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Journal articles on the topic 'Politics for youth'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Apeke Saka, Latifat, and Bola Sebiomo. "Practices and Attitudes of Youth in Politics in Epe Local Government, Lagos State, Nigeria." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 19 (December 2013): 90–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.19.90.

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Politics is a necessary result of man‟s relationship with each other, it is everywhere and influencing the affairs of human being, it is a means by which an individuals or group of people achieve and maintain power and influence positively the socio-economic status of the parties concerned. This paper reports the practices and attitude of youth in politics in Epe local government area, Lagos state. From the study fifty (50) youths were randomly selected from five zones, ten (10) youths from each zone in Epe Local area. Each technique contained four items. Findings shows that youth wing of political parties came first under political attitudes while violence came first with mean score of 2.58 under youth anti-social behavior in politics followed by maltreatment of youth in the society with mean score of 2.98 under the causes of youth negative behaviors in politics, introducing programme of protection to youth came first with the mean score of 3.74 under how could government of Nigeria help the youth to become an instrument for natural rebirth. There is significant difference between male and female views in causes and solution to youth problems in politics. There is no significant difference between male and female views in the practices and attitudes of youth in politics. It is recommended that Government should enlighten the youth on how to practice politics without violence more so National rebirth could be advanced if also organize seminars and workshop for the youths.

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2

Laqueur, Walter. "Youth and Politics." Washington Quarterly 8, no. 3 (July 1985): 5–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01636608509450280.

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3

Hansson, Kristian, and Lisbeth Lundahl *. "Youth politics and local constructions of youth." British Journal of Sociology of Education 25, no. 2 (April 2004): 161–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0142569042000205136.

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4

Rasmussen, Jacob. "Mungiki as youth movement." YOUNG 18, no. 3 (July 20, 2010): 301–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/110330881001800304.

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Like many other African countries, Kenya has a large and growing youth population. Some of the youths are mobilized into militant and political networks; one of these is the Mungiki movement. The article explores Mungiki’s combination of politics, religion and Kikuyu traditions. Using the examples of snuff tobacco, revolutionary talk and generational exclusion, it is argued that one way of understanding the connection between the various elements is to look at specific youth practices that cut across apparently separate activities. This reveals that youth in the Mungiki discourse is a highly gendered concept.

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5

Wallace, Claire. "Introduction: youth and politics." Journal of Youth Studies 6, no. 3 (September 2003): 243–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1367626032000138237.

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6

Kumar, Satendra. "Ethnography of Youth Politics." History and Sociology of South Asia 6, no. 1 (October 14, 2011): 41–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/223080751100600103.

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7

Singh, Azad Pratap. "In our society, the proportion of youth is higher than any other society. They are important in this regard. But the real question is whether his views, trends and likes and dislikes are different from other generations of society in political terms. What." Think India 22, no. 3 (September 19, 2019): 680–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.26643/think-india.v22i3.8367.

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In our society, the proportion of youth is higher than any other society. They are important in this regard. But the real question is whether his views, trends and likes and dislikes are different from other generations of society in political terms. What is the reason for the tendency to see youth as a separate class. That we borrow the principles of politics from the West, where the distinction of generations is more important factor in politics than the distinction of community or class. At one time, parties like the Labor Party and the Green Party have been standing mainly on the vote of the youth for some time. The second reason is that the image of the youth is based on the English-speaking youths living somewhere in the metros. We often consider him to be a symbol of youth. While in reality they are a very small part of our youth. And the third reason is that the part of change, revolution and the politics of change that had set the hopes of the youth are still there in our political understanding. The fact is that the youth class is not very different from the elderly or any other generation in terms of participation in politics, if different then it means that its participation is less than the other class because it is more concerned about education and employment. There is no fundamental difference between the vote of the youth and other generations in terms of voting or political choice. If there is a difference, then only in the sense that the parties who have come in the last 25-30 years have heard more about the youth, hence their choice is more. Older parties usually get little support from the youth. However, it is not related to its youth, because the information about that party is limited to certain people.

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8

Tamanna, Meheri. "The Political Perception Of Youth: Where Are We Heading To?" Jurnal Akta 5, no. 3 (September 5, 2018): 743. http://dx.doi.org/10.30659/akta.v5i3.3252.

