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Grimshaw, Kylie. "The politics of youth employment /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1993. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arg865.pdf.
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Luke, Anne. "Youth culture and the politics of youth in 1960s Cuba." Thesis, University of Wolverhampton, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2436/20492.
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The triple coordinates of youth, the Sixties and the Cuban Revolution interact to create a rich but relatively unexplored field of historical research. Previous studies of youth in Cuba have assumed a separation between young people and the Revolution, and either objectify young people as units that could be mobilized by the Revolution, or look at how young people deviated from the perceived dominant ideology of the Revolution. This study contends that, rather than being passive in the face of social and material change, young people in 1960s Cuba were active agents in that change, and played a role in defining what the Revolution was and could become. The model built here to understand young people in 1960s Cuba is based on identity theory, contending that youth identity was built at the point where young people experienced – and were responsible for forging – an emerging dominant culture of youth. The latter entered Cuban consciousness and became, over the course of the 1960s, a part of the dominant national-revolutionary identity. It was determined by three factors: firstly, leadership discourse, which laid out the view of what youth could, should or must be within the Revolution, and also helped to forge a direct relationship between the Revolution and young people; secondly, policy initiatives which linked all youth-related policy to education, therefore linking policy to the radical national tradition stemming from Martí; and thirdly, influence from outside Cuba and the ways in which external youth movements and youth cultures interplayed with Cuban culture. Through these three, youth was in the ascendancy, but, where young people challenged the positive picture of youth, moral panics ensued. Young people were neither inherent saints nor accidental sinners in Cuba in the 1960s, and sought multiple ways in which to express themselves. Firstly, they played their role as activists through the youth organisations, the AJR and the UJC. These young people were at the cutting edge of the canonised vision of youth, and consequently felt burdened by a failure to live up to such an ideal. Secondly, through massive voluntary participation in building the Revolution, through the Literacy Campaign, the militias and the aficionados groups, many young people in the 1960s internalised the Revolution and developed a revolutionary consciousness that defines their generation today. Finally, at the margin of the definition of what was considered revolutionary sat young cultural producers – those associated with El Puente, Caimán Barbudo and the Nueva Trova, and their audience – who attempted to define and redefine what it meant to be young and revolutionary. These groups all fed the culture of youth, and through them we can start to understand the uncertainties of being young, revolutionary and Cuban in this effervescent and convulsive decade.
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Tiongson, Antonio T. "Filipino youth cultural politics and DJ culture." Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2006. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3199265.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2006.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed February 28, 2006). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 206-220).
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McDougall, Alan James. "Youth politics in East Germany : the Free German Youth Movement, 1946-1968 /." Oxford : Clarendon, 2004. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb392738726.
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Zywiol, Douglas Lawrence Jerome. "Increasing Polarization of the Youth Vote." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/103880.
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On July 1, 1971, the Twenty-Sixth Amendment to the United States Constitution was ratified which prohibited states from denying citizens who had attained the age of eighteen the right to vote. Having passed 96-0 in the Senate and 401-19 in the House of Representatives, the amendment was widely considered a bipartisan effort with minimal resistance from within the two major political parties.
This paper seeks to determine how this largely politically unifying amendment process became so politicized since its passage, including an analysis and comparison of factions who fought against initial passage with those who seek to suppress the youth vote. A historical analysis will look deeper into how those battles were won with the ultimate passage of the amendment. Using a mixed methodology approach including a quantitative analysis of polling data and a qualitative analysis of partisan methods to influence youth voter turnout, the paper shows a trend towards increased politicization that has peaked in today's political landscape. Three specific elections serve as case studies and a lens through which to analyze changes in the law, changes in campaign strategies, changes in rhetoric, and changes in salient issues.
Youth engagement is particularly valuable to political leaders and to the nation. In American politics, youth voter turnout has become less of a normative good--in many cases it has been deeply politicized. There is a strong association between specific methods taken by political parties and interest groups and their efforts to mobilize or disincentive youth voter turnout.Master of Arts
A Constitutional amendment requires two-thirds of the House of Representatives and two-thirds of the Senate to propose it and then must be ratified by three-fourths of the states. This process is difficult to accomplish and one that requires bipartisanship in Congress and must have broad support throughout the nation. Outside of the original Bill of Rights, the first ten amendments, only seventeen amendments have been ratified since the inception of the Constitution. The Twenty-Sixth Amendment is an important milestone in the history of the United States as it ultimately lowered the voting age to 18 throughout the country. The amendment passed 96-0 in the Senate and 401-19 in the House of Representatives and was passed by the necessary number of states in less than four months. It marked the quickest ratification timeline of any amendment in the history of the United States. The amendment was a largely bipartisan effort with minimal resistance from within the two major political parties. This paper seeks to determine how this largely politically unifying amendment process has become so politicized since its passage. The paper shows a trend towards increased politicization that has peaked in today's political landscape. Three specific elections serve as case studies and a lens through which to analyze changes in attitudes about young voters. As a high school teacher who values the importance of youth engagement and voting, I provide some strategies that I believe will help overcome the level of polarization and voter suppression laws that have recently been enacted. Both of the two major political parties have an incentive to engage young voters and encourage them to show up for their side.
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Magaña, Maurice. "Youth in Movement: The Cultural Politics of Autonomous Youth Activism in Southern Mexico." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/13325.
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This dissertation offers a unique examination of new cultures and forms of social movement organizing that include horizontal networking, non-hierarchical decision-making and governance combined with the importance of public visual art. Based on 23 months of ethnographic fieldwork, I analyze how processes of neoliberalism and globalization have influenced youth organizing and shaped experiences of historical marginalization. What makes youth activism in Southern Mexico unique from that occurring elsewhere (i.e. Occupy Movements in U.S. and Europe) is the incorporation of indigenous organizing practices and identities with urban subcultures. At the same time, the movements I study share important characteristics with other social movements, including their reliance on direct-action tactics such as occupations of public space and sit-ins, as well as their creative use of digital media technologies (i.e. Arab Spring).
This research contributes to the study of social movements and popular politics, globalization, culture and resistance, and the politics of space by examining how youth activists combine everyday practices and traditional social movement actions to sustain autonomous political projects that subvert institutional and spatial hierarchies. They do so through decentralized activist networks that resist cooptation by the state and traditional opposition parties, while at the same time contesting the spatial exclusion of marginalized communities from the city center. This research contributes a critical analysis of the limits of traditional models of social change through electoral politics and traditional opposition groups, such as labor unions, by challenging us to take seriously the innovative models of politics, culture and governance that Mexican youth are offering us. At a larger level, my work suggests the importance of genuinely engaging with alternative epistemologies that come from places we may not expect- in this case urban, indigenous, and marginalized youth.2015-10-03
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Glaser, Clive L. "Youth culture and politics in Soweto, 1958-1976." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1994. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272663.
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Reavely, Erik Paul Holland Dorothy C. "Discipline & caring the cultural politics of youth work /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,1608.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008.Title from electronic title page (viewed Sep. 16, 2008). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Anthropology." Discipline: Anthropology; Department/School: Anthropology.
