Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Politics – Environmental aspects'
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Heatherington, Tracey. "Environmental politics in a highland Sardinian community." Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=68102.
Full textMysak, Mark. "The Environmental is Political: Exploring the Geography of Environmental Justice." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2010. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc30497/.
Full textMcDowell, Eleanor. "Green politics in Scotland : an analysis of historical and contemporary aspects of the Scottish environmental movement." Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.337719.
Full textRisely, Melissa. "The politics of precaution : an eco-political investigation of agricultural gene technology policy in Australia, 1992-2000." Title page, contents and abstract only, 2003. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phr5953.pdf.
Full textRadoll, Gabriella Roesler. "A criação do Parque Natural Municipal Itaim e sua potencialidade como catalisador de transformações socioambientais." Universidade de São Paulo, 2014. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/16/16135/tde-15082014-155117/.
Full textFour natural parks are being created in the city of Sao Paulo as result from an agrément reached by the Brazilian Road Authority (Dersa), municipal and State authorities. These parks were designed to compensate the environmental impact of the new Rodoanel Trecho Sul highway. This study analyses the impact of the \"Parque Natural Municipal Itaim\", not only from an environmental perspective, but also as a catalyst for social transformation in its neighboring communities. This park is situated in the poor suburbs of Sao Paulo, an area where rural and urban settings co-exist. The communities in the surroundings of the park are extremely poor and marginalized, lacking all sorts of service, leisure, cultural and educative activities. In this context, the park plays a fundamental role, not only from its inherent environmental benefits, but also by offering a place where the local communities can meet, enjoy and where they have access to social and educative initiatives promoted by the park. In this context, the park has also a central social role providing a jump-start in offering access to leisure and incorporating these poor communities in the city. This park should have a key social importance to them, marginalized communities that are usually neglected by local authorities, with limited access to basic public services. The study emphasizes the importance of the park in facilitating the regional environmental connectivity and as a fundamental transformation agent for the surrounding communities by analyzing demographical and socioeconomic data, cartographs and thematic charts combined with the qualitative data and interviews collected in loco. The study also made extensive use of qualitative data gathered in loco in order to understand how the park is viewed from the perspective of the individuals who live in its vicinity - how they perceive and appreciate their landscape and the educational role of the park in sensitizing and stimulating the local populations to the importance and role of the local green areas, either the ones that exist today or that will be created in the future. The singular and innovative aspects of the park are reemphasized in a moment when authorities discuss budgetary cuts, under staffing and face organizational challenges. This could potentially limit the scope of this project that is still being developed. However, there is still time and we (NEP-FAUUSP) hope there is enough commitment to deliver the full scope of the park, that would have a key role in improving the life of adjacent communities.
Kök-Kalaycı, İrem. "Politics of transparency : contested spaces of corporate responsibility, science and regulation in shale gas projects of the UK and the US." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:79f34c61-709d-44f1-ae1c-c298cd4cb07c.
Full textCoetzee, Wayne Stephen. "The role of the environment in conflict : complex realities in post-civil war Nigeria." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/20013.
Full textENGLISH ABSTRACT: Nigeria is a country that has witnessed ongoing – albeit sporadic – violent conflict since its independence in 1960 from Britain. A brutal civil war, known as the Biafra war, lasting from 1967 to 1970, was not to end social tensions in this ethnically diverse country. Violent conflict has been an ongoing reality since the end of the Biafra war in 1970. In addition, Nigeria has exhibited substantial environmental degradation and resource scarcity during this time. Hence, this study assesses whether environmental degradation and resource scarcity are independent causes of domestic violent conflict in Nigeria since the end of the Biafra war. Additionally, rich reserves of natural non-renewable resources – in particular the prevalence of oil – are analysed vis-à-vis the degradation and growing scarcity of renewable resources in order to consider the impact both these aspects have on post civil war conflict in Nigeria. In order to achieve this, this study concerns itself primarily with causation. It considers two aspects in this regard. Firstly, it evaluates the assertion that the environment is an independent cause of conflict. That is to say, it investigates the notion that the environment impacts independently on human behaviour. Secondly, it examines the components of the social structure that create conditions that manipulate the environment in such a way that conflict is the ultimate outcome. This study asserts that the agency-structure composite is important to understand in order to examine violent conflict and its relationship with the environment in Nigeria. This relationship-structure-cause premise is examined by using a complex theory framework. Consequently, importance is placed on the causal relationship between violent conflict, environmental degradation and scarcity, natural non-renewable resource dependency and the social, economic and political milieu in which this transpires. This study ascertains that severe environmental change can only be considered a cause of conflict when its impact is considered with other important factors such as economic and political anonymity, which – for the most part – create the milieu in which subsequent violent conflict is the outcome.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Nigerië is 'n land wat deurlopend kan getuig, alhoewel sporadies, dat daar sedert sy onafhanklikheid van Brittanje in 1960, geweldadige konflik was. 'n Brutale burgelike oorlog wat geduur het vanaf 1967 to 1970, het geensins die sosiale spanning ge-eindig vir hierdie etniese diverse land nie. Gewelddadige konflik is 'n deurlopende werklikheid sedert die einde van die burgeroorlog in 1970. Daarbenewens het Nigerië uitgestaan vir hul aansienlike agteruitgang van die omgewing en hulpbron-skaarste gedurende hierdie tyd. Vandaar hierdie studie om te bepaal of die omgewing se agteruitgang en hulpbron-skaarste 'n onafhanklike oorsaak is van binnelandse geweldadige konflik in Nigerië, sedert die einde van die burgeroorlog. Daarby, ryk reserwes van natuurlike nie-hernubare hulpbronne, in die besonder die voorkoms van olie wat betref die agteruitgang en die toenemende skaarsheid van hernubare hulpbronne, word ontleed ten einde die impak van hierdie twee aspekte op post-burgeroorlog konflik in Nigerië te oorweeg. Ten einde dit te bereik, gebruik hierdie studie oorsaaklikheidsleer. Daar is twee aspekte in hierdie verband wat in aanmerking geneem word. Eerstens is die bewering dat die omgewing die onafhanklike oorsaak is van konflik. Dit wil sê, dit ondersoek die idée dat die omgewing 'n onafhanklike impak het op menslike gedrag. Dit ondersoek, tweedens, die komponente van die sosiale struktuur wat die omstandighede skep wat die omgewing op so 'n wyse manipuleer, dat konflik die uiteindelike uitkoms is. Hierdie studie beweer dat die agent-struktuur verhouding belangrik is om te verstaan ten einde geweldadige konflik en die verhouding met die omgewing in Nigerië te ondersoek. Hierdie verhouding-struktuur-oorsaak uitgangspunt is ondersoek deur gebruik te maak van 'n komplekse teorie raamwerk. Gevolglik word die belangrikheid geplaas op die oorsaaklike verband tussen gewelddadige konflik, die agteruitgang van die omgewing en skaarsheid, nie-hernubare afhanklikheid en die sosiale, ekonomiese en politieke milieu waarin dit voorkom. Hierdie studie stel vas dat ernstige omgewingsverandering slegs oorweeg kan word as 'n oorsaak van konflik as die impak daarvan oorweeg word met ander belangrike faktore soos ekonomiese en politieke anonimiteit, wat, vir die grootste deel, die omgewing skep waarin die daaropvolgende geweldadige konflik die uitkoms is.
Nelson, Hal T. "Presidential Domain: An Exploratory Study of Prospect Theory and US Climate Policy Since 1998." PDXScholar, 2002. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2879.
Full textHanke, Nora. "East Africa’s growing power : challenging Egypt’s hydropolitical position on the Nile." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/80202.