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Youth in politics can be a creative force, a dynamic source of innovation which in turn brings positive changes in political systems. But today’s youth is neither deeply apathetic nor unconventionally engaged in mainstream politics due to its complex nature. This decreasing level of youth participation in politics not only endangers the quality of leadership but also jeopardizes the democracy of tomorrow. By using qualitative and quantitative data this study explored the trend of youth engagement and their disconnection with the current political systems. This study aimed to observe how the youth is unbundling the traditional concept of state power and identify the reasons for their non-engagement in politics which eventually challenges the political system of Bangladesh.Keywords: Engagement, Democracy, Politics, Young population, Leadership.

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9

Bergère, Clovis. "From Street Corners to Social Media: The Changing Location of Youth Citizenship in Guinea." African Studies Review 63, no. 1 (April 25, 2019): 124–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2019.3.

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Abstract:This study explores social media platforms, Facebook and Twitter in particular, as emergent sites of youth citizenship in Guinea. These need to be understood within a longer history of youth citizenship, one that includes street corners and other informal mediations of youth politics. This counters dominant discourses both within the Guinean public sphere and in academic research that decry Guinean social media practices as lacking, or Guinean youth as frivolous or inconsequential in their online political engagements. Instead, young Guineans’ emergent digital practices need to be approached as productive political engagements. This contributes to debates about African youths by examining the role of digital technologies in shaping young Africans’ political horizons.

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10

PhD, Patrick Oromareghake,, and Oluka, Nduka Lucas. "Youth in Contemporary Politics: Roles and Benefits in Nigeria." International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development Volume-3, Issue-2 (February 28, 2019): 882–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31142/ijtsrd21518.

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11

Tamanna, Maheri. "THE POLITICAL PERCEPTION OF YOUTH IN BANGLADESH." International Journal of Law Reconstruction 2, no. 2 (August 23, 2018): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.26532/ijlr.v2i2.3162.

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AbstractYouth in politics can be a creative force, a dynamic source of innovation which in turn brings positive changes in political systems. But today’s youth is neither deeply apathetic nor unconventionally engaged in mainstream politics due to its complex nature. This decreasing level of youth participation in politics not only endangers the quality of leadership but also jeopardizes the democracy of tomorrow. By using qualitative and quantitative data this study explored the trend of youth engagement and their disconnection with the current political systems. This study aimed to observe how the youth is unbundling the traditional concept of state power and identify the reasons for their non-engagement in politics which eventually challenges the political system of Bangladesh.

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12

Lundahl, Lisbeth. "Local Youth Projects: Political Rhetoric and Strategies. The Swedish Case." Social Policy and Society 1, no. 3 (June 24, 2002): 247–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746402003093.

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In Sweden, youth matters increasingly form a political field of their own. Youth politics may be related to governance and policy research on the one hand, and research on young people's lives on the other. Both have been influenced by similar questions, concerning the freedom of actors and the power of structures. Research specifically on youth politics is however scanty, in Sweden and internationally. The article analyses recent Swedish youth politics, based on interviews with local politicians and officials. Questions posed are: Which youth matters are prioritised at the local political agenda, and why? How is the division of responsibilities in youth matters between different actors perceived? Which importance and functions are attributed to local youth projects? To what extent do recent youth politics mirror late-modern assumptions of self-governance, individual choice and risk-taking? To what extent do they reflect assumptions of an earlier dominant social welfare paradigm? It is concluded that local youth politics in general contain elements of collectivist welfare thinking, and a neo-liberal or post-modern ideology is barely visible. Nevertheless, flexibility, autonomy and decentralisation assumptions about local authorities and young people become more prominent around youth projects. The municipality is also more likely to be identified as a strategic, risk-taking actor here.

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13

Brading, Ryan. "Taiwan's Millennial Generation: Interests in Polity and Party Politics." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 46, no. 1 (April 2017): 131–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261704600106.