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JAREK, MARCIO. "LIFE CONSTELLATION: POLITICS AND LANGUAGE IN WALTER BENJAMIN YOUTH." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2016. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=33739@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROCOORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO
PROGRAMA DE DOUTORADO SANDUÍCHE NO EXTERIOR
Esta tese trata da apresentação de uma ideia de vida nos escritos de juventude de Walter Benjamin. Esse período do pensamento do autor é reconhecido pelos seus críticos como sendo o de uma metafísica da juventude e liga-se a um conjunto complexo de influências. Nesse contexto, essa pesquisa ressalta o diálogo intermitente do autor com as diversas manifestações das chamadas filosofias da vida. Esse diálogo foi pouco estudado pelos pesquisadores de sua obra, mas torna-se indispensável para a compreensão mais adequada das consagradas teorias do filósofo relacionadas à linguagem e à política. Destaca-se como procedimento de pesquisa a leitura profunda dos escritos do pensador para a retirada de elementos que sirvam à construção de uma constelação de conceitos ligados à ideia de vida. Assim, este trabalho se inicia com a avaliação das discussões de Benjamin sobre a vida dos estudantes no contexto de reforma da vida na Alemanha do início do século XX e tenta compreender a relação da vida com a noção de tarefa infinita. Na sequência, a pesquisa dedica-se aos trabalhos do autor que versam sobre crítica literária e teoria da tradução para avaliar o modo como a vida, em sua relação com a linguagem, pode ser compreendida como forma. Essa tarefa serve igualmente para a avaliação da perspectiva do autor de defesa da sobrevivência da vida na história. Em seu último capítulo, este estudo trata das excêntricas leituras de Benjamin sobre a relação entre o problema psicofísico e a compreensão da política, na qual vigoraria a ligação recíproca entre história e vida. É nessa direção que se situa a crítica de Benjamin ao poder sobre a mera vida e à definição mítica desta como o paradigma para toda a vida.
This thesis presents an idea of life in the youthful writings of Walter Benjamin. This period of the author s thinking is acknowledged by his critics as of a metaphysics of youth and it is connected to a complex set of influences. In this context, this research highlights the author s intermittent dialog with the various manifestations of the so-called philosophies of life. This dialog has been little studied by researchers of his work, but it is essential for a more appropriate understanding of the philosopher s acclaimed theories related to language and to politics. The deep reading of the thinker s writings stands out as a research procedure for taking out elements that can be suited for building a constellation of concepts connected to the idea of life. Therefore, this work begins with the analysis of Benjamin s discussions over the students life in the context of life reformation in Germany in the beginning of the 20th century and tries to apprehend the association of life with the notion of endless task. Subsequently, the research approaches the author s works that discuss literary criticism and translation theory in order to evaluate how life, in its relationship with language, can be understood as a form. This task is also suited for the evaluation of the author s perspective regarding the preservation of a survival of life in history. In its final chapter, this study deals with Benjamin s eccentric readings on the relationship between the psychophysical problem and the comprehension of politics, in which the reciprocal bond between history and life would prevail. It is established in this direction Benjamin s criticism to power over mere life and to its mythical definition as a paradigm to whole life.
Cette thèse porte sur la présentation d une idée de vie dans les écrits de jeunesse de Walter Benjamin. Cette période de la pensée de l auteur est reconnue par ses critiques comme celle d une métaphysique de la jeunesse et se lie à un ensemble complexe d influences. Dans ce contexte, cette étude met en évidence le dialogue intermittent de l auteur avec les diverses manifestations des soi disant philosophies de vie. Ce dialogue a été peu étudié par les chercheurs de son travail, mais il est essentiel pour la compréhension la plus appropriée des théories consacrées du philosophe liées au langage et à la politique. On distingue comme procédure de recherche la lecture approfondie des écrits du penseur afin d enlever des éléments qui servent à construire une constellation de concepts liés à l idée de vie. Ce travail commence par l évaluation des discussions de Benjamin sur la vie des étudiants dans le cadre de la réforme de vie en Allemagne au début du XXe siècle et cherche à comprendre la relation entre la vie et la notion de tâche infinie. En outre, la recherche est consacrée aux oeuvres de l auteur s agissant de la critique littéraire et de la théorie de traduction pour évaluer la façon dont la vie, dans sa relation avec le langage, peut être comprise comme forme. Ce travail sert également à l évaluation de la perspective de l auteur de protection de la survie de la vie dans l histoire. À la fin, cette étude porte sur les lectures excentriques de Benjamin sur la relation entre le problème psychophysique et la compréhension de la politique, dans laquelle le lien réciproque entre l histoire et la vie se ferait valoir. Et c est dans cette direction que l on place la critique de Benjamin au pouvoir sur la simple vie et à la critique de la définition mythique de celle-ci comme le paradigme pour toute la vie.
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Heffernan, Anne Katherine. "A history of youth politics in Limpopo, 1967-2003." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6c49e531-73bf-4c1c-8972-47458e5dde83.
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This thesis is an exploration of student and youth politics in the Northern Transvaal (now Limpopo Province) from the height of apartheid in 1967 through the first decade of the ANC’s rule until 2003. It analyses three major trends over this period: the elite-led protest politics of the Black Consciousness era in the late 1960s and 1970s, the turn to mass-mobilized protest of the 1980s, and the consolidation of student and youth movements around the reconstituted ANC Youth League in 1990. It is primarily concerned with exploring the intersection of education and political protest in Limpopo, and the effect of mobilizing ideologies such as radical Christianity, Africanism, and non-racialism, on student and youth activists. It argues that across decades, organisations, and ideologies, this region has produced generations of influential young political leaders. It provides an institutional history of the University of the North and situates that university in a broader narrative of South African political history: from its contribution to the roots of Black Consciousness in student Christian movements, and the role of local university politics in influencing national protests, to the geography of the university itself as a place of political education (for students and nonstudent youth alike) and as a battleground between students and police. It considers the introduction of violence into student protests, the regional expansion of school and then youth politics beyond the crucible of the university, and the refashioning of social structures (like arbitrating in witchcraft accusations and domestic disputes) in homeland villages by politicized youth. It further contributes new insights into the formation and emergence of the ANC Youth League in the 1990s, and suggests that understanding student organisations and events during the 1970s and 1980s, in particular, sheds light on the shape of South African youth politics today.
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Asiedu-Acquah, Emmanuel. ""And still the Youth are coming": Youth and popular politics in Ghana, c. 1900-1979." Thesis, Harvard University, 2015. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:17467195.
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This dissertation explores the significance of the youth in the popular politics of 20th-century Ghana. Based on two and half years of archival and field research in Ghana and Britain, the dissertation investigates the political agency of the youth, especially in the domains of youth associations, student politics, and popular culture. It also examines the structural factors in the colonial and postcolonial periods that shaped youth political engagement, and how youth worked within and without these structural frames to shape popular politics. I argue that youth-centered politics has been a motive force in Ghanaian popular politics. It opened up space for subalterns to be important players in colonial politics especially as catalysts of anti-colonial nationalism. In the post-colonial period, youth politics, mostly in the form of university students’ political activism, articulated public interests and was a bulwark against the authoritarianism of civilian and military governments. The dissertation charts the changing manifestations of Ghanaian youth political identity and formation from the early 1900s, when Britain completed its formal imposition of colonial rule on the territory that is present-day Ghana, to the political crisis of the late 1970s in which students and youth played crucial roles. The dissertation is a corrective to elite-focused accounts of political developments in Ghana’s history. It establishes youths as historically significant players who have shaped the country’s political ideas, values and practices. The dissertation also contributes to the renewed and growing focus on intergenerational relations, generational identity, and youth in scholarship on Africa.History
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Edwards, David Stuart. "The history and politics of the Youth Opportunities Programme 1978-1983." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1985. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10019227/.
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The purpose of the thesis is to analyse the function fulfilled by the Youth Opportunities Programme (1978-1983) in its wider political, economic and historical context. There are three main sections to the work. The first establishes the context from which the Youth Opportunities Programme (YOP) emerged. This includes: an analysis of the origins and early development of the Manpower Services Commission (MSC); an historical account of government policy and special measures for the relief of unemployment; and a description of the circumstances and manner in which these elements came together in the development of the MSC's special measures policy, leading to the launch of YOP in April 1978. It is concluded that the initial role of the programme was essentially that of a palliative in the context of the Labour Government's social contract relationship with the trade union movement rather than being a positive element in the MSC's development of a comprehensive manpower policy. The second section is concerned with the actual development and performance of the programme in relation to its original objectives. This includes national level analyses in terms of both quantitative and qualitative objectives, and the conclusions of a case study conducted in the Portsmouth Travel-to-Work Area. The third section examines the significance of the divergences revealed between objectives and results, both in the context of contemporary political and economic developments, and also in a wider historical context which includes the initial progress made by YOP's successor, the Youth Training Scheme (YTS). It is concluded that, although YOP continued to act as a palliative, it developed beyond this towards a new form of active manpower policy consistent with a monetarist macro-economic context. On the basis of this analysis, alternative scenarios for the future are briefly considered.