Full textBibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This case study on East Africa analyses the impact of changing power relations over the last decade on Egypt’s hydro-hegemony on the Nile River Basin. Covering one-tenth of Africa’s landmass and providing resources for the 340 million people and countless species, the Nile is exemplary of Africa’s geographic, cultural and ecological diversity, as well as its political complexity. Eleven riparian states lie in its basin area and compete for dwindling water resources as demand rises in a highly asymmetrical power relationship between upstream and downstream states. Egypt, although geographically disadvantaged due to its downstream position, has established hydro-hegemony by combining material capabilities, legal and institutional mechanisms, as well as knowledge production. Its relative wealth is contingent upon the supply of Nile water, as it makes up 95% of Egypt’s freshwater. Egypt has legally secured its claim through the 1959 Treaty on the Full Utilisation of the Nile Waters which divides the Nile water flow between Egypt and Sudan. Egypt further established consolidated control by using its downstream position in the World Bank to de facto veto upstream hydro-electric power projects throughout the 1990s. In contrast, the East African Community Partner States only started to lay claim to the water over the last decade due to its history of colonialism, proxy wars and political instability. In 2002, the EAC decided to manage the Lake Victoria Basin jointly. Paired with growing stability and economic growth in the region, this management has attracted Chinese investment in hydro-electric power projects, notably dams, giving East Africa financial independence from both the World Bank and Egypt to build hydro-infrastructure projects. East African states use the influx of Chinese investments to increase their respective defence budgets while Egypt’s military spending, as a share of GDP, has been decreasing over the last decade. Under the Nyerere Doctrine, East African states refuse to honour the 1959 Treaty and have asked for re-negotiation. The first step was taken in 2011, when six upstream states under EAC leadership signed the Cooperative Framework Agreement paving the way for renegotiation, in the face of Egypt’s explicit refusal. Domestic factors in Egypt, coupled with East Africa’s growing self-confidence, are slowly changing the power relations in the Nile basin. Using the London Water Research Group’s Hydro-Hegemony framework in a triangular diachronic single-case study research design, this study traces the processes of counter-hegemony and hydropolitical power shifts. Understanding these political processes is the first step towards the sustainable distribution of the Nile water resources on the basin level.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie gevallestudie oor Oos-Afrika ontleed die impak van veranderende magsverhoudinge op Egipte se beheer oor die loop van die Nylwater gedurende die laaste dekade. Die Nyl, wat vloei oor een tiende van die landmassa van Afrika en lewensmiddele verskaf aan die 340 miljoen mense en ontelbare spesies wat daar ´n bestaan voer, dien as voorbeeld vir Afrika se geografiese, kulturele en ekologiese diversiteit sowel as die politieke kompleksiteit daarvan. Elf oewerstate lê in die Nylopvanggebied en wedywer vir waterbronne wat afneem, terwyl die aanvraag styg in ‘n hoogs asimmetriese magsverhouding tussen die lande wat stroomop en stroomaf geleë is. Alhoewel Egipte geografies benadeel is deur stroomaf geleë te wees, het die land hidrohegemonie verkry deur middel van sy materiële vermoëns, wets- en institutêre meganismes, en kennisproduksie. Die relatiewe rykdom van Egipte is afhanklik van die beskikbaarheid van Nylwater, wat 95% van die land se varswater verskaf. Egipte het sy aanspraak daarop wetlik vasgelê deur middel van die 1959 Verdrag oor die Volle Gebruik van die Nylwater, wat die Nyl se vloei verdeel tussen Egipte en die Soedan. Gedurende die 1990s het die land sy beheer verder versterk deur sy stroomafposisie by die Wêreldbank te gebruik om hidroelktriesekragprojekte stroomop de facto te veto. As gevolg van ‘n geskiedenis van kolonialisme en politieke onrus, het die lidstate van die Oos-Afrikaanse Gemeenskap (OAG) egter eers gedurende die laaste dekade begin om die Nylwater te eis. In 2002 het die OAG besluit om die Victoriameer-opvanggebied gesamentlik te beheer. Hierdie beheer, saam met toenemende bestendigheid en ekonomiese groei in die gebied, het aanleiding gegee tot Chinese beleggings in hidroelektriesekragprojekte, veral damme, sodat Oos-Afrika finansiële onafhanklikheid verkry het van beide die Wêreldbank en Egipte om sy eie hidro-infrastuktuurprojekte te bou. Terwyl die Oos-Afrikaanse lande die invloei van Chinese beleggings gebruik om hulle onderskeie verdedigingsbegrotings te vergroot, het Egipte se militêre uitgawes afgeneem as ‘n deel van die BBP oor die laaste dekade. Die Oos-Afrikaanse lande beroep hulle op die Nyerere Dokrine deur te weier om die 1959 Verdrag na te kom, en het versoek dat dit heronderhandel word. Die eerste treë is in 2011, geneem toe ses stroomoplande onder die leierskap van die OAG die Koöperatiewe Raamwerk Verdrag onderteken het, wat die pad voorberei vir heronderhandeling ten spyte van Egipte se onomwonde weiering daartoe.
Jengo, Elisabeth Naito. "Resource scarcity and social identity in the political conflicts in Burundi." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/80070.
Full textENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since Burundi gained independence in 1962, this country has experienced periods of mass communal violence. Extensive scholarly research has focused on exploring the factors behind, and the nature of, the conflicts in Burundi from a socio-ethnic perspective. There has, however, been a persistent lack of attention paid to the inextricable relationship between environmental factors; particularly the scarcity of resources, coupled with rapid population growth; and Burundi‘s recent history of internal conflict. Noteworthy explanatory factors, which are often ignored in literature on the environment and conflict, have thus motivated this study. Burundi is an example of this reality because of a highly dependent agricultural economy and a constant growing population. This study used a descriptive analysis, as methodological tool; in order to gain an understanding of Burundi‘s land question - that is, how limited access to land and the constantly increasing population have led to environmental degradation, that served as motivational trigger factors for the violent political conflicts that occurred at various periods between 1965 and 1993 in this country. This study addresses this epistemological gap. In order to explore the nexus between environmental factors, land access, population growth and the political conflicts in Burundi, this study draws and builds upon Jared Diamond‘s (2005) five point framework of potential trigger factors to environmental collapse. Moreover, Diamond‘s (2005) ecocide theory argues that there are eight specific indicators to demonstrate how societies undermine themselves by damaging their own environment; thus resulting in an ecocide. This theory was applied to the two main environmental variables examined in this study. More specifically, this theoretical perspective provided a base for exploring how land issues, population growth, environmental degradation and political change can be understood as important precursors to the violent conflicts in Burundi. What may be surmised by this study; is that there is indeed a positive correlation between these forces, where the values of the independent variables (land access and population growth) are associated with the values of the dependent variable (violent conflict). This correlation, therefore, calls for an acknowledgement of the complexity of the Burundian conflicts and that ethnicity which has dominated contemporary conflict analysis is but one of several social rifts.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sedert Burundi in 1962 onafhanklikheid verkry het, het hierdie land periodes van massa gewelddadige politieke konflik ervaar. Uitgebreide wetenskaplike navorsing het daarop gefokus om die faktore agter die gebeure, sowel as die aard van die konflik in Burundi vanuit ‘n sosio-etniese perspektief, te ondersoek. Tog word daar steeds gebrekkige aandag geskenk aan die onlosmaaklike verhouding tussen omgewingsfaktore, veral gebrek aan hulpbronne, gepaardgaande met die voortgesette bevolkingsaanwas; asook Burundi se onlangse geskiedenis van interne konflik. Noemenswaardige gapings, wat dikwels in die verklarende literatuur geïgnoreer word, het dus hierdie studie gemotiveer. Burundi is ‘n voorbeeld van hierdie werklikheid omdat die land baie afhanklik van landbou is; as gevolg van die kontstante bevolkingsaanwas in die land. Hierdie navorsing het beskrywende analise as ‘n metodologiese instrument gebruik om insig te kry oor Burundi se grondkwessie – met ander woorde hoe die beperkte toegang tot grond en ‘n toenemende bevolkingsaanwas gelei het tot die agteruitgang van die omgewing. Bostaande faktore het as motiverende sneller faktore gedien, wat aanleiding gegee het tot die gewelddadige politieke konflik, wat gedurende verskillende periodes tussen 1965 en 1993 in hierdie land ontstaan het. Hierdie studie poog dus om hierdie epistomologiese gaping aan te spreek. Ten einde die verband (nexus) tussen omgewingsfaktore, grondbesit, bevolkingsaanwas en die politieke konflikte in Burundi te ondersoek, steun en bou hierdie studie voort op Jared Diamond (2005) se vyfpunt raamwerk van potensiële sneller faktore, wat lei tot omgewings ineenstorting. Verder beweer Diamond (2005) se omgewings uitwissing (ecocide) teorie dat daar agt spesifieke aanduidings is om te demonstreer hoe gemeenskappe hulself ondermyn deur hul eie omgewing te beskadig/vernietig: wat uitloop op omgewings uitwissing (ecocide). Hierdie teorie is aangewend in die twee hoof omgewings veranderlikes, wat in die studie/ navorsing ondersoek is. Hierdie teoretiese perspektief het ook spesifiek ‘n basis voorsien om te ondersoek hoe grondkwessies, bevolkingsaanwas, omgewings agteruitgang en politieke verandering verstaan kan word as belangrike aanwysers van die geweldadige konflik in Burundi. Deur middel van hierdie studie kan ‘n duidelike opsomming gemaak word dat daar inderdaad ‘n positiewe korrelasie tussen hierdie magte voorkom, waar die waardes van die onafhanklike veranderlike (toegang tot grond en bevolkingsgroei) geassosieer word met die waardes van die afhanklike veranderlike (geweldadige konflik). Hierdie korrelasie verg dus ‘n beroep om erkenning te gee aan die kompleksiteit van konflik in Burundi. Hierdie etniese debat, wat tans die oorheersende konflik aanvuur, is maar net een van die verskeie interpretasies van sosiale breekpunte in Burundi is.