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The political strategies used to attract Taiwanese Millennials is a puzzling topic. This article analyses the strategies the two main political parties have implemented in recent years to do so. In the literature on youth attitudes in Western democracies, politics is described as “boring,” a “big turn-off,” and a “killjoy.” I examine to what degree these theoretical terms can help define the youth's perception of politics and I describe the youth-led demonstrations that have taken place. Using primary sources, this analysis unfolds the objectives, successes, and failures of the youth wings of two political parties founded in early 2006. The 2008 and 2012 presidential campaigns are considered in relation to the theme of youth engagement. A key event in recent years was the March–April 2014 Sunflower Student Movement. The impact of this event and youth politics leading up to the 2016 presidential and legislative elections is discussed.

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14

Ortuoste, Maria. "Youth, Life, and Politics: Examining the Everyday in Comparative Politics." PS: Political Science & Politics 45, no. 02 (March 14, 2012): 285–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096511002125.

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AbstractThe traditional way of introducing comparative politics to freshmen, which is through the study of institutions, is contrasted with an alternative approach. An everyday-politics approach compares the daily struggles of global youth—how they cope in times of peace and war, and with issues of wealth and poverty, identity, education and employment, and citizenship and immigration. This approach contains four elements: juxtapositions, recognition of the vicissitudes of growing up in a more complex world, the use of stories, and social action in our daily lives. This combination “gently” introduces the concepts of comparative politics but with an emphasis on how politics affect the lives of other young people. These stories also show the various forms of political participation and political resistance in different countries. An everyday-politics approach, while still experimental, seems to yield some positive results in helping students care about politics, gaining an understanding of how much is at stake for them, and connecting them to the wider world.

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15

Olubela, Afolabi, Olufunmilayo Iyunade, and Adeola Ogunsanya. "Youth Engagement in Nigerian Politics: Age and Gender Differentials (as Perceived by Ijebu-Ode Community)." RUDN Journal of Political Science 21, no. 3 (December 15, 2019): 421–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2019-21-3-421-429.

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The importance of youth involvement in political and developmental processes of society can hardly be exaggerated. However, despite the large percentage of young people in Nigeria and the historical importance of intergenerational continuity with an emphasis on national identity, very little is really known about the degree of youth engagement in the country’s politics. Therefore, this study, in the form of a descriptive survey, analyzes gender and age differentials of youth participation in Nigerian politics. A random sampling technique was used in selecting 200 youths from 5 political wards (40 from each ward) in Ijebu-Ode Local Government Area of Ogun State. Additionally, a self-structured questionnaire was designed and used for data collection, while a t-test and Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) were employed to test the three hypotheses at 0.05 level of significance. The study revealed no significant gender difference ( t = 1.56, P > 0.05) or age difference ( t = 1.44, P > 0.05) among the young population of Nigeria actively engaged in politics in the country. Conclusively, the authors recommend that efforts should be geared towards fighting illiteracy and unemployment in the country, as these are known to be main reasons for vandalism, senseless violence, anarchism, racketeering, and cultism among the Nigerian youth, while realistic political organizations under control and leadership of the young population should be formed.

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Ntsabane, Tidimane, and Chris Ntau. "Youth and Politics in Botswana." Journal of African elections 5, no. 2 (December 1, 2006): 99–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2006/v5i2a7.

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17

Murphy, Emma C. "Introduction: Arab Youth and Politics." Mediterranean Politics 17, no. 1 (March 2012): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2012.655042.

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18

Roberts, Derek, and Simusa Silwamba. "Ethnicity, politics and Zambian youth." Contemporary Social Science 12, no. 3-4 (October 2, 2017): 189–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21582041.2017.1385831.

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19

Sloam, J. "Introduction: Youth, Citizenship and Politics." Parliamentary Affairs 65, no. 1 (November 16, 2011): 4–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsr048.

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20

Wenzlaff, Karsten. "Youth, culture, negotiation and politics." Asia Europe Journal 5, no. 4 (October 11, 2007): 573–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10308-007-0138-y.

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21

Dodo, Obediah. "A Review of Political Participation between Youth and Elderly People in Zimbabwe." International Journal of Political Activism and Engagement 6, no. 4 (October 2019): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijpae.2019100101.

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The study sought to establish the differences in levels of involvement in politics between the youths and older people in Zimbabwe post-independence. It also expiilores influences to their engagement. The explorative qualitative study was conducted to bring out elaborate descriptive results. It was conducted through document and archival material analysis. Data was analysed using both latent and manifest content analyses, approaches ideal for qualitative investigations. The study was anchored on the theory of deliberative democracy with a focus on political participation of the youth in politics compared to older people. It was established in the study that indeed both youths and older people participate in politics albeit from different stand-points and for different objectives. The study also established that the differences in the two groups' participation in politics is influenced by among others; literacy, resourcefulness of individuals, desperation, poverty, fear, and patriarchal factors among others.