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Carr, John Newman. "The political grind : the role of youth identities in the municipal politics of public space /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/5614.
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Hafidh, Hasan. "From diwaniyyat to youth societies : informal political spaces and contentious politics in Bahrain and Kuwait." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2017. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/19820/.
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This thesis investigates the relationship between regime and everyday dynamics of sectarianism, comparing the two Arab Gulf countries of Kuwait and Bahrain. Both case studies are viewed through the central theme of an “informal civil society” and its subsequent impact on sectarian politics in both countries. In Bahrain, the state has forwarded a sectarian narrative of the post-2011 conflict while at the grassroots level, concerted efforts have been made to bridge relations between Sunni and Shia Muslims. In Kuwait, meanwhile, there are indications of a reverse trajectory coming to fruition; while the regime denies a sectarian image of the state, posing as a neutral arbitrator between various political blocs, at the communal level, people across the political and social spectrum are defining themselves through the lens of sectarian identities that have become increasingly salient across several platforms. What is discernable in both countries is the complex and dynamic nature of sectarianism at work, where it is at one and the same time amplified and negated.
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Ashamole, Darlington C. "The politics of oil and masculinity : youth, politics and intergenerational struggle in the Niger Delta of Nigeria." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2013. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/4913/.
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Spaskovska, Ljubica. "The last Yugoslav generation : youth cultures and politics in late socialism." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/14978.
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The thesis examines the role of the ‘last Yugoslav generation’ in rethinking Yugoslav socialism and the very nature of Yugoslavism. It focuses on the way in which the elite representatives of this generation - the publicly prominent and active youth actors in Yugoslav late socialism from the spheres of media, art, culture and politics sought to rearticulate and redefine Yugoslav socialism and the youth’s link to the state. This thesis argues that the Yugoslav youth elite of the 1980s essentially strove to decouple Yugoslavism and dogmatic socialism as the country faced a multi-level crisis where old and established practices and doctrines began to lose credibility. They progressively took over the youth infrastructure (the youth media, the cultural venues and the League(s) of Socialist Youth) and sought to hollow out their dogmatically understood socialist content, by framing their artistic, media or political activism as targeting specific malfunctions of socialist self-management. Hailed as ‘a new political generation’, they sought to re-invent institutional youth activism, to reform and democratise the youth organisation and hence open up new spaces for cultural and political expression, some of which revolved around anti-militarism, environmental activism, and issues around sexuality. A progressive wing of this generation essentially argued that Yugoslavia could be reformed and further democratised. Two dominant strands become obvious: a line of argumentation which targeted the ruling elite, exposed its responsibility for the poor implementation of socialist self-management and the necessity to thoroughly revise the socialist model without abandoning its basic principles; and a later trend in which experimentation with liberal concepts and values became dominant. The first type of critique - reform socialism - was almost completely abandoned during the very last years of the decade, as more and more dominant players in the youth sphere started to turn away from socialism and came to appropriate the discourse of human rights, pluralism, free market and European integration. In this rejection of the socialism of the older generation and search for new values – some liberal, some leftist – they were also trying to re-imagine what being a young Yugoslav was about. The thesis maintains that this generation embodied a particular sense of citizenship and framed its generational identity and activism within the confines of what I call ‘layered Yugoslavism’, where one’s ethno-national and Yugoslav sense of belonging were perceived as complementary, rather than mutually exclusive. Whilst many analyses have focused on the powerful tensions that would lead to Yugoslavia’s dismemberment, this work reminds us of the existence of countervailing forces: that until the moment of collapse, a series of alternatives continued to exist, embodied most powerfully in the political and cultural work of a young Yugoslav generation.
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Rennick, Sarah Anne. "The Practice of Politics and Revolution : Egypt's Revolutionary Youth Social Movement." Paris, EHESS, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015EHES0054.
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La thèse analyse un acteur politique collectif reconnu en Egypte, les shabâb al-thawra - la jeunesse révolutionnaire. Pour comprendre cet acteur, nous proposons de problématiser la « jeunesse révolutionnaire » comme une communauté de pratique. De cette façon, la thèse soutient que le terme « jeunesse » représente une pratique générationnelle de l'activisme, alors que le terme « révolutionnaire » représente une pratique de préfiguration de révolution ainsi conçue par l'acteur. Avec un cadre théorique qui se trouve au carrefour de la théorie des pratiques et de la théorie des mouvements sociaux, la thèse évalue les rôles de ces pratiques dans la construction des shabâb al-thawra à travers une analyse culturaliste du mouvement social. Le cadre analytique implique l'opérationnalisation des processus de construction du mouvement en utilisant six concepts clés directement dérivés de la théorie des mouvements sociaux : les doléances, les émotions, les ressources, l'identité collective, l'opportunités politique, et la stratégie. A travers l'analyse narrative du matériel empirique, la thèse traite de trois périodes distinctes dans le développement de la jeunesse révolutionnaire : la période de 2005-2010, au cours de laquelle les premières organisations du mouvement ont émergé ; les 18 jours du soulèvement de 2011; et la période de 2011-2014, pendant laquelle le mouvement est devenu un acteur dominant sur la scène politique en Egypte. Par son introduction à la théorie des pratiques dans l'analyse d'un mouvement social, la thèse contribue à la littérature sur les mouvements sociaux, sur les mouvements de jeunes plus particulièrement, et sur les shabâb al-thawra très précisémentThe dissertation analyzes a recognized collective political actor in Egypt, the shabdb al-thawra - the revolutionary youth. The thesis problematizes "revolutionary youth" beyond its nominative sense, conceived instead as community of practice. Here, "youth" represents a generational practice of activism and contestation, while "revolutionary" represents a prefigurative practice of the actor's conception of revolution. Proposing a theoretical framework that lies at the nexus of practice theory and social movement theory, the dissertation assesses the role of practices of "youth" and "revolutionary" in the construction of the shabab al-thawra through culturalist analysis of the social movement. The analytical framework operationalizes social movement construction processes using six key concepts directly derived from social movement theory: grievances, emotions, resources, collective identity, political opportunity, and strategy. Through narrative analysis of empirical materials, the dissertation assesses three distinct chronological periods of the revolutionary youth movement's development: the period of 2005-2010, during which the movement's earliest organizations emerged; the 18 days of the 2011 uprising; and the period of 2011-2014, in which the social movement became a dominant actor in Egypt's political scene. By introducing practice theory into culturalist social movement analysis, the dissertation contributes to the literature on social movements in general, on youth movements more particularly, and the state of the art on the shabab al-thawra
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Teitle, Jennifer Rebecca. "Theorizing hang out: unstructured youth programs and the politics of representation." Diss., University of Iowa, 2012. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/2998.
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While many adolescents list unstructured "hangout" spaces as central to their social lives and activities, the availability of such spaces has dramatically declined in the last two decades, and attendance at afterschool programs has increased. Concurrently, these programs have drawn new scrutiny: from researchers eager to show their educational value, and from funders and policy makers seeking measureable evidence of that value. Even youth centers that were deliberately designed to give young people a space to "hang out" have been forced to reorganize due to the pressure to demonstrate program results. In this dissertation, through participant-observation, archival documents, and interviews with youth workers and young people, the author investigates and critiques the complex politics of representation in the funding, research, and day-to-day existence of one unstructured youth program, the Youth Action Alliance's offering known simply as Hang Out. Rather than producing a unified picture of Hang Out, the author takes a non-dialectic approach, using poststructuralist and posthuman theory to propose multiple plausible and powerful perspectives, and to explore their productive tensions with one another.