McAnally, Elizabeth Ann. "Toward a philosophy of water: Politics of the pollution and damming along the Ganges River." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2007. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3643/.
Full textYu, Zhihao. "Three essays on international trade, political economy and environmental policy." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape7/PQDD_0005/NQ39009.pdf.
Full textGill, Nicholas Geography & Oceanography Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "Outback or at home? : environment, social change and pastoralism in Central Australia." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. School of Geography and Oceanography, 2000. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/38728.
Full textRoth, Richard A. "Sustainable development: political/ideological aspects and implications for planning." Diss., Virginia Tech, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/39119.
Full textPh. D.
Vladimirova, Ekaterina. "Values for sustainable future: transforming values in the context of climate change and global environmental degradation." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/241295.
Full textQuispe, Cabanillas Rolando Eli. "Contaminação atmosferica na cidade de Campinas e a Edu-comunicação como proposta ambiental para politicas publicas." [s.n.], 2007. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/287554.
Full textDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Geociencias
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Resumo: Esta pesquisa insere-se no âmbito da atual problemática ambiental urbana, mais especificamente, na contaminação atmosférica ou poluição do ar. Esta tem se agravado nas últimas décadas e passa a exigir estudos mais aprofundados, caracterizando-se como fator importante na busca da preservação do meio ambiente e de alternativas de desenvolvimento que possam diminuir o ritmo acelerado desta contaminação. Discute então, como os problemas de escalas globais podem ser analisados desde um estudo de escala local. Mostra que para saber quais são as causas e efeitos dos problemas ambientais, que envolvem os aspectos tanto social, cultural, econômico, como político, é necessária uma pesquisa sócio-espacial. A área do estudo é a cidade de Campinas, estado de São Paulo, Brasil, cuja população é de mais de um milhão de habitantes, decorrente principalmente do avanço tecnológico e industrial. Utilizando pequenas territorialidades, de escalas locais, procurou-se comparar dois bairros da Cidade de Campinas: Cambuí e Real Parque, muito diferentes nas suas condições sócio-espaciais. Nesse sentido, considerou-se importante averiguar como a contaminação do ar afeta a população desses bairros. O grande problema da poluição do ar, é que esta é ainda mais complexa em ambientes urbanos e suas conseqüências afetam sobretudo as relações dos homens entre si com a natureza. A pesquisa revelou que os dois bairros são afetados, independentemente das suas diferenças. Isto fica constatado na comparação das análises e entrevistas realizadas com os moradores, que afirmam estar enfrentando muitos problemas, principalmente com relação à saúde e ao clima. No final, a dissertação propõe a edu-comunicação sócio-ambiental para as políticas públicas como veículo de conhecimento e conscientização dos graves riscos à que estão exposto moradores e cidadãos. Sabe-se que a contaminação atmosférica afeta o mundo todo sem distinção de raça, cor, ou condições sociais, mas os mais afetados são geralmente aqueles que não tem as mínimas condições de fazer frente ao problema. Assim sendo, algumas sugestões de alternativas são propostas a fim de contribuir com a redução dos poluentes, mediante à re-educação dos moradores inseridos nas cidades. Isto, porque as pequenas partes afetam o todo e fazer nossa parte é tarefa de cidadania
Abstract: This research is inserted to the urban context of environmental problems in ours days, more specifically related to the city¿s air contamination or air pollution¿. This problem during the past decades, has been asking for deeper studies, revealing itself as a very important issue for improving urban environment and for a development able to help reduces the accelerated rythm of air pollution, as well. This research tries to discusses how global space¿s scales problems can be analyzed from the local¿s space scale. In order to recognize causes and consequences from environmental problem which involves different aspects such physical, economic, social, political and cultural needs , this work shows the need of a social space research. The study area is the city of Campinas, state o São Paulo -Brazil, which population reaches more than a million peoples, generated from urbanization, industrial and technological development. Using small territorialities of local scales, this work tried to compare two neighborhoods in Campinas, the Cambui and Real Park, very different from social conditions . In this sense, was important to detect how the air contamination is affecting those people. The great problem is that the air contamination is even worst and more complex in urban environment, that affects mostly the relationshisps between men and the nature. The results of this research showed that both neighborhoods has been affected. despite their differences. This is showed by the compared analysis and interviews with housekeepers that says they are fighting mostly against problems related to health and clime. The conclusion of this dissertation brings the ¿edu - comunication¿ as an environmental purpose, a mechanism to help clarify people and citizens about the risks they are exposed. The air contamination affects all the world without discriminating race, color, or social conditions, but generally the most affected are poorest people who doesn¿t have any condition to fight against it. So, some alternatives comes to the end trying to contribute reduces air pollution through urban people¿s re-education. That, because the small parts affects the total, and do our part is our citizens¿s roll
Mestrado
Análise Ambiental e Dinâmica Territorial
Mestre em Geografia
Markusson, Nils. "'Cleaner innovation'? : a political process approach to environmental aspects of process technology innovations." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/2619.
Full textEduardo, Antonio Sergio. "A aplicação de mecanismos economicos para assegurar a reabilitação dos impactos socioambientais causadas pela mineração de saibro no municipio de Ubatuba/SP." [s.n.], 2008. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/286793.
Full textDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Geociencias
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Resumo: O setor de mineração de pequena escala é de suma importância para o desenvolvimento socioeconômico do País. No entanto, essa atividade tem sido freqüentemente associada a impactos socioambientais adversos. Há uma crescente preocupação por parte da sociedade, e refletida no setor regulatório, visando garantir a devolução de áreas mineradas devidamente reabilitadas. Esta dissertação apresenta um estudo de caso no município de Ubatuba/SP envolvendo a atividade de mineração de saibro, apresentando os impactos socioambientais causados por este tipo de atividade; pesquisa, também, mecanismos que possam ser utilizados para assegurar a reabilitação das áreas utilizadas através da atividade mineradora de saibro. Para aplicação ao contexto de Ubatuba foram identificados alguns desses instrumentos disponíveis no mercado. Identificou-se, na Constituição Federal, que o município pode legislar em causas de interesse local, portanto, com liberdade para criar normas para o setor de mineração em seu território. Os instrumentos sugeridos foram: Caução, Seguro-garantia e Fiança bancária, todos com custos diretos e indiretos que poderão incidir sobre o operador como resultado da aplicação de instrumentos de garantia financeira. Finalmente apresenta-se uma sugestão de um sistema de garantia financeira para o município de Ubatuba/SP.