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22

Nolte, Insa. "Identity and violence: the politics of youth in Ijebu-Remo, Nigeria." Journal of Modern African Studies 42, no. 1 (March 2004): 61–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x03004464.

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This article examines the politics of youth in Ijebu-Remo (henceforth Remo) from the 1950s to the present. The emergence of the politics of youth in the 1950s and 1960s drew on precolonial discourse and was closely associated with the emergence of Remo's anti-federal postcolonial political identity. Since Nigeria's political and economic decline in the mid-1980s, strong feelings of exclusion – strengthened further by the political sidelining of Yoruba-speaking politicians in national politics between 1993 and 1999 – have contributed to an increase of nationalist sentiment in Remo youth politics. This is enacted through secrecy, a reinvention and utilisation of ‘traditional’ cultural practice, and the growing definition of local identity through ethnic discourse. Traditionally, Remo youth and elite politics have legitimised and supported each other, but the cohesion between these groups has declined since the return to democracy in 1999. Rivalry and conflict over local and national resources have led to bitter intergroup fighting, and young men's strategies to combat social exclusion remain mostly individual.

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23

Coe, Anna-Britt, and Darcie Vandegrift. "Youth Politics and Culture in Contemporary Latin America: A Review." Latin American Politics and Society 57, no. 2 (2015): 132–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2015.00271.x.

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AbstractYouth politics in contemporary Latin America diverge from those of previous generations. Increasingly decoupled from parties, unions, and the state, young people glide seamlessly across previously assumed boundaries: culture and politics, individual and organization, subjectivity and collectivity, virtual and “real.” This article presents findings from a systematic review of research on youth politics and demonstrates the new direction through three main categories: repression, incorporation, and exclusion, relationships between state institutions and youth identities; generational, cultural, and digital lenses, the innovative trends for theorizing current patterns of youth politics; and unsettling politics, the fusion and diffusion of youth political dexterity. The article concludes by highlighting current strengths and proposing future steps to build on this new direction.

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Pruitt, Lesley. "Youth, politics, and participation in a changing world." Journal of Sociology 53, no. 2 (April 14, 2017): 507–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783317705733.

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What options do young people have for enacting social and political change? Can traditional politics redeem itself in the eyes of youth? Can political leaders hear young people? Do they listen? What alternative avenues for politics might young people pursue or propose? What are their respective prospects and challenges? These are some key questions that arise when reading Young Citizens and Political Participation in a Digital Society, by Philippa Collin, Running from Office, by Jennifer Lawless and Richard Fox, and Youth and Generation by Dan Woodman and Johanna Wyn. In this review essay, these books are critically analysed alongside existing relevant literature to explore the ways young people today engage with politics and political participation, including how this reflects commonalities but also differences with previous social generations. Such work lends itself to an argument for reflecting on the state of democracy and young people’s actual and perceived roles as citizens.

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Vovenda, A. V. "Youth organizations and their role in the world politics." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(29) (April 28, 2013): 57–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-2-29-57-61.

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This paper introduces the characteristics of youth organizations as contemporary actors of the world politics, identified their key features and specific activities, the main issues and conflicts which are involved in their operation processes, and the key perspectives of their development. The paper analyzed the specifics of cooperation between youth organizations and other actors of the world politics, and also the influence of the political and financial elites on the youth policy in general. Also considered the largest and the most dynamic recent youth organizations

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Stehle, Maria. "Youth Politics in the Postwar Germanies." German Politics and Society 26, no. 1 (March 1, 2008): 112–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2008.260105.

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Ruff, Mark Edward. The Wayward Flock: Catholic Youth in Postwar West Germany, 1945-1965 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2005)McDougall, Alan. Youth Politics in East Germany: The Free German Youth Movement 1946-1968 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2004)

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Utomo, Satriono Priyo. "Sejarah Gerakan Politik Pemuda di Jakarta Sekitar Proklamasi." Estoria: Journal of Social Science and Humanities 1, no. 2 (April 1, 2021): 94–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.30998/je.v1i2.602.