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Iwilade, Akin. "Youth networks and violence in the Niger Delta." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1696a13c-b02a-4d01-bc7c-0a15920c875d.
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This study provides an alternative explanation for the nature of politics in the Niger Delta by focussing on the forms and contents of relationships within youth networks. While not repudiating previous narratives around historical and contemporary grievances, the study argues that a lot can be learnt from interrogating how social codes like respectability and self organizational tactics like provisionality, shape, not just the nature of youth politics, but also the ways in which youth imagine themselves and their place in fluid and extractive contexts like the Niger Delta. The implication of focussing on issues such as these, the study argues, is that it becomes possible to tease out the critical, yet often ignored, micro-politics of social categories which ultimately frame the way actors articulate their macro level grievances and aspirations. This study is driven by three main research questions. First, what pathways facilitate youth engagement with politics in the Niger Delta? Second, how do Niger Delta youth imagine and organize themselves as actors navigating its dynamic oil political economy? And finally, how has the Amnesty which was declared in 2009 for youth insurgents changed the nature of relationships within youth networks and how has it impacted on their roles as actors in the Niger Delta? As a way of engaging with these questions, the study used the 2009 Amnesty as a historical marker to periodize state interventions in the region and also to illustrate the impact and limits that formal interventions have when seeking to shape the politics of social shifters like youth. The study's main contributions include a rethinking of the notion of youth which asks for a conscious analytical disaggregation of politically active youth from the general pool of the young. This implies that the idea of youth is dependent on acts of doing rather than of being. The study also challenged the idea that youth is marginal and argues that even the fact of marginality can be a useful resource for navigating uncertain social contexts like the Niger Delta. Through its engagement with the changing notion of respectability as well as the innovative deployment of provisionality as an organizing strategy by youth, the study provides new ways of analyzing the Niger Delta that can move it away from a fixation on rational choice narratives of scarcity, greed or grievance. Finally, the study provides the first comprehensive mapping of youth networks in the Niger Delta and does so across three pathways, showing how these complex relationships shape and are also shaped by the broader political economy of oil. The study concludes by arguing for new questions to be asked about how the shifting forms and geographies of the Niger Delta's youth networks flow out to other areas of national and transnational life in ways that recognize the regions fluidity, uncertainty and permanence.
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García, Ignacio. "Mexican American Youth Organization: Precursors of Change in Texas." University of Arizona, Mexican American Studies and Research Center, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/218651.
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Fletcher, Christopher David. "Manhood, youth and politics in the reign of Richard II (1377-99)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.275720.
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Van, Niekerk Kate. "Fashioning transformation? Implications for the politics of recognition among Cape Town youth." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/6807.
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This thesis explores the novel idea that fashion may assist in creating social justice and transformation in post-apartheid South Africa. 2Bop takes its inspiration from the classic arcade video games of the eighties and nineties, and the experiences of playing them as a child on the Cape Flats. The brand references Cape Flats 'corner shop culture' and 'Kaapse' (Cape Afrikaans dialect) slang. The thesis looks at the literature around the politics of recognition, pioneered by Charles Taylor, in order to try and understand whether a fashion brand with a broad customer base could produce a shared recognition between young people across pervasive apartheid divides - especially in Cape Town, which is still visibly and geographically divided along lines of race and class. The research was done through in-depth open-ended interviews with 35 participants of different races, classes and backgrounds;; as well as fieldwork done in stores where the brand is sold, and at various events around Cape Town. The participants divided roughly into two groups: a more multiracial, middle class group in the Cape Town City Bowl and an entirely coloured, working class group in Bishop Lavis on the Cape Flats. Through two overarching themes that emerged from the data, nostalgia and authenticity, this thesis reveals the complex ways that people identify with their clothing, their history, and one another. Firstly, 2Bop inspires nostalgia for both playing the actual games, as well as the spaces where the games were played. However these experiences are politicized by the environments in which they were set, and reveal the contradictions of a nostalgia for an 'ordinary' childhood on the Cape Flats that involved both pleasure and pain. This sense of nostalgia is rooted in the anxieties of the present and this is illustrated further by the emphasis put on the brand being 'authentic' and the assertion of boundaries between who 'gets it' and who does not. The ideal of authenticity speaks to anxieties of class and race deprivation and social mobility between Cape Town and the Cape Flats ?the fear of 'selling out', the need to remain connected to one's roots without becoming stuck, the desire to feel like one has ownership of an identity as a young person in a fledgling democracy that is constantly in flux.
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Huang, Yi-Cheng. "Youth, schooling and politics : a study of senior high school students' attitudes toward school political education in Taiwan." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.439656.
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Jimenez, Quispe Luz. "Indians weaving in cyberspace indigenous urban youth cultures, identities and politics of languages." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3605909.
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This study is aimed at analyzing how contemporary urban Aymara youth hip hoppers and bloggers are creating their identities and are producing discourses in texts and lyrics to contest racist and colonial discourses. The research is situated in Bolivia, which is currently engaged in a cultural and political revolution supported by Indigenous movements. Theoretically the study is framed by a multi-perspective conceptual framework based on subaltern studies, coloniality of power, coloniality of knowledge, interculturality and decolonial theory. Aymara young people illustrate the possibility of preserving Indigenous identities, language, and knowledge while maximizing the benefits of urban society. This challenges the colonial ideology that has essentialized the rural origin of Indigenous identities. Moreover, this research argues that the health of Indigenous languages is interconnected with the health of the self-esteem of Indigenous people. Additionally, this study provides information about the relation of youth to the power of oral tradition, language policies, and the use of technology.
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Jimenez, Quispe Luz. "Indians Weaving in Cyberspace, Indigenous Urban Youth Cultures, Identities and Politics of Languages." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/311535.
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This study is aimed at analyzing how contemporary urban Aymara youth hip hoppers and bloggers are creating their identities and are producing discourses in texts and lyrics to contest racist and colonial discourses. The research is situated in Bolivia, which is currently engaged in a cultural and political revolution supported by Indigenous movements. Theoretically the study is framed by a multi-perspective conceptual framework based on subaltern studies, coloniality of power, coloniality of knowledge, interculturality and decolonial theory. Aymara young people illustrate the possibility of preserving Indigenous identities, language, and knowledge while maximizing the benefits of urban society. This challenges the colonial ideology that has essentialized the rural origin of Indigenous identities. Moreover, this research argues that the health of Indigenous languages is interconnected with the health of the self-esteem of Indigenous people. Additionally, this study provides information about the relation of youth to the power of oral tradition, language policies, and the use of technology.
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Imtiaz, Syed Muhammad Atif. "Identity and the politics of representation : the case of Muslim youth in Bradford." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2002. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/862/.
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What are the dialectics of the endogenisation of ‘otherness’? This thesis is a study into the interaction between social representations, identities and power in relation to South Asian, Muslim, male youth in Bradford (UK) within the historical context of the ‘Rushdie affair’. The methodology is structured in order to investigate alternative locations of the identity-representation interaction. The studies include participant observation followed by 18 interviews with ‘specialists’, a rhetorical analysis of five television programmes that were aired on national television during and on the Rushdie affair, and an examination of the manner of reception of one of these programmes through 8 focus group discussions. The findings are that ‘otherness’ and difference are central to notions of identity for South Asian Muslim male youth, as they are surrounded by representations of themselves as ‘Muslim’ and ‘Paki’. Their identities take the form of three ideal-types – ‘coconuts’, ‘rude boys’ and ‘extremists’ – which rhetorically engage differentially with the representations. The Rushdie affair is interpreted firstly as a moment of subaltern contestation of its representation through ‘identity politics’ discourse, and secondly, dialogically as both rhetorical positions (hegemonic and subaltern) attempt to psychologically distance themselves from each other – through the construction of the ‘Bradford Muslim’ on the hegemonic side. However, both positions shared techniques of rhetoric, types of discourse, and a common narrative. Furthermore, ‘identity politics’ discourse (for two of the ideal-type identities) acted as the interpretative prism through which the reception of the programme made sense in relation to, for example, the content and manner of reception, the reception of representatives and the call for strategic essentialism. The thesis shows that attempts to escape negative evaluation result in the incorporation of representations, discourses and rhetorical techniques that position identities firmly within the hermeneutics of the hegemonic discourse.