Abstract: The small scale mining industry is substantially pertinent for the social and economic development of the country. Nonetheless, this activity has been frequently associated with adverse social and environmental impacts. There is a growing concern from the society, which is expressed in the regulatory sectors, that aims to properly rehabilitate mined areas. This thesis presents a study of a case in the city of Ubatuba, SP, involving clay (residual soil) mining, presenting the social and environmental impacts resulted from such activity. It also exposes the mechanisms that could be employed to assure the recovery of areas utilized by the clay mining industry. In the context of Ubatuba, there were few instruments available in the market that were identified. It was found in the Federal Constitution that the city could legislate in favor of its own interests, thus being allowed to create norms for the mining branch with active in its territory. The suggested instruments were financial security, surety bonds and guaranty, all involving direct and indirect costs that could incur over the operator as a result of employing such instruments of financial security. Finally, a suggestion of a system of financial security for the city of Ubatuba, SP is presented.
Mestrado
Geologia e Recursos Naturais
Mestre em Geociências
Mallory, Chaone. "Toward an Ecofeminist Environmental Jurisprudence: Nature, Law, and Gender." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1999. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2219/.
Full textTittley, Teresa Brewster. "Ecological literacy as a response to modernism : educational and political implications." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0002/MQ43962.pdf.
Full textGayard, Nicole Aguilar 1986. "Dinâmicas de conhecimento na cooperação internacional para o meio ambiente = uma análise do ônibus movido a hidrogênio no Brasil com recursos do fundo para o meio ambiente mundial (GEF)." [s.n.], 2011. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/287013.
Full textDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Geociências
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Resumo: No contexto de crescentes preocupações com a dimensão ambiental na agenda política global, tem havido um aumento de iniciativas de cooperação internacional para esta temática. O Fundo para o Meio Ambiente Mundial (GEF), criado em 1991, constitui um organismo multilateral, cujo financiamento se destina a projetos para a proteção do meio ambiente global, realizados em países em desenvolvimento. A proposta do GEF se enquadra no âmbito das assimetrias Norte-Sul para gerir os problemas ambientais, consistindo em um instrumento de auxílio aos países com menos recursos para participar na prevenção de problemas ambientais globais. A presente dissertação examina as dinâmicas de conhecimento envolvidas neste padrão de cooperação. Com base no referencial teórico do neofuncionalismo nas relações internacionais, discute-se o papel central que formas de expertise adquiriram na realização da cooperação internacional em geral, e mais especificamente, nas iniciativas voltadas ao meio ambiente, tendo sido incorporadas na estrutura das principais agências multilaterais de cooperação. A importância da expertise no estabelecimento de padrões e políticas ambientais é contraposta por abordagens - como os Estudos Sociais da Ciência e Tecnologia e a Teoria Cultural do Risco - que questionam a aparente neutralidade do conhecimento científico neste processo. Assim, argumenta-se que o maior nível de capacidades científicas e tecnológicas no Norte permite que este tenha uma posição privilegiada no momento de definir as políticas e opções de cooperação para o meio ambiente. Este referencial é utilizado para analisar um projeto de cooperação realizado no Brasil com recursos do GEF, para o desenvolvimento e teste de um protótipo de ônibus movido a hidrogênio. Foi possível concluir, com base neste projeto, que alternativas tecnológicas constituem um dos focos da cooperação internacional para o meio ambiente, e que a realização dos projetos permanece fortemente centrada na participação de experts. Por outro lado, promove-se a disseminação do uso de tecnologias e de conhecimentos associados a modelos de gestão ambiental, mas perpetua-se a dependência de tecnologias dos países em desenvolvimento em relação aos países desenvolvidos. Além disso, a participação do Sul na definição de agendas ambientais permanece prejudicada
Abstract: In the context of growing concerns about the environment in the global political agenda, there has been an increase in international environmental cooperation. The Global Environmental Facility (GEF) was established in 1991 as a multilateral organization, to fund projects aiming to protect the global environment, carried out in developing countries. This format is a response to international demands to consider North-South asymmetries in the promotion of environmental policies and projects. The present dissertation examines the dynamics of knowledge involved in this pattern of cooperation. Based on the theoretical framework of neo-functionalism from the field of International Relations, this work discusses the central role of expertise in conducting international aid, having been incorporated into the work and structure of the main multilateral agencies for cooperation. The importance of expertise in setting standards and policies for environment management is countered by scholars within the Social Studies of Science and Technology and Cultural Theory of Risk that challenge the apparent neutrality of scientific knowledge in this process. Thus, it is argued that the highest level of scientific and technological capacities in the North allows it to have a privileged position in defining environmental policies and international cooperation. These approaches are applied to analyze a project of cooperation carried out in Brazil and funded by the GEF, aimed to develop and test a prototype of hydrogen-powered bus. Based on this project, we concluded that alternative technologies are one of the main focus of international cooperation for the environment, and that the implementation of projects remains strongly based on participation of experts. On the other hand, environmental cooperation may promote the widespread use of technology and knowledge associated with environmental management, but it also perpetrates the technology dependence from South to North. In addition, the participation of developing countries in setting the global environmental agenda setting remains impaired towards the developed world
Mestrado
Politica Cientifica e Tecnologica
Mestre em Política Científica e Tecnológica
Wallace, Richard R. "Conceptualizing sustainability in public policy debate: economic, ecological, and political issues." Thesis, Georgia Institute of Technology, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/31062.
Full textVasquez-León, Marcela. "Environmental adaptation, political coercion, and illegal behavior: Small-scale fishing in the Gulf of California." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/187441.
Full textTo, Wing-chi Wynn, and 杜詠誌. "A study of the Chinese language strategy in the environmental protection department." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31965064.
Full textFenech, Natalino. "Bird shooting and trapping in the Maltese Islands : some socio-economic, cultural, political, demographic and environmental aspects." Thesis, Durham University, 1997. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/1588/.
Full textWachanga, David Ndirangu. "Sanctioned and Controlled Message Propagation in a Restrictive Information Environment: The Small World of Clandestine Radio Broadcasting." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2007. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5113/.
Full textPetrásková, Lenka. "Zavedení environmentálního managementu do podniku." Master's thesis, Vysoké učení technické v Brně. Fakulta podnikatelská, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-223161.
Full textNgo, Anh-Thu. "Environmentally responsible consumption of ethanol blended gasoline : behavioural determinants, economic decisions and politics of intervention." Thesis, Université Laval, 2010. http://www.theses.ulaval.ca/2010/27158/27158.pdf.
Full textChaves, Manoel Rodrigues [UNESP]. "Descentralização da política ambiental no Brasil e a gestão dos recursos naturais no cerrado goiano." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/104467.
Full textO presente trabalho de pesquisa fornece uma análise da descentralização da política ambiental no Brasil apresentando os fundamentos históricos que explicam como está tomando forma a organização institucional que busca moldar o estabelecimento da gestão do meio ambiente no território nacional. Demonstra as conseqüências e os prejuízos ambientais para a região dos cerrados decorrentes do atraso na formatação de políticas integradas de meio ambiente e, ainda, analisa a descentralização dessas políticas no território goiano, demonstrando a relação desse processo com novas formas de planejamento e gestão do território, que exigirão da sociedade, novos mecanismos e práticas do fazer político, principalmente aquelas que buscam a valorização do lugar como palco das ações individuais e coletivas. Conclui o trabalho que a descentralização da política de meio ambiente deve vir acompanhada da democratização dos processos políticos na gestão ambiental, e isso depende da distribuição do poder entre as autoridades centrais, regionais e locais, assim como da autonomia real destas últimas e do grau de participação da sociedade civil na tomada de decisões sobre as estratégias de uso do solo e o aproveitamento dos recursos naturais.
The present research work supplies an analysis of the decentralization of the environmental politics in Brazil, presenting the historical foundations that expiam how it is taking form the institutional organization that looks for to mold the establishment of the administration of the environment in the national territory. It demonstrates the consequences and the environmental damages for the area of the savannahs, current of the delay in the formatation of integrated politics of environment and it stili analyzes the decentralization of those polities in the territory goiano, demonstrating the relationship of that process with new planning forms and administration of the territory, that will also demand, of the society, new mechanisms and practices of doing political, mainiy those that Iook for the valorization of the place as stage of the individual and coliective actions. The work that the decentralization of the environment politics should come ends accompanied of the democratization of the politicai processes in the environmental administration, and that depends on the distribution of the power among the authorities central, regional and local, as well as in the real autonomy of these last ones and of the degree of participation of the civil society in the outlet of decisions on the strategies of use of the sou and the use of the natural resources.