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The history of the Indonesian youth political movement in 1928 not only inherited national politics with the ties of "imagine of Indonesia" as a homeland, nation and language, namely Indonesia. But it also gave birth to the view that youth is the core of change. This view became the belief of Indonesian youth in the 1940s to be involved in the revolutionary wave of "imagine of Indonesia" in a more critical and progressive manner in political actions. This paper aims to explain youth activism in Jakarta around a more advanced proclamation, accelerating from national politics to populist politics. There were two strongest youth node organizations in Jakarta at that time, Asrama Menteng Raya 31 and Prapatan 10. Both of them brought together young people from different ethnic and national backgrounds. But the youth political movement in the 1940s had a more populist political tone with its political activities carrying out political education work in order to mobilize people's awareness of the struggle for independence. Then the youth in Jakarta formed an organizational node called the Angkatan Pemuda Indonesia (API), which contributed to the historical events of the grand meeting at Ikada Square on September 19, 1945. Where Sukarno spoke as President of Indonesia for the first time in front of a mass mobilized by youth after the reading of the proclamation on August 17, 1945.

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Pavlovic, Zoran. "Predictors and correlates of youth political knowledge in Serbia." Psihologija 45, no. 4 (2012): 433–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/psi1204433p.

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It is considered that political knowledge is one of the most prominent features of democratic citizenship, which makes its analysis especially relevant in a democratising society. This paper explores the predictors and correlates of youth political knowledge in Serbia. Political knowledge was measured by 12 multiple-choice questions pertaining to three areas: everyday politics, the rules of political game and foreign politics. Research participants were 788 fourth-grade students from 25 Belgrade secondary schools. The results show that the level of youth political knowledge is generally low and unevenly distributed among students. Its main predictors are interest in politics, academic achievement, gender and father?s interest in politics. Other predictors that are usually regarded as very important (e.g. socioeconomic status, civic education) proved to be non-significant. Although political knowledge is positively correlated with political tolerance, political activism and diffuse political support, the coefficients are very low. The concluding part discusses possible causes of the obtained results.

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Qu, Xiao-Lei. "Identity politics in state-sponsored youth camps for Chinese overseas." China Information 31, no. 2 (May 10, 2017): 233–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0920203x17708285.

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China’s relations with communities of Chinese overseas and its attempts to improve these relations are challenged by the weakening ties between younger generations of Chinese overseas and China. This article examines Chinese government-sponsored camps which were developed to counteract the estrangement of Chinese overseas youth through exposure to Chinese culture, language, history and society. Drawing on a historical account of the programme and fieldwork performed among Chinese-Filipino youth in Xiamen, it argues that China’s youth camps programme is more than a top–down, transnational initiative aimed at influencing the ethnic and cultural identities of these youths. Instead, these camps embody a convergence of national, institutional and personal agendas (e.g. the long-standing Beijing–Taipei rivalry, the self-defined agendas of Chinese overseas, and local officials’ desires to garner political credit from upper-level authorities). This study also argues that the programme has made substantial contributions to Chinese language learning and to a relatively positive image of China among Chinese-Filipino participants and that its influence on the cultural and ethnic orientations of Chinese-Filipino youth has been stronger than its impact on their political identity.

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Bell, Sandra J., and Charles R. Acland. "Youth, Murder, Spectacle: The Cultural Politics of Youth in Crisis." Canadian Journal of Sociology / Cahiers canadiens de sociologie 22, no. 3 (1997): 383. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3341628.

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Harvey, Laura, Steve Roberts, and Jo-Anne Dillabough. "Youth rising? The politics of youth in the global economy." British Journal of Sociology of Education 37, no. 3 (March 16, 2016): 465–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01425692.2016.1141589.

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Brennan, James R. "Youth, the Tanu Youth League and Managed Vigilantism in Dar Es Salaam, Tanzania, 1925–73." Africa 76, no. 2 (May 2006): 221–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2006.76.2.221.

