longitudinal Analysis." Baltic Journal of European Studies 3, no. 3 (2013): 153–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjes-2013-0025.

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AbstractSince the end of the cold war, the European Union’s (EU’s) global aspirations and capabilities have grown. This shift has seen the EU becoming an increasingly integral part of the international arena, both economically and politically. However, there has been a notable geopolitical shift in recent years towards the growing importance of Asia. New Zealand, geographically distant but traditionally culturally aligned with the EU, the nation that has traditionally enjoyed close economic, political and social relations with the EU but is increasingly focused on Asia, presents a unique persp

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Shekh, Alexander V. "Отражение событий августа 1991 года в Мурманской области." Transaction Kola Science Centre 11, № 1-2020 (2020): 140–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.37614/2307-5252.2020.1.18.009.

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The attempt to remove from power in August 1991, M.S. Gorbachev actually marked the end of the history of the Soviet Union. The August events forced the peoples of the republics of the USSR to unite around republican elites who defended the achievements of perestroika. The socio-political situation in the Murmansk region in August 1991 is considered on the material of the regional press.It reflects a specific feature of those events in the region. Despite the differences in the positions of different groups of the population, in General, electoral support for the legitimate authorities was ref

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Freeman, Joanne B. "The Culture of Politics: The Politics of Culture." Journal of Policy History 16, no. 2 (2004): 137–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2004.0007.

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In a way, there is an unspoken subtext to this “state-of-the-field” panel on political history. For at least some of us, there is a whisper of uneasiness associated with this topic, a small internal voice concerned about the health and survival of political history. In the relatively recent past, the flowering of social history challenged and eventually toppled the dominance of political history—a fine development, given that in the long reach of history politics is only part of the story. Unfortunately, this shift of balance left some scholars with a bad taste in their mouths. Some social his

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Hasani, Luljeta. "The Functioning of Political Parties as Co-Founders of the Formation of the Political Elite and the Democratic State." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 6, no. 1 (2017): 175–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ajis-2018-0022.

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Abstract During the years 1991-1992, according to the authors Albanian political parties coexist modern concepts of party politics and organization with the concepts of local tradition imposed by mentality, inheritance and local circumstances. Throughout 1992- 1998 we have an increase in the number of political parties, of which two were major in 1990 in 1996, we have 65 political parties, of which 12 had representation in the parliament of the time. This increase in the number of parties by authors has come as a result of problems and internal conflicts in political parties, leading to factio

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Yamamoto, Hidehiro. "Interest Group Politics and Its Transformation in Japan." Asian Survey 61, no. 3 (2021): 532–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2021.61.3.532.

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The political reforms that have been going on since the 1990s have drastically changed the face of politics in Japan. The most significant of these reforms was the change of government, which brought an end, albeit only once, to the long-standing Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) regime. These changes were expected to change the power structure by altering the contact of interest groups with political elites. I examine this issue based on a longitudinal survey conducted in four rounds between 1997 and 2017. The results show a robust structure of interest group politics, although the features were

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Prescott, James R. "Ramón Magsaysay—the Myth and the Man." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 23, no. 1 (2016): 7–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02301001.

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Ramón Magsaysay became a phenomenon in Philippine politics after World War ii. In less than a decade, he rose from managing a bus company to governing his homeland. Magsaysay died tragically in a plane crash near the end of his only term as president and students of Philippine affairs have been left to speculate about what might have been a different subsequent course of affairs in this Southeast Asian nation. This paper argues that the so-called “Magsaysay Myth”—the idea that the United States installed him in office to transform his country’s government and politics—is not convincing. u.s. p

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Norkus, Zenonas. "Political Development of Lithuania: A Comparative Analysis of Second Post-communist Decade." World Political Science 8, no. 1 (2012): 217–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/wpsr-2012-0012.

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AbstractThe goal of this paper is to put into focus and explain distinctive features of the political developments in Lithuania during second post-communist decade, comparing them with other Baltic States (Latvia and Estonia) and those Central European countries with political systems which resembled most closely Lithuania (Poland and Hungary) by the end of the first post-communist decade. In all these countries, second post-communist decade witnessed the rise of the new successful populist parties. The author argues that this populist rise is the proper context for understanding of Rolandas P

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MACDONALD, ALAN R. "CONSULTATION AND CONSENT UNDER JAMES VI." Historical Journal 54, no. 2 (2011): 287–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x11000021.

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ABSTRACTDivisions in the Scottish political community that were evident by the end of the reign of James VI have been posited as roots of the Scottish revolution of 1638 and the wars of the three kingdoms. This article argues that the disengagement of central government from the political nation at large was a key factor in this development. By demonstrating the frequency of conventions of the estates, it highlights the intensity of consultation in James's Scottish government before 1603. A sudden decline in their frequency thereafter was symptomatic of a wider failure of government to adapt t

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Vis, Barbara. "Heuristics and Political Elites’ Judgment and Decision-Making." Political Studies Review 17, no. 1 (2018): 41–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929917750311.

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It is broadly assumed that political elites (e.g. party leaders) regularly rely on heuristics in their judgments or decision-making. In this article, I aim to bring together and discuss the scattered literature on this topic. To address the current conceptual unclarity, I discuss two traditions on heuristics: (1) the heuristics and biases (H&B) tradition pioneered by Kahneman and Tversky and (2) the fast and frugal heuristics (F&F) tradition pioneered by Gigerenzer et al. I propose to concentrate on two well-defined heuristics from the H&B tradition— availability and representative

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