Kensicki, Linda Jean. "Media construction of an elitist environmental movement new frontiers for second level agenda setting and political activism /." Access restricted to users with UT Austin EID Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3034551.
Full textLang, Helmut. "Agents of fundamental policy change? : political strategies of the environmental, sustainable agriculture, and family farm groups in the 1990 farm bill /." Thesis, This resource online, 1992. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-01122010-020218/.
Full textMatheka, Reuben M. "The political ecology of wildlife conservation in Kenya, 1895-1975." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007530.
Full textBoly, Mohamed. "Essays on foreign aid, political cycles and environmental degradation." Thesis, Université Clermont Auvergne (2017-2020), 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020CLFAD014.
Full textThe observed effects of climate change over the last decades highlight the urgency of mobilizing enough resources to slow it down and mitigate its effects. In the case of developing countries, some suggest that development aid has an important role to play. However, the political ambitions of decision-makers should not be in competition with environmental ones. This thesis examines the existing links between foreign aid, political cycles and environmental degradation, through three empirical chapters. Chapter 2 studies the link between foreign aid and CO2 mitigation in 112 developing countries. It shows that the effect of aid depends on the donor, with multilateral aid more likely to reduce pollution than bilateral aid for which there is no effect. Nevertheless, a bilateral aid specifically targeted toward environment contributes to decrease the level of pollution. This later impact is non-linear, a pollution-reducing effect is only observed for important amounts of environmental bilateral aid. Chapter 3 studies the factors associated with environmental bilateral aid to recipient countries over the 1990-2013 period. The objective is to assess whether the environmental bilateral aid is motivated by non-environmental factors such as donors’ economic and political interests. Three kind of variables that might influence environmental aid allocation are examined: the environmental and non-environmental needs and merits of recipient countries, and the economic and political interests of donors. Environmental needs and merits variables include vulnerability to extreme climate events and the stringency of climate policy. The results show that while vulnerability to climate change seems to be a key determinant of environmental aid, its allocation is poorly linked to recipients’ climate mitigation policies. It finds weak evidence of association between donors’ interest variables and environmental aid on average. However, an heterogeneity analysis allows to go deeper into all the relations above, and unveils that some donors are more sensitive to environmental variables, while others rather seem focused on their economic and political interests. Chapter 4 explores how elections impact climate change policy and environmental degradation, using a sample of 76 democratic countries from 1990 to 2014. The findings indicate election years are characterized by an increase in CO2 emissions, even though the effect weakens over the recent years. It also reveals that this effect is present only in established democracies, where incumbents engage in fiscal manipulation through the composition of public spending rather than its level. Higher freedom of the press and high environmental preferences from citizens reduce the size of this “political pollution cycle”
Moen, Siri. "Managing political risk : corporate social responsibility as a risk mitigation tool. A focus on the Niger Delta, southern Nigeria." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/20189.
Full textENGLISH ABSTRACT: The petroleum industry concern itself with natural resource extracting activities which are highly sensitive for contributing to environmental degradation by oil spills or gas flaring. A large proportion of the world’s oil and gas reserves is located in developing countries where the presence of multinational oil corporations (MNOCs) is high as host countries often lack the infrastructure needed or are financially unable to conduct extracting operations on their own. The Niger Delta in southern Nigeria has one of the largest oil reserves in Africa and is one of the world’s leading oil exporters. MNOCs like Shell, Chevron, Total, ExxonMobil and Statoil are some of the firms present in the Niger Delta region. The oil-rich area in the developing country poses high levels of political risk for the MNOCs. Local grievances, paired with environmental degradation and human rights violations by the oil companies, have led to a tense relationship between the local stakeholders and the MNOCs, with so-called petro-violence at the center of the oil conflict. Frequently, oil installations are sabotaged and crude oil is stolen, causing major financial losses for the firms, and armed attacks on oil facilities and kidnapping of MNOCs’ staff constitute the majority of political risks facing MNOCs operating in the Niger Delta. This study investigates how MNOCs can successfully manage such political risks, providing a business advantage in a challenging business environment. By addressing the companys’ own behaviour, the research analyses if social engagement through corporate social responsibility (CSR) can mitigate political risk in the Niger Delta. The study looks at two different MNOCs operating in the Niger delta, Shell and Statoil, and scrutinises their methods of implementation of their CSR initiatives. The difference in approaches to CSR is elucidated where Shell claims it has repositioned its approach from a top-down angle during the first years of conducting CSR projects, to a more stakeholder-oriented approach. Yet, their approach is still found to carry elements of the previous top-down approach, and has not resulted in satisfactory performance in relation to stated goals. Statoil undertakes a stakeholder-oriented bottom-up approach, executed with a high level of commitment. The stated CSR goals have to a great extent been met. By assessing the two companies’ CSR strategies in relation to the frequency of political risks experienced by each MNOC, the study finds that CSR has the potential to mitigate political risk depending on the approach to implementation, and could serve as a political risk management strategy.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die brandstofbedryf is betrokke by die ontginning van natuurlike hulpbronne, ’n aktiwiteit wat hoogs sensitief is vir sy bydrae tot omgewingsbesoedeling as gevolg van storting van olie en opvlamming van gas. ’n Baie groot deel van die wêreld se olie en gas reserwes word aangetref in ontwikkelende lande. Die teenwoordigheid van Multinasionale Olie Korporasies (MNOKs) in hierdie lande is groot omdat daar gewoonlik ’n gebrek aan toepaslike infrastruktuur is en die lande ook nie finansieel in staat mag wees om die ontginning op hulle eie te doen nie. Die Niger Delta in die Suide van Nigerië beskik oor een van die grootste olie reserwes in Afrika en is een van die voorste olie uitvoerders in die wêreld. Shell, Chevron, Total, ExxonMobil en Statoil is van die bekende MNOK wat ontginning doen in die Niger Delta gebied. Die olieryke gebiede in ’n ontwikkelende land kan groot politieke risiko vir die MNOKs inhou. Plaaslike griewe gekoppel aan omgewings besoedeling en menseregte skendings deur die oliemaatskappye het gelei tot ’n gespanne verhouding tussen hulle en die plaaslike belange groepe, en sogenaamde “petrogeweld” staan sentraal hierin. Heel gereeld word olie-installasies gesaboteer en ru-olie word gesteel, wat natuurlik groot finansiële verliese die firmas inhou. Daarby word gewapende aanvalle op die olie-installasies uitgevoer en van die MNOKs se personeel ontvoer. Al hierdie dinge vorm die groot politieke risiko’s wat die MNOKs in die Niger Delta in die gesig staar. Hierdie studie ondersoek hoe die MNOKs met welslae hierdie politieke risiko’s kan teenwerk om vir hulle ’n suksesvolle besigheid te vestig in ’n baie mededingende bedryfsomgewing. Deur te kyk na die maatskappy se eie gedrag, sal die navorsing analiseer of gemeenskapsbetrokkenheid deur korporatiewe sosiale verantwoordelikheid (KSV) die politieke risiko in die Niger Delta kan temper. Die studie kyk na twee verskillende MNOK wat in die gebied bedryf word, Shell en Statoil, en kyk noukeurig na die manier waarop hulle KSV inisiatiewe toegepas word. Die verskil in benadering tot die probleem word toegelig deur die feit dat Shell beweer dat hulle ’n bo-na-onder benadering in die beginjare van KSV projekte verander het na ’n beleid waar meer na die betrokkenheid van belangegroepe gekyk word. Tog word gevind dat daar nog oorblyfsels is van die bo-na-onder benadering en dat doelwitte wat gestel is nie bevredigend bereik is nie. Statoil daarenteen. Implementeer ’n onder-na-bo benadering met betrokkenheid van belangegroepe en ’n hoë vlak van toewyding deur die maatskappy. Die gestelde KSV doelwitte is grootliks behaal. Deur te kyk na die twee maatskappye se ervaring van politieke risiko in verhouding met hulle KSV strategieë bevind hierdie studie dat KSV wel die potensiaal het om, as dit suksesvol toegepas word, politieke risiko te temper en dus kan die as ’n strategie om sodanige risiko te bestuur.