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BARROUIN, ANDRE WERNECK. "YOUTH AND POLITICS: THE PRE-UNIVERSITY COMMUNITY COURSE AS A SPACE OF SUBJECTIVATION." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2012. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=20228@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROCONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICO
Este trabalho contempla uma investigação sobre juventude e política no contexto contemporâneo brasileiro, tomando a educação popular como centro de sua ação. A expansão dos chamados cursos pré-vestibulares comunitários no Rio de Janeiro, desde a década de 90, vem representando um importante vetor de tensionamento de nosso sistema educacional (SANTOS, 2005), assim como um novo campo de investigação para as ciências humanas. Originados no interior de lutas e movimentos sociais, estes cursos vêm ampliando a possibilidade de ingresso e ação política de jovens das classes populares nas universidades. Partindo de uma compreensão da subjetividade humana como um efeito de agenciamentos coletivos de enunciação (GUATARRI E ROLNIK, 1980), mostra-se interessante pensar os modos de subjetivação construídos nestes cursos e suas consequências nas práticas cotidianas. O processo de construção da subjetividade política (CASTRO, 2008a, P. 254) nestes espaços, envolvendo experiências de engajamento dos jovens que os levam a assumir ações coletivas no campo social, afeta diretamente as maneiras como eles vivenciam o espaço acadêmico. O método da cartografia e as discussões sobre o lugar da imagem técnica no contemporâneo (JOBIM E SOUZA, 2011; GODINHO, 2011) são as principais referências para nossa construção metodológica. A cartografia nos guiou pelas diferentes experiências no campo dos pré-vestibulares comunitários, até a definição da Associação Mangueira Vestibulares como campo de pesquisa. Já as considerações sobre a importância das imagens na contemporaneidade motivaram a criação de uma narrativa audiovisual sobre a dimensão política desse movimento social, construindo um documentário coletivamente com os sujeitos da pesquisa na intenção de ampliar o debate para além dos limites da academia.
This work describes an investigation into youth and politics in the contemporary context of Brazil, taking the popular education as the center of its action. The expansion of so-called pre-university community courses in Rio de Janeiro, from the 90s, has represented an important vector of tensioning of our educational system (SANTOS, 2005), as well as a new field of research for the human sciences. Originated within social struggles and movements, these courses have expanded the entry possibilities and the political action of the young working class in universities. Starting from an understanding of human subjectivity as an effect of collective assemblages of enunciation (GUATARRI & ROLNIK, 1980), proves to be interesting to consider the forms of subjectivity produced in these courses and their consequences in everyday practices. The construction process of political subjectivity (CASTRO, 2008a, P. 254) in these spaces, involve the engagement of young people that lead them to take collective actions, affecting directly the ways they experience the academic space. The method of carthografy and the discussions on the role of image in the contemporary (JOBIM E SOUZA, 2011; GODINHO, 2011) are the main references for our methodology. The carthografy guided us through the different experiences in the field of pre-university community courses, until the definition of Associação Mangueira Vestibulares as our research field. The considerations about the importance of images in contemporary life motivated the creation of an audiovisual narrative about the political dimension of this social movement, building a documentary with the people surveyed in the intention to broaden the debate beyond the boundaries of academy.
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Judge, R. E. C. "Transformational journeys : volunteer tourism, non-elite youth and the politics of the self." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2016. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1502450/.
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This thesis examines short volunteer tourism trips involving young people from non-elite backgrounds, run by youth groups based on London council estates and travelling to Kenya and Zimbabwe. Based on ethnographic work both in the UK and during trips, this thesis argues that participants narrate the trips as sites of self-transformation. They see themselves as becoming more ‘grateful’ for their relative wealth, ‘charitable’, and ‘aspirational’ in terms of having the desire and dreams to make their own future. Though these findings echo those pertaining to middle-class volunteers, there is a disciplinary aspect to the way imaginaries of personal transformation through volunteer tourism mesh with longer-standing efforts at reforming working-class youth, and amplify pressures on young subjects to take individual responsibility for their own betterment. Rather than examine these problematic politics as an imposition of discursive power, this thesis makes a close reading of emotion and affect in volunteer tourism. Affective circulations, embodied acts, and cultivated emotions constitute depoliticised approaches to global poverty and national inequality and give them a visceral felt authenticity. However, emotional intensities also disrupt the overarching narrative. Young people emphasise their enjoyment of the trips as spaces of collective fun rather than individual reform, express desires to connect across transnational difference, and contrast their enjoyment of status and meaningful labour abroad with the constraints they face in UK society. This thesis argues that volunteer tourism is a site for subject formation that is deeply entangled with both relations between ‘the west and the rest’ and young subjects’ social navigations in the national context. It offers a corrective to mapping a global-local dualism onto classed subjects and totalising analyses of volunteer tourism which assume an archetypal elite white volunteer acting at the whim of ‘neocolonialism’ and ‘neoliberalism’. It contributes to better understanding the relationship between emotion, affect and politics, and using this understanding, offers a more nuanced reading of the transnational encounters of volunteer tourism.
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Clarke, Nicola J. "Power, politics and professional contracts : an exploration of parenting in elite youth football." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2014. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/16383.
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The purpose of this research was to explore the phenomenon of parenting in English elite youth football and provide a rich, detailed description and nuanced interpretation of parenting in this highly challenging and competitive culture. The research positioned parenting in youth sport as a dynamic, culturally-situated process, constituted through interaction with significant others. This allowed for an in-depth understanding of how parenting was experienced in elite youth football that included children s accounts of their interaction with parents. Using a phenomenological methodology, research was undertaken in three English professional football clubs to explore how parenting in elite youth football was experienced as lived. Parents of players registered to an elite youth football academy, players aged between 8 and 17 years and academy coaches participated in interviews. Participant observation was used to complement interview data. Embracing multi-perspectivalism (Kellner, 1995), multiple qualitative analytical techniques were used to explore data from different epistemological perspectives, providing sensitivity to the variation and subtlety of participants experiences. The findings from four empirical, qualitative research studies are presented. Firstly, an exploration of the experience of being a parent of an elite youth footballer described how parents were socialised into the academy culture, and experienced a change in identity and a heightened sense of responsibility to facilitate their child s football development. Secondly, an examination of elite youth footballers experience of interaction with their parents demonstrated how players experienced their body as an object to be scrutinised and assessed when watched by parents, experienced conflict with parents from within a power relation, and ascribed meaning to their interaction with parents in relation to their goal of becoming a successful academy footballer. Thirdly, an idiographic analysis of parents and players individual and dyadic experiences of parent-player interactions highlighted how relationships were constituted by; relations with other family members; an embodied sense of closeness; the temporal significance of football transitions; and gender and power relations. Finally, an analysis of coaches accounts of the parent-coach relationship in elite youth football demonstrated how parent-coach interactions occurred within an imbalanced power relation, which centred on establishing the rights to be responsible for player development. Together, these findings present a complex picture of parenting in elite youth football, as an embodied, temporal and culturally-situated experience, constituted through interaction and power relations between parents, players, coaches and academies. This research highlights the importance of conceptualising parenting in youth sport as a social, culturally-embedded process and supports the need to include children in research about issues that affect them. Extending this further, adopting a theoretical perspective that allows for the contextual power relations to be examined can further enhance understanding of parenting in youth sport. Finally, this research recommends that listening to and valuing the experiences of participants in the elite youth football culture, alongside open discussion and critical reflection upon academy practices, may have the greatest potential for enhancing the experiences of parents, players and coaches.