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AbstractThis article examines the role of male youth in the political history of Dar es Salaam. ‘Youth’, as a category of opposition to elders, became important during the inter-war period as it was inhabited by educated African bureaucrats aspiring to representation in urban politics over the traditional claims of authority by local ethnic Zaramo and Shomvi elders. This group of bureaucrats grew in power through the popularization of racial-nationalist politics, and in the 1950s formed the Tanganyika African Nationalist Party (TANU), which instituted its own category of ‘youth’ with the creation of the TANU Youth League (TYL). Consisting mainly of young, under-employed men who failed to obtain sufficient educational qualifications, the Youth League challenged the late colonial state's theoretical monopoly over violence through voluntary and aggressive policing activities. After the work of independence was complete, there was practical way to demobilize this enormous, semi-autonomous police and intelligence-gathering force. The repeated reassertion of party control over its Youth League took many forms in the decade after independence – through the creation of a National Service and the militarization of development; frequent nationalist events and rituals where Youth League members controlled public space; and a war on urban morality led by Youth League shock troops. Control over youth also offered a potentially autonomous patrimony for ambitious TANU party members. The 1970s witnessed the beginning of the general failure of both state and party to generate sufficient resources to serve as a patron to patron-seeking youth, which has effectively decentralized youth violence and vigilantism ever since. A political history of ‘youth’, both as a social category and political institution, can shed further light on contemporary dilemmas of youth violence, meanings of citizenship, and hidden motors of party politics.

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Muñoz Tamayo, Víctor, and Camila Ponce Lara. "Youth and Politics in Changing Societies." Revista Temas Sociológicos, no. 24 (August 7, 2019): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.29344/07196458.24.1967.

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Connolly, Michelle, and N. P. K. Torkington. "‘Black Youth and Politics in Liverpool’." European Journal of Intercultural studies 2, no. 2 (January 1991): 17–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0952391910020202.

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35

Huxter, Cintia Cintia Silva. "Migrant Youth and Politics: A workshop." Migration Letters 17, no. 5 (September 28, 2020): 747–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v17i5.922.

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On 9-10th September 2019 academics from universities around the UK met at Loughborough University to discuss working with children and young people, particularly those with a migrant/diasporic background. The workshop stemmed from the authors’ research project on youth identity and politics in diaspora (www.youth-diaspora-politics.org) which has shown that young people in diaspora are, on the whole, politicised. All participants work/have worked with children and young people on themes of identity and politics and presented their work at the workshop. One of our main conclusions is that, despite the challenges, a stronger research focus is needed on young migrants and those in diaspora; their opinions, identities and experiences are important in their own right. After a short overview of each presentation, in the last section we consider some methodological and ethical challenges we all shared and discussed, as well as some issues that need to be considered in the future.

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Kwon, Soo Ah. "The politics of global youth participation." Journal of Youth Studies 22, no. 7 (December 21, 2018): 926–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13676261.2018.1559282.

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37

Rios, Victor M. "The Racial Politics of Youth Crime." Latino Studies 6, no. 1-2 (April 2008): 97–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/lst.2008.10.

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Kolinsky, Eva. "Youth and politics in West Germany." West European Politics 8, no. 2 (April 1985): 172–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402388508424532.

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Bessant, Judith. "The Politics of Counting Youth Homelessness." Alternative Law Journal 37, no. 2 (June 2012): 116–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1037969x1203700210.

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El-Haj, Thea Renda Abu. "Race, Politics, and Arab American Youth." Educational Policy 20, no. 1 (January 2006): 13–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0895904805285287.

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Pilkington, Hilary, and Gary Pollock. "‘Politics are Bollocks’: Youth, Politics and Activism in Contemporary Europe." Sociological Review 63, no. 2_suppl (December 2015): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-954x.12260.

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Alfiyah, Nur Inna, and Dwi Listia Rika Tini. "EDUKASI POLITIK PEMUDA KARANG TARUNADESA LENTENG TIMUR DALAM MENGHADAPI PILKADA DI KABUATEN SUMENEP." Jurnal Pengabdian dan Peningkatan Mutu Masyarakat (JANAYU) 2, no. 1 (February 17, 2021): 13–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.22219/janayu.v2i1.13092.