Marangudakis, Manussos. "Emerging ideologies in the environmental movement : the N. American case of "deep" and "social ecology"." Thesis, McGill University, 1991. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61148.
Full textGomez-Rivera, Sara Maria. "Por uma cultura ecológica." Universidade de São Paulo, 2010. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/91/91131/tde-20092010-141932/.
Full textThis study aims to understand and analyze from a conceptual point of view the term ecological culture, which has been used as a synonymous of several concepts associated to the capitalist economic rationality. Thus, the main objective is not to define what ecological culture is, but to point at the possible conceptual potentialities, since it has been shaped as a normative term, instead of a conceptual one. This study suggests a theoretical and critical analysis of the term and of several aspects linked to it, inquiring and reflecting on the current socio environmental crisis. First of all, an analysis of the terms culture, ecology and ecological culture is done, pointing at the current usages of the term ecological culture. Some possibilities of study of the ecological culture are analyzed based upon theoretical aspects from Karl Marx, Max Weber and using the political culture concept from Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba. Finally, a reflection on the relation between ecological ideas and practices is made using the praxis concept, what leads to treat about public sphere, citizenship and individualism.
Wilson, John Kyle. "Essays in public policy : rent seeking, compliance and indirect lobbying /." Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 2004. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phw7463.pdf.
Full textZajarkiewicch, Daniel Fernando Bondarenco. "Poluição sonora urbana: principais fontes - aspectos jurídicos e técnicos." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2010. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/8959.
Full textSound and noise come along with humanity from the beginning. Yet, was from the Industrial Revolution that noise pollution took unimaginable proportions, becoming a problem of public health. Besides the auditory effects, man suffers from extra-auditory effects produced by noise, which don t lead him do deafness, but cause injuries in health. Noise is not only a nuisance but a kind of pollution, according to the National Environmental Policy Act, because is an acoustic energy. We will examine how national legislation, besides the experience of America and the European Community, deals with noise pollution, in federal, state a local level. Also will examine the competence of each federation member, the National Environmental Policy, regulations of the Nationals Environmental Counsel CONAMA, the urban policy laws and its main instruments, reviewing some state a local laws. Follows a study of the main sources of noise pollution, non-stationary and stationary sources: vehicles, airplanes, bars and restaurants, industries and religious services. Finally, the roll of the Public Power, Public Attorneys and Society in the effectiveness of the Environment protection
Os sons e ruído acompanham a humanidade desde o começo. Todavia, a partir da Revolução Industrial tomou proporções inimagináveis, transformando-se num problema de saúde pública. Além dos efeitos auditivos, o homem sofre os efeitos extra-auditivos produzidos pelo ruído, que não provocam surdez, mas provocam danos à saúde. O ruído não é só um incômodo, mas uma espécie de poluição, de acordo com a Política Nacional do Meio Ambiente, porque é energia acústica. Veremos como a legislação nacional, além da experiência Norte-americana e da Comunidade Européia, lida com a poluição sonora, em âmbito federal, estadual e municipal. Examinaremos a competências dos diferentes entes federativos, a Política Nacional do Meio Ambiente, as Resoluções do Conselho Nacional do Meio Ambiente CONAMA, o Estatuto da Cidade e os seus principais instrumentos, revendo algumas legislações estaduais e municipais. Segue-se um estudo das principais fontes de poluição sonora, fontes móveis e fixas: veículos, aeronaves, lazer, indústrias e cultos religiosos. Finalmente, o papel que o Poder Público, o Ministério Público e a Coletividade têm na efetividade da preservação do meio ambiente
Martin, Alicia. "The Socio-Environmental Aspects of Students’ Food Literacy: An Exploratory Case Study of Two Ontarian High Schools." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/37320.
Full textVollgraaff, Helene. "Values and the environmental/green movement of South Africa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52602.
Full textENGLISH ABSTRACT: The emergence and growth of the environmental/green movement has been linked to a value shift from materialism towards postmaterialism. In this study, the emergence of the South African environmental/green movement and its growth potential is investigated within the context of Ronald Inglehart's value change theory and its implications for developing societies. The positive link between postmaterialism and environmentalism is well researched and widely accepted. However, many researchers focusing on developing societies argue that a shift towards postmaterialism does not adequately explain the emergence of environmentalism, because environmentalism is taking root in developing societies despite postmaterialist values not being prioritised. This relationship is investigated by means of a literature study about the values, principles and issues addressed by the environmental/green movement. It is argued in this study that environmentalism can indeed be linked to postmaterialism, but that prematerialist values could also playa role, especially in developing societies. The South African environmental/green movement is discussed as an example of environmentalism in a developing society. The South African movement is often described as a white middle class movement. It is argued on the basis of a literature study that the movement has changed considerably and incorporates a wide range of interests ranging from more conservative forms of environmentalism to radical political forms of environmentalism such as environmental justice. This change is linked to the concepts of prematerialism and postmaterialism emphasising that both sets of goals seems to be prioritised by different discourses within the movement. Issues concerning both the welloff and the poor are addressed by the movement. This is followed by an analysis of the 1995 World Value survey data set to obtain a demographic and socio-economic profile of the active members of an environmental organisation and the environmentally concerned. The relationship between active membership of an environmental organisation, the environmentally concerned and the concepts of prematerialism, materialism and postmaterialism is also established. The positive relationship between postmaterialism and environmentalism is confirmed, but contradictory results have been found regarding the relationship between prematerialism and environmentalism. This can possibly be attributed to the inadequate survey material that is available. Although active membership of an environmental organisation correlates positively with prematerialism, no relationship could be found between environmental concern and prematerialism. Lastly, a demographic and socio-economic profile of the "don't know" response group has also been compiled as this group is an important target group for the expansion of the environmental/green movement.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die totstandkoming en groei van die groen- of omgewingsbeweging word gekoppel aan 'n waardeverskuiwing van materialisme na postmaterialisme. Die totstandkoming van die Suid-Afrikaanse groen/omgewingsbeweging en die groeipotensiaal daarvan word ill hierdie studie ondersoek binne die raamwerk van Ronald Inglehart se waardeverskuiwingsteorie en die implikasies daarvan vir ontwikkelende lande. Die positiewe verband tussen postmaterialisme en omgewingsbewustheid is goed nagevors en geniet wye aanvaarding. Tog het verskeie navorsers, veral dié wat op ontwikkelende lande fokus, probleme daarmee. Hierdie navorsers argumenteer dat postmaterialisme nie die totstandkoming van die omgewingsbeweging in ontwikkelende lande voldoende verklaar nie, aangesien die beweging in hierdie lande posgevat het terwyl die prioritisering van postmaterialisme ontbreek. Hierdie verband word ondersoek d.m.v. 'n literatuurstudie oor die waardes, beginsels en vraagstukke wat deur die groen/omgewingsbeweging aangespreek word. Daar word in hierdie studie geargumenteer dat omgewingsbewustheid wel aan postmaterialisme gekoppel kan word, maar dat prematerialistiese waardes waarskynlik ook 'n rol kan speel, veral in ontwikkelende lande. Die Suid-Afrikaanse groen/omgewingsbeweging word beskryf as 'n voorbeeld van omgewingsbewustheid in 'n ontwikkelende land. Die Suid-Afrikaanse beweging word dikwels beskryf as 'n wit middelklasbeweging. Daar word op grond van 'n literatuurstudie geargumenteer dat die beweging aansienlik verander het sodat dit nou 'n breë verskeidendenheid van belange aanspreek wat wissel van die meer konserwatiewe vorme van omgewingsbewustheid tot die radikale politieke vorme soos byvoorbeeld omgewingsregverdigheid (Eng: environmental justice). Die verskuiwing word aan die konsepte van postmaterialisme en prematerialisme verbind. Dit word beklemtoon dat verskillende groeperings binne die groen/omgewingsbeweging verskillende waardes prioritiseer. Vraagstukke wat beide die welvarendes en die armes raak, word deur die beweging aangespreek. Die literatuurstudie word gevolg deur 'n analise van die 1995 World Value Survey datastel. 'n Demografiese en sosio-ekonomiese profiel van die aktiewe lede van 'n omgewingsorganisasie en respondente wat as omgewingsbewus geïdentifiseer is, is opgestel. Die verhouding tussen die konsepte van prematerialisme, materialisme en postmaterialisme en aktiewe lidmaatskap van 'n omgewingsorganisasie aan die een kant en omgewingsbewustheid aan ander kant word ook bespreek. Die positiewe verband tussen postmaterialisme en omgewingsbewustheid, sowel as aktiewe lidmaatskap word deur die data bevestig. 'n Positiewe verband is ook tussen aktiewe lidmaatskap van 'n omgewingsorganisasie en prematerialisme gevind, maar teenstrydige resulte is gevind rakende die verband tussen omgewingsbewustheid en prematerialisme. Hierdie resultate kan egter moontlik beïnvloed wees deur die onvoldoende meetinstrument wat beskikbaar is. Laastens is 'n demografiese en sosio-ekonomiese profiel van die "weet nie" responsgroep saamgestel, aangesien hierdie groep 'n belangrike teiken is indien die groen/omgewingsbeweging wil uitbrei.