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Snelling, Charlotte Jane. "Puzzling participants or disaffected citizenry? : re-examining education's impacts on the electoral mobilisation of Britain's youth." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/22850.
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This thesis extends our understanding of a ‘puzzle of participation’ (Brody 1978). Across established Western democracies, turnout in elections has been steadily falling - at the same time, society is modernising. Central to this latter phenomenon is educational expansion, a process in which there is increased higher education (HE) enrolment, rising attainment levels, and even wider citizenship education. Under classic civic education hypotheses, such factors are anticipated to increase political literacy, raise electoral interest, and provide encouraging environments for political participation. Hence, the patterns we observe in turnout present as paradoxical. This is especially evident among the very youngest electors, who comprise arguably the most educated generation yet but are also the least likely to vote. The thesis thus poses the question: Why is the comparatively higher level of education enjoyed by young people today not associated with a higher level of voter turnout? My response takes inspiration from Norris’s ‘critical citizens’ (1999, 2011) and combines this with repertoire replacement (Dalton 2008; Norris 2003) and sorting model (Nie et al 1996) theories to develop an argument based on a multiplicity of education effects on turnout. Specifically, I present a thesis which contends that higher levels of education today encourage the emergence of a non-voting disaffected citizenry, characterised by two distinct dimensions. The first, a dissatisfied-disaffection is thought to be present among growing student populations. It is this demographic group which, in response to its members’ HE experiences, is challenging established political processes, becoming more demanding of an active role in politics, and turning to alternative participation activities when opportunities arise. Within this I posit two non-voter types: (a) frustrated electors, committed to voting yet exasperated by the responsiveness of political actors and their policy offers at elections, and (b) engaged activists, pointedly rejecting voting in favour of more direct and ongoing influencing activities. The second dimension reflects alienated-disaffection. Here, individuals who lack HE experience are seeing their status and position decline in line with educational inflation, and, as a consequence, experience limited political network mobilisation, find their confidence for participation falling, and so withdraw from politics altogether. They are marginalised citizens. Meanwhile, a number of young people will continue to vote, receiving encouragement from their social networks and partisan attachments; mobilised voters. This thesis makes its contributions in testing and refining these propositions in the case of the British electorate using data from the British Election Study, British Participation Survey, and the Citizens in Transition Survey. Through a range of statistical techniques (including logistic regression, latent class analysis, and structural equation modelling) I devise new ways of operationalising disaffection, and assess its varied impact on turnout. This thesis progresses to explore typologies of participation repertoires, within which combinations of disaffection attitudes and turnout behaviours exist. It then examines in more detail the educational mechanisms through which these occur.
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Rootham, Esther Maddy. "(Re)Working citizenship : young people and colour-blind politics." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1a140a0d-2255-4770-95cc-634d16fa393b.
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This study is about the manner in which ‘ethnicity’, ‘race’, ‘racism’ and ‘anti-racism’ are understood in contemporary France and how this affects the ways in which racialized young adults experience their schooling and early working lives. I explore the ways in which young people living and working in Paris and its surrounding suburbs understand the opportunities and barriers they face. I ground these narratives in an historicized account of the emergence of recent formulations of debates about the appropriate place of immigrants and racialized communities in public political culture in France. I do this through both an examination of the controversy surrounding the use of the categories ethnicity and ‘race’ for the purpose of monitoring discrimination as well as an analysis of a recently inaugurated national museum dedicated to the contribution of immigrants to the French nation. I argue that highly mediatised discussions in France revolving around the meaning of the French national identity, immigration and integration, youth unrest in the banlieues and the place of religion in French society are all implicitly discourses of ‘race’ and racism, despite the concerted and explicit avoidance of the deployment of racial terminology. I draw together an analysis of racialization processes as they take place at different scales and arenas from the denial of the significance of racialization in intellectual milieus, to the process of invisibilisation of racialization and colonialism at work in museum displays and memory narratives to the individual and collective everyday lived experience of racism of relatively high achieving young racialized adults. While rooted in human geography, I rely on a variety of qualitative methods and contribute to a range of academic fields, including the study of racism and anti-racism, the sociology of statistics, museum studies and political science.
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Droesbeck, Trevor S. "Not the Lady's Auxiliary exploring the politics of gender relations in the Halifax queer youth movement /." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp05/mq24835.pdf.
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Sterrett, Isaiah Zachary. "The Pied Piper in Power: Ideological Resources and the Authoritarian Youth Group." Thesis, Boston College, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/2893.
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Thesis advisor: Gerald M. EasterThesis advisor: Jonathan Laurence
How do authoritarian states attempt to acquire ideological resources vis-à-vis their youth populations? This thesis demonstrates that one way in which these states attempt to do so is by way of an institution I call the authoritarian youth group (AYG). Examples of AYG treated in the paper include the Hitler Jugend in Nazi Germany; the VLKSM or Komsomol in the U.S.S.R.; and Nashi ("Ours") in post-Communist Russia. Primarily on the basis of secondary-source material, I argue that, across cases, governors of authoritarian states create and maintain AYG primarily in order to curry ideological resources among young people. In particular, states use AYG principally in order to legitimate the nation-state by espousing particular national narratives and lionizing the state; to promote among young people a sense of national homogeneity; to propagate particular mores related to gender, family, sex, and sexuality; and to affect the formation of a loyal elite for the state's future. The paper aims to contribute to the comparative-politics subfield by enhancing scholars' knowledge of authoritarian governance, ideological resources in authoritarian contexts, and, most importantly, the relationship between the authoritarian state and young people
Thesis (MA) — Boston College, 2012
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
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Quinn, Eithne. "Representing and affronting : the politics and poetics of gangsta rap music." Thesis, Keele University, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.311723.
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Krawatzek, Félix. "Youth and crisis : discourse networks and political mobilisation." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:80a45271-f04d-4c1d-abff-6ee6c6478941.
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This thesis explores the meaning of "youth" and the political mobilisation of young people in key moments of crisis in Europe. Between 2005 and 2011, youth became critical for the consolidation of the authoritarian regime structures in Russia. I show that this process included the restructuring of the discourse about youth, the physical mobilisation of young people, and the isolation of oppositional youth. How valid are these findings for regime crises more generally? I answer this question through an analysis of the breakdown of the authoritarian Soviet Union during perestroika, the breakdown of unconsolidated democracy during the last years of the Weimar Republic, and the crisis of the democratic regime in France around 1968. The cross-regional and cross-temporal comparison of these episodes demonstrates that regimes lacking popular democratic support compensate for their insufficient legitimacy by trying to mobilise youth symbolically and politically. By developing a new method of textual analysis which combines qualitative content analysis and network analysis, the thesis offers a novel social science perspective on the meaning of youth in the four cases. My study shows how discursive structures about youth condition the possibility of political mobilisation of young people. The thesis makes three contributions to comparative politics. First, on an empirical level, my study offers new insights into social movements at moments of regime crisis in different political settings. Second, on a conceptual level, I refine our understanding of the symbolic significance of the terms "youth" and "generation" in moments when society is reorienting itself. I also examine the significance of "crisis" and argue that the term expresses openness and the possibility to remake the past and future. Third, on a methodological level, my thesis builds on the growing interest in textual analysis by developing a novel multi-level approach in three linguistic contexts, which offers insights into the structure of public discourse and the actors involved.
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Papadogiannis, Nikolaos. "Greek communist youth and the politicisation of leisure, 1974-1981." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609016.
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Bremner, Natalia Katherine. "The politics of popular music and youth culture in 21st-century Mauritius and Réunion." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2014. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/8985/.