Hensley, Colton Dwayne. "Maximal Proposition, Environmental Melodrama, and the Rhetoric of Local Movements: A Study of The Anti-Fracking Movement in Denton, Texas." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1062840/.
Full textŠtrosová, Jarmila. "Environmentální aspekty společné dopravní politiky EU." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-71806.
Full textGraf, Roberta. "Politica Ambiental Transversal : experiencias na Amazonia Brasileira." [s.n.], 2005. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/287060.
Full textTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Geociencias
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Resumo: Nessa Tese desenvolveu-se o conceito da Política Ambiental Transversal, que representa a internalização da sustentabilidade sócio-ambiental no conjunto das políticas públicas de uma localidade. Parte-se da premissa de que a política ambiental transversal é mais adequada do que a política ambiental exclusivamente setorial por possibilitar o alcance de modelos de desenvolvimento ambientalmente mais sustentáveis, tal qual preconiza a Agenda 21. Os objetivos da pesquisa foram caracterizar a política ambiental transversal nos seus aspectos teóricos e metodológicos e analisar dois estudos de caso: as políticas ambientais recentes dos estados amazônicos do Acre (estudo principal) e do Amapá (estudo complementar). Sob o ideário do ¿desenvolvimento sustentável¿, governos destes estados adotaram prioridades ambientais em seus programas, os quais podem representar iniciativas de transversalidade. Na investigação utilizou-se um arcabouço conceitual composto da sustentabilidade sócio-ambiental, de noções históricas do ambientalismo (com destaque para as escolas do Ecodesenvolvimento e da Ecologia Profunda), da Ecologia, do paradigma sistêmico (teorias da complexidade), da Análise de Políticas Públicas, das prioridades sócio-ambientais para o bioma amazônico, bem como das interfaces da questão ambiental com a Ciência e Tecnologia e com a Economia. A análise dos casos do Acre e do Amapá revelou que a variável ambiental tem sido incorporada em diversas políticas públicas, e isto pôde ser comprovado por meio da evolução positiva de indicadores de sustentabilidade nestes estados. Pode-se dizer, portanto, que em ambos estados ocorrem experiências de política ambiental transversal, embora com algumas limitações, o que demonstra que essa nova concepção tem sido uma tendência significativa. A caracterização teórico-metodológica da política ambiental transversal, feita com aportes da literatura, pôde então ser aprimorada com os resultados dos estudos de caso
Abstract: In this Thesis it was developed the concept of Transverse Environmental Policy, which represent the internalization of socio-environmental sustainability through a set of public policies of a locality. The premiss was that the transverse environmental policy is more successful that exclusive sectorial environmental policy to reach environmental more sustainable development models, as preconized by Agenda 21. The objectives of the research went to characterize the transverse environmental policy in its theoretical and methodological aspects and to analyze two case studies: recent environmental policies of the amazonian states of Acre (principal study) and Amapa (complemental study). By the approach of ¿sustainable development¿, governs of these states adopted environmental priorities in their programs, whose can represent transverse initiatives. In the investigation it was used a conceptual frame composed by socio-environmental sustainability, historic notions of environmentalism (with distinction to Ecodevelopment and Deep Ecology schools), Ecology, systemic paradigm (complexity theories), Public Policy Analysis, socio-environmental priorities for the amazonian biome, as with the interfaces of the environmental question with Science and Technology and the Economy. The analysis of Acre and Amapa cases revealed that environmental variable have been incorporated in diverse public policies, and this was confirmed by the positive evolution of sustainable indicators in these states. It can be affirmed, therefore, that in both states occur experiences of transverse environmental policy, in despite of some limitations, and this fact demonstrates that the new conception of environmental policy have been a significative tendency. The theoretic-methodological characterization of transverse environmental policy, made by literature resources, was then improved with the case studies results
Doutorado
Doutor em Política Científica e Tecnológica
Futada, Silvia de Melo. "Fragmentos remanescentes da bacia do ribeirão das Anhumas (Campinas, SP) : evolução e contexto." [s.n.], 2007. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/315804.
Full textDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Biologia
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Resumo: O ambiente é um complexo espaço-temporal resultante de fatores abióticos e bióticos, também definido pela história e anseios humanos. A fragmentação de habitats está dentre as principais ameaças à biodiversidade global e é desencadeada por distúrbios como expansões urbana e da agropecuária, bem como a exploração de recursos naturais. Para compreender os efeitos da fragmentação de habitats é indispensável aliar bases ecológicas a valores e práticas humanos. Este trabalho buscou compreender a fragmentação na bacia do ribeirão das Anhumas (Campinas, SP) aliando a análise da evolução dos fragmentos a informações históricas de cada um deles. Além disso, buscou compreender os diferentes contextos nos quais os fragmentos estão inseridos e de que forma essas informações obtidas poderiam contribuir para promover praticas de conservação efetivas. Foram utilizados SIG para análise de fotos aéreas multitemporais (1962, 1972 e 2002), realizadas visitas aos fragmentos, entrevistas com proprietários ou responsáveis, e analisados documentos da Prefeitura Municipal de Campinas e de hemerotecas. A área total dos fragmentos decaiu de 615,34ha (1962) para 451,62ha (1972) e então para 422,72ha (2002), correspondendo hoje a 2,82% da área total da bacia. Atualmente existem 34 fragmentos na bacia, dos quais 11 são áreas públicas e 23 estão localizados em propriedades privadas. Sete dos fragmentos estão tombados e 27 em estudo de tombamento. Os fragmentos estão sujeitos a diferentes pressões, como incêndio, corte de árvores, espécies invasoras e exóticas, poluição e especulação imobiliária. A condição geral dos fragmentos da bacia é desentusiasmante, mas a articulação e o esclarecimento do poder público, da sociedade civil organizada e dos proprietários dos fragmentos podem ser capazes de alterar essa situação
Abstract: The environment is a spacial-temporal complex resultant from not only abiotic and biotic factors, but also from human history and aspirations. The habitat fragmentation is one of the major threats to the world's biodiversity, and it is due to urban and agribusiness expansions, as well as exploitation of natural resources. In order to understand habitat fragmentation's effects, it is essencial to couple ecological foundations to human values. This study aimed to understand the Anhumas river hydrographic basin (Campinas, SP) fragmentation, analysing the remnants evolution in relationship to their historical aspects. Moreover, this work intented to comprehend in which way the different remnants a contexts could contribute to effective conservation practices. The methods used were: multitemporal (1962, 1972, 2002) aerial photographies analysis (GIS); remnants inspection; interviews with the owners or people responsible for the remnants; and analysis of documentation from the government of Campinas and from libraries. The total remnants a. area has decreased from 615.34ha (1962) to 451.62ha (1972) and to 422.72ha (2002). Currently, the total area of the Anhumas river basin corresponds to 2.82% of the original area. There are 34 remnants in the basin, 11 of them public areas and 23 private properties. Seven of the remnants are spot listed and 27 are under assessment to be spot listed. Timbering, burning, the presence of exotic and invasive species, pollution and real estate development are some of the variables that make the conservation of the remnants more complex. The present status of the Anhumas river basin s remnants is worrisome. However, the articulation and elucidation of public governments, nongovernment organizations, and the owners of the remnants might be able to counter this situation
Mestrado
Ecologia
Mestre em Ecologia
Erdal, Mari. "The role of political institutions in corporate social responsibility : the case of the Norwegian government and the shipping industry." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/96057.