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This thesis examines the politics of popular music and youth culture in two geographically close but socioculturally distinct Indian Ocean islands: Réunion (a French overseas département) and Mauritius (independent from Britain since 1968). Neither island has an indigenous, pre-colonial population: the respective societies have thus formed through successive waves of immigration, including the importation of slaves and indentured workers from Madagascar, Africa, and Asia, resulting in extremely ethnically diverse populations, on both a communal and individual level. The island societies both began the twentieth century as sugar-producing plantation colonies, but by the beginning of the twenty-first century, their socioeconomic landscapes had been dramatically transformed: independent Mauritius was proclaimed as an ‘African tiger’ thanks to astute state management of limited resources, and Réunion became a French département d’outre-mer, with living standards now similar to those of metropolitan France. Although both island societies experienced dramatic and rapid transformation, however, modern-day Réunion and Mauritius have come to represent opposing postcolonial experiences. This has resulted in the adoption of opposing approaches to the question of ethnic and racial difference: whereas the Mauritian Constitution officially acknowledges the existence of ethnoreligious ‘communities’, ethnic difference is not officially recognised in Réunion due to colour-blind French Republican policy. The following analysis seeks to show that the study of contemporary popular culture can provide particular insights into the workings of these two creolised, postcolonial societies. Considered here principally through the lens of popular music and youth culture, it will be argued that contemporary Réunionese and Mauritian popular music and youth cultures engage with political and social issues specific to each context. This is discussed in Part II in relation to Kreol language politics, which shows that popular music can be said to work towards changing mentalities still influenced by colonial language prejudices; and in Part III as concerns popular culture’s engagement with discourses of inclusion and exclusion within the national community.
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Enria, Luisa. ""An idle mind is the Devil's workshop"? : the politics of work amongst Freetown's youth." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ba12e38c-1fb8-4ccb-8222-5ed9326ae9e1.
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Youth unemployment has been presented as a security risk to countries emerging from civil war. These assessments often rely on the assumption of a direct relationship between labour market exclusion and political violence. This thesis challenges this assumption, not by denying that the connection exists, but by suggesting that we need a better understanding of how the two are related. Through qualitative research with young people engaged precariously on the margins of the informal economy in Sierra Leone's capital, Freetown, the thesis explores how labour market experiences influence different patterns of political mobilisation. It puts forward that violence is not inherent to unemployment, but that the impact of joblessness on mobilisation is mediated by social factors and the specific nature of the post-war political economy. For Freetown's youth, labour market exclusion has implications for social status, identities, norms and the nature of social relations. This in turn shapes their political subjectivities and claims on the state; it structures the opportunities and constraints to their collective action; and influences their trajectories towards political violence. These processes reflect a fraught articulation between tactics employed expediently to respond to structural circumstances and longer-term aspirations. Individual attempts to survive adverse economic and political terrains coexist with work-based political claims placed on the state and aspirations of social and political inclusion, even if the two are often at odds and the former undermine the latter.
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Fishman, Darwin Ben. "Shadow politics in the rich light of day black youth, political socialization, and one Washington, D.C. metropolitan area high school /." College Park, Md. : University of Maryland, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/3728.
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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2006.Thesis research directed by: American Studies. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
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Eskilson, Siri, and Kajsa Pedersen. "Red banderoles and swedish flags - a study in the relationship between politics and visual identity within ten political youth associations." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Medie- och Informationsteknik, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-115732.
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2014 är det supervalår i Sverige. Det innebär intensiv marknadsföring för de olika politiska intressena i många olika kanaler. För många, men kanske speciellt för unga människor, kan detta bli en förvirrande period av budskap och åsikter som på olika sätt ska värderas och tas ställning till. De politiska ungdomsförbunden riktar sig till personer mellan sex och 25 år, och hör för det mesta till ett så kallat moderparti, men har egna politiska agendor, grafiska profiler och marknadsföring. Den mesta av marknadsföringen sker genom någon slags grafiskt material, och för att de politiska budskapen verkligen ska nå fram till alla unga på bästa sätt, borde det grafiska materialet också rent visuellt tala för innehållet. Den här studien syftar till att undersöka om det finns samband mellan politik och grafiska profiler hos de politiska ungdomsförbunden. Då studier på sambandet mellan politik och grafiskt material visat sig vara ett relativt outforskat område som det är svårt att hitta exakt data om, är detta en kvalitativ tvärsnittsstudie. Tio politiska ungdomsförbund valdes ut för granskning med grund i moderpartiernas storlek i riksdagsvalet 2010. Vidare samlades data om dessa in genom kvalitativa dokument och audiovisuella kanaler, vilket exempelvis innefattar de politiska ungdomsförbundens grafiska manualer och webbsidor. Studien visar på samband mellan politiken och de grafiska profilernas. Dessa uppstod mellan förbunden som ingår i blockpolitiken, men även mellan förbund på skilda delar av skalan som hade andra aspekter än blockpolitik gemensamt.
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Kimberlee, Richard Henry. "Young people, extended transition and the 1997 general election." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.323622.
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Winsler, Robert. "The Accidental Motivator: Florida's Medicinal Marijuana Ballot Initiative's Impact on the Youth Vote." Scholar Commons, 2014. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/5334.
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The purpose of this study was to examine single-issue voting in the youth population, specifically involving the upcoming medical marijuana ballot initiative to be voted on in Florida November, 2014. Single-issue voting is becoming a more prevalent trend in American politics. The young voter demographic has historically showed the lowest percentage of voter turnout thus giving it the highest potential to influence the outcome of an election if more voters showed up to the polls. This study sought to understand if a single issue such as medical marijuana could be that motivation to go vote. Data was gathered through conducting focus groups of students 18 to 24 years old. The content was analyzed and quotes were collected then compared against two existing mass communication theories. The qualitative nature of the work allowed the study to produce a picture of the essence of how some young voters thinks when an election is approaching. This information will be vital as the field of study begins to grow quantitatively as well.
Though no definitive result was determined, young voters may be motivated to vote by a single issue but it is doubtful that issue will not be medical marijuana. This study aids an understanding of how a young voter is perceived as well as what issues were most important to those who participated. Organizations tasked with targeting this population could use these results to help cater a more effective message and reach a demographic that has so far been nearly unattainable.
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Kėrytė, Živilė. "Globalūs tinklai ir politinės sferos kaita: iššūkiai jaunimo NVO veiklai Lietuvoje." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2008. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2008~D_20080826_105101-60278.
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Globalizacija kaip socialinis reiškinys susilaukia tiek daug dėmesio socialiniuose moksluose, kad netgi labai daug įvairiausių paaiškinimų ir sampratų nesustabdo ketinimo suprasti jį dar labiau. Socialinio bei politinio gyvenimo vidiniai procesai bei kokybė reikalauja naujos socialinę realybę charakterizuojančios sampratos.The social phenomenon of globalization is attending so much consideration in the social sciences, that very different explanation and meanings don’t stop the intention to understand it even more. The inner life of social and political processes demands for the new social reality with the new social categories.
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Mascho, Bradley Steven. "Our Young Elected Officials." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1056513005.
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Withers, Polly. "Performing alterity : the translocal politics of an urban youth music scene in post-Oslo Palestine." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/28214.
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This thesis is an ethnographic and gender-sensitive account of the identities urban Palestinian youth perform through their self-defined ‘alternative’ scene-based musical practices in the post-Oslo era. Departing from the problematic that Palestinian folkloric identity and/or the classical Palestinian national resistance paradigm dominate studies of popular and expressive musics in the Palestinian context, I ask instead how scene affiliates’ musical practices do, or do not do, political work, and in what way – if even at all – these relate to the nation, resistance, and Palestinianness. My approach is ‘bottom-up’ and qualitative, drawing on thirteen months of fieldwork in the interdependent cities of Ramallah (1967/West Bank), Haifa (1948/modern-day Israel), and Amman (Jordan). I carried out sixty-four in-depth interviews and fifteen focus groups with young musicians, bands, audience members, fans, DJs, beat-makers, emcees, producers, party planners, bar and club owners, and other related persons in the scene; as well as over eighty participant observations at concerts, parties, gigs, raves, and bars scenesters frequent. I conclude that their musics perform political work contingently, shifting according to the narratives and practices research lenses focus on, as well as the institutional and geopolitical backdrops hosting them. I argue that in a local Palestinian context, musics perform political, anti-colonial work beyond, and sometimes even against, the classical national resistance paradigm. Given Oslo’s failed ‘peace’ process, scene-affiliates critique the Palestinian Authority (PA), its institutionalisation of the national movement, and territorially-based two-state solution, re-drawing their community instead on the regional lines of bilad al-sham. However, while politicised content is foreground, it is not the only issue youth are concerned with. Many are reluctant to narrow their aesthetic positionalities to political frames, instead pushing musics’ social role as a site of conviviality where new (gendered and other) identities are imagined and enacted. Since Palestine’s globalising ‘turn’ in part enabled these emerging identities and social contexts, leisure and consumption play central roles in their embodiment. Hybrid and translocal in formation, scenesters use localised tropes of Palestinianness (dabke dancing, wedding musics), and globalised ‘hip’ fashions (tattoos, androgynous dress), musics (psy-trance, electro, reggae, hip-hop), and social practices (clubbing, raving, bar-hopping) to perform their imaginaries of alterity. Such translocalisms uncouple Palestinianness from Palestinian national identity, upholding Palestinian particularity while making room for internal differences. However, shifting research focus to a transnational context, I contend that when musicians are branded to London, their self-representations, or the representations their international hosts make of them, often foreground the national resistance, and/or folklorising identity paradigms disavowed locally. Reducing their complex subjectivities to narrow national-territorial frames, in this global circuit of consumption, Palestinian cultural practices perform British multicultural tolerance to ‘ethnic’ otherness on international stages. This, I argue, highlights that Palestinian musics’ reiteration of the nation, resistance, and/or Palestinianness often stems from the operation of geopolitical power, more than the musical content itself. My core argument in the thesis thus is twofold. Firstly, I make the case that scencesters’ musical practices express and enable neither merely resistance, nor solely submisson to the intwertwined status quos of settler-colonial occupation and neoliberal hegemony. Their musics are instead important sites of modest meaning-making. Moving beyond the revolution/co-optation binary reveals scenesters’ everyday and situated negotiations with various political and social powers. Secondly, I argue that since the transnational political economy of images often shapes how Palestinian musics travel in international spaces, we need not ask what Palestinian musics convey, but rather, why we are invited to take up a particular rendering of Palestinian art and culture, and – importantly – what can this tell us about the operation of geopolitical power translocally? Adopting transnational and translocal lenses to analyse how power shapes and normalises conceptualisations of Palestinian musics, my thesis thus calls for the need to see Palestinian cultural production beyond narrow national frames, and position it instead in the global contexts that inform, and are informed by, such aesthetic practices.
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Gerodimos, Roman. "New media, new citizens : the terms and conditions of online youth civic engagement." Thesis, Bournemouth University, 2010. http://eprints.bournemouth.ac.uk/16482/.
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The increasingly salient role of new media in young people's lives has led to a debate about the potential of the internet as a means of political communication and youth participation. While a growing body of scholarship has engaged 'Nith the issue, there is lack of empirical research linking young people's civic motivations to their internet uses, and in particular to their evaluations, as users, of UK civic websites. This thesis brings together the study of youth civic engagement and the practice of user experience in order to explore the civic factors and website elements that motivate young people to participate via the internet. Employing a large survey and a qualitative study of a purposively sampled community of young citizens and internet users, the research explores youth civic needs and how these translate into specific uses of the web. Furthermore, a comprehensive content analysis of twenty civic websites is juxtaposed with a user experience study, in order to facilitate a dialogue between the online text and the users. The core argument of this study is that young people are willing to engage with public affairs via civic websites as long as a series of "terms and conditions" are met that would make this engagement meaningful to them. These include the existence of visible benefits or outcomes from the participation process and the relevance of the issue to the individual's lifeworld. It is argued that the preconditions set by these young people constitute a coherent paradigm of an essentially consumerist approach to civic engagement; a mode of online political communication that is based around convenience, personalisation and emotional engagement. However, a feeling of civic loneliness was also manifest in the participants' narratives and there were strong indications that any sense of alienation should not be attributed to apathy, but to a fundamental scepticism about the ability of the individual to make a difference at the social level. The evidence suggests that, while technology has a role in providing users with accessible and effective online tools, the root cause of the problem may be in the social structures of the civic culture, and particUlarly in the mechanisms of political socialisation that facilitate civic motivation. Hence, the study reaffirms the importance of the affective, symbolic and political dimensions of participation and argues that these need to be integrated along with traditional (technological and psychological) elements of user experience in order to achieve civic usability.
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Reck, Jennifer. "Be queer ... but not here! : queer and transgender youth, the Castro 'mecca', and spatial gay politics /." Diss., Digital Dissertations Database. Restricted to UC campuses, 2005. http://uclibs.org/PID/11984.
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Hall, Joel Bennett. "Segregation and the Politics of Race: Mary McLeod Bethune and the National Youth Administration, 1935-1943." W&M ScholarWorks, 1996. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626073.
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PEDROSA, Tábata De Lima. "A dimensão política do coco e a participação da juventude no portão gelo e Guadalupe." Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, 2015. https://repositorio.ufpe.br/handle/123456789/18407.
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Submitted by Irene Nascimento (irene.kessia@ufpe.br) on 2017-03-13T18:53:17Z
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O objetivo deste trabalho é compreender nas ações do Coco da Xambá (Bongar e Coco do Miudinho) e do Grupo Cultural Coco de Umbigada a articulação político-cultural de demandas materiais e simbólicas de jovens dessas comunidades. As comunidades pesquisadas foram Portão do Gelo e Guadalupe respectivamente, ambas no município de Olinda - PE. A metodologia deste trabalho fundamentou-se numa abordagem qualitativa. Além disso, a pesquisa apresenta inspiração etnográfica, o que permitiu o acompanhamento de atividades promovidas pelos grupos de coco, bem como a elaboração de relatórios de observação. No que diz respeito ao procedimento de análise das informações, foi utilizada a Análise Crítica do Discurso, a qual tem como preocupação central as relações de poder e o que há de dominação e insurgência nelas. Os resultados apontam que a inserção em grupos de coco possibilita aos jovens geração de renda, a partir do desenvolvimento de habilidades que são funcionais ao mercado de trabalho, permitindo o acesso a ele, mesmo que de forma precária. Do ponto de vista do campo simbólico, a participação desses jovens no coco permite a elaboração de estratégias de superação de discriminações e preconceitos, através da afirmação da identidade, o que mobiliza ações coletivas.
Understanding the political and cultural articulation of young people’s material and symbolic demands in two communities, Coco Xambá (Bongar and Coco Miudinho) and Grupo Cultural Coco de Umbigada, is the aim of this study. The surveyed communities were Portão do Gelo and Guadalupe, both in the city of Olinda - PE. The methodology of this study was based on a qualitative approach with ethnographic inspiration, which enabled the researcher to monitor activities promoted by coco groups, as well as the preparation of observation reports. Regarding to analysis procedure’s information, we used the Critical Discourse Analysis, which has as its central concern power relations and their domination and insurgency. The results show that the inclusion in coco groups provide income generation to the young participants developing skills that are functional to the labor market, allowing their access to it, even if precariously. From the symbolic point of view, the participation of these young people in coco allows them to overcome discrimination and prejudice, through the affirmation of identity, which mobilizes collective action.
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Mautner, Kathleen C. "National Identity and the Education of Immigrant Youth in Spain." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/64.
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This thesis examines the present-day educational policies enacted by Spain in response to the country’s growing immigrant populations, specifically by comparing the policies implemented in two of Spain’s distinct autonomies. The thesis ultimately argues that the regions’ differing conceptualizations of national identity and their distinct relationships to the central Spanish state play a fundamental role in their motivations to enact comprehensive and effective policies that promote immigrants’ educational and social success.