Full textENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since the rise of the modern corporation in the late 19th century, the debate on the relationship between business and society has flourished, and the negative impact of businesses became evident as the number and scale of large corporations increased. As a result of the globalization of trade and economic activity, regulating and auditing multinational companies have become both more important and more problematic. Along with the new challenges to be met by companies operating in foreign countries, these factors have resulted in a greater demand for corporate social responsibility (CSR). Originating as an Anglo-American management idea, CSR has spread and become a well-established tool for businesses worldwide. In today’s global capitalist system, characterized by open markets, it is widely acknowledged that it is the role of the state to establish the preconditions for the proper functioning of markets by defining legal rules, establishing enforcement bodies, and providing public goods. However, many corporations choose to go beyond the required regulatory levels and voluntarily engage in CSR. Studies of CSR have long been dominated by business and economic scholars, usually with the aim to confirming or denying CSR as a tool for profit-maximization, and until the last decade, social and political scientists have shown little interest in CSR. From a political science view, the relation between the state, markets and corporations is of interest, but few studies have investigated how political institutions influence corporate behavior. This study has therefore researched the institutional determinants of CSR by analyzing the efforts and the role of the Norwegian government in promoting CSR in the shipping industry. The White Paper on CSR was used as guide to the government’s approach to CSR, and was analyzed in light of the specific CSR challenges faced in the shipping industry. For this purpose, a qualitative methodology and case study research design was adopted to provide in-depth information. New institutional theory and comparative political economy provided the theoretical framework for the study, and helped in answering the main research question: What is the role of the Norwegian government, as a political institution, in promoting CSR in the Norwegian shipping industry? as well as the sub-questions. The study identified both strengths and weaknesses in the government’s role as CSR promoter, and argued that the predominantly international focus of the White Paper is suitable for globally oriented industries, like shipping, while reducing its relevance for nationally oriented firms. The study further found that the government as institution provides the industry with CSR incentives, other than financial ones, as it sets the standards for what is perceived as modern and just corporate behavior. In addition, CSR in the shipping industry was found to take an explicit form, and to reflect the national institutional environment. The findings stand in contrast to the way in which the above-mentioned theories expect CSR to take shape in coordinated market economies. In broader sense, the findings affect the perception of the relationship between CSR as a management tool and strategy, and CSR as a political and regulatory tool that may be used actively by authorities.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sedert die opkoms van die moderne korporasie in die laat 19de eeu, het die debat oor die verhouding tussen besigheid en samelewing floreer terwyl die negatiewe impak van besighede sigbaar geword het soos die aantal en omvang van groot korporasies toegeneem het. As gevolg van die globalisering van handel en ekonomiese aktiwiteit, het die regulerende en multinasionale ouditeringsmaatskappye beide belangrik en meer problematies geword. Tesame met die nuwe uitdagings wat maatskappye in vreemde lande moet ontmoet, het hierdie faktore aanleiding gegee tot ‘n groter vraag na korporatiewe sosiale verantwoordelikheid (KSV). KSV het sy oorsprong as ‘n Anglo-Amerikaanse bestuursidee gehad en het ‘n goed gevestigde hulpmiddel vir besighede wêreldwyd geword terwyl dit ook versprei het. In vandag se globale kapitalistiese sisteem wat deur oop markte gekenmerk word, word dit wydverspreid erken dat dit die rol van die staat is om voorwaardes vir die behoorlike funksionering van markte te vestig deur regsreëls te definieer, handhawingsliggame te vestig en publieke goedere te verskaf. Baie korporasies verkies egter om verder as die vereiste regulerende vlakke en vrywillige deelname in KSV te gaan. Studies van die KSV is vir lank oorheers deur besigheid- en ekonomiese geleerdes wat gewoonlik die doel gehad het om die KSV te bevestig of te ontken as ‘n hulpmiddel vir wins-maksimalisering, en tot en met die laaste dekade het sosiale en politieke wetenskaplikes min belangstelling in die KSV getoon. Uit die Politieke Wetenskaplike oogpunt is die verhouding tussen die staat, markte en korporasies van belang terwyl min studies al ondersoek het hoe politieke instellings korporatiewe gedrag beïnvloed. Hierdie studie het dus die bepalende faktore van die KSV nagevors deur die pogings en die rol van die Noorweegse regering in die bevordering van KSV in die skeepsvaart te analiseer. Die Witskrif op KSV is gebruik as ‘n gids vir die regering se benadering tot die KSV, en is ontleed in die lig van die spesifieke KSV uitdagings wat in die seevaart industrie in die gesig gestaar word. Vir hierdie doeleinde is ‘n kwalitatiewe metodologie en gevallestudie navorsingsontwerp aangeneem om in-diepte inligting te verskaf. Nuwe institusionele teorie en vergelykende politieke ekonomie het die teoretiese raamwerk vir die studie verskaf en het gehelp in die beantwoording van die hoof navorsingsvraag: Wat is die rol van die Noorweegse regering, as ‘n politieke instelling, in die bevordering van KSV in die Noorweegse seevaart industrie? Sowel as die sub-vrae. Hierdie studie het beide sterkpunte en swakpunte in die regering se role as KSV promotor identifiseer en het geargumenteer dat die oorwegende internasionale fokus van die Wit Skrif geskik is vir globaal georiënteerde industrieë soos seevaart, terwyl die toepaslikheid van nasionaal oriënteerde firmas verminder is. Die studie het verder bevind dat die regering as instelling KSV insentiewe aan die industrie anders as finansiële verskaf het, deur dat dit die standaarde stel vir wat gesien word as moderne en regverdige korporatiewe gedrag. Daar is verder bevind dat die KSV ‘n eksplesiete vorm aangeneem het in die seevaart industrie om die nasionale institusionele omgewing te vertoon. Die bevindings staan egter in teenstelling tot die manier waarop die bogenoemde teorieë van die KSV verwag om vorm aan te neem in gekoördineerde mark ekonomieë. In die breër sin beïnvloed die bevindings die siening van die verhouding tussen KSV as ‘n bestuur hulpmiddel en strategie en KSV as ‘n politieke en regulerende hulpmiddel wat aktief deur owerhede gebruik kan word.
Merron, James Lawrence. "Wattle we do? alien eradication and the 'ecology of fear' on the fringes of a world heritage site, South Africa." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002655.
Full textApostolis, Juanita Joleen. "A critical analysis of Global Warning coverage in the National Geographic (2000-2010)." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1607.
Full textZaccai, Edwin. "Contribution à l'analyse des conceptions du développement durable." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211719.
Full textYee, Wai-hang, and 余偉鏗. "How do networks work?: studying the internal dynamics of the environmental organizational network in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2006. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B38907148.
Full textBezuidenhout, Lydia. "Evaluating political accountability in water projects with the aim of determining the impact of political accountability on project sustainability." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2449.
Full textThe study investigated what the degree of political accountability is in water projects as practiced by project implementers. The evaluation was also aimed at determining the impact of political accountability on project sustainability. In order to evaluate the question, field research was conducted. Field research was of a quantitative nature, using a questionnaire. This involved (a) selecting two systems (project implementers, a municipality and a non-governmental organisation) where the systems’ political accountability within water projects could be compared, and (b) interviewing community respondents from a set questionnaire in four villages. The main findings are that (i) the level of political accountability in water projects depends on the system implementing a water project, (ii) three elements of political accountability (responsibility, information, and inclusion) differ significantly between the two systems, and (iii) political accountability has a significant impact on project sustainability. It is recommended that project implementers take into consideration the identified three elements of political accountability in order to improve project sustainability.