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This service aims to provide education to youth groups in the youth group "Tunas Muda" in East Lenteng Village related to politics in order to face regional head elections that will be conducted by the Sumenep Regency government this year. Education is carried out through political education which later the knowledge and information obtained during education will be distributed to the community by youth youth. The implementation of this service uses the method of socialization and education in youth youth groups in Lenteng Timur Village. Education is carried out in this service through two activities namely related to how the role of youth youth in the electoral activity and organizational activity that later knowledge and information obtained during education will be distributed to the community by youth youth. This service is expected to be able to change the mindset of young people to the community towards their participation in politics.

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Gureeva, Anna. "The Role of Russian Youth's Media Activism in Mediatization of Politics." Theoretical and Practical Issues of Journalism 9, no. 2 (May 27, 2020): 325–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-6203.2020.9(2).325-334.

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Mediatization of politics has a variety of theoretical and conceptual grounds, and is considered by researchers as both one-way and two-way communication between the state and the society. Foreign media researchers view mediatization of politics as a path to an open government and democratization of the state, and emphasize the need to develop civic engagement in the media environment. In national studies, mediatization of politics is still dominated by perception of media as mediator commissioned by the government to influence participants of the political dialogue. The article makes an attempt to consider the mediatization of politics as a consequence of Russian youths media activism. Today's young people are increasingly showing their interest in participating in political processes. They are particularly interested in the formation of civil society, human rights and freedoms, and justice within the framework of common European values. Media activism of Russian youth and their influence on the development of media policy was particularly pronounced in 2019, which can be seen in three cases: the Golunov case, the Voice-Children case, and the case of the construction of the Church in Yekaterinburg. The authors make a comparative analysis of publication activity based on these information events in the official media and in Instagram, which enables them to infer that the role of media activity of Russian youth in the process of mediatization of politics is increasing.

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Ho, Ming-sho. "From unionism to youth activism: Taiwan’s politics of working hours." China Information 34, no. 3 (January 23, 2020): 406–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0920203x19896476.

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This article examines two major protests related to working-hour reforms in Taiwan in 2000 and 2016–18, paying particular attention to the shift in the composition of protesters from union members to youth activists. The decline in mass membership and the failure to consolidate a national federation have diminished the political presence of labour unions. The emergence of youth protest movements, both before and after the 2014 Sunflower Movement, made possible the advent of Taiwan’s youth as political actors. The reconfiguration of Taiwan’s working hour politics has paralleled the global transition from the classical organization-based collective action to the digitally enabled ‘connective action’. The concluding section provides reflections on the impacts as well as the limitations of this newer form of labour politics.

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Mwesigwa, David. "Relevance of youth representation through political proportions in Uganda." Journal of Governance and Accountability Studies 1, no. 1 (December 23, 2020): 29–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.35912/jgas.v1i1.330.

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Purpose: This study discusses the relevance of proportions of youth representatives in the governance of Uganda Research Methodology: The central approach for this article was a desk review of obtainable works on youth representation in Uganda and other parts of the world Results: The outcomes suggest that the political interests considered as youth interests remain a big challenge and are hard to separate from other interests and are often considered public interests. As a consequence, proportions are one of the means to reimbursing for obstacles against the youths (and other marginalised groups) as well as an incentive towards their role in both politics and the national economy, which aim to achieve a degree of age-based parity in political statistics and as an element of democratisation processes. Thus, considering this method in relation to representational and expressive representatives who symbolise a unique constituency is necessary. Limitations: This study's main limitation is that much of the issues raised are limited to Uganda and may not be generalized across other countries with different political environments. Contribution: This study is relevant to Public Administration and political science seeing that youth functional roles remain loose in poise since what is represented is reliant on diverse stakeholders whose interests are not static. Keywords: Youth, Representation, Political proportion, Democracy

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Ahn, Somi. "The Imperial Politics of Youth and Age in Virginia Woolf's Jacob's Room." Journal of English Studies in Korea 37 (December 31, 2019): 209–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.46562/ssw.37.7.

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Kudrnáč, Aleš, and Pat Lyons. "Political Inequality among Youth." YOUNG 26, no. 5 (December 11, 2017): 484–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1103308817738847.

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This study explores what factors help explain why some young people have more internal political efficacy (IPE) than others. IPE refers to subjective competence to understand politics and make informed choices. IPE is important because it has a strong positive association with many forms of political participation and also enhances the legitimacy of democratic regimes. Consequently, IPE forms part of the foundations of political equality. Using data from the Czech Republic and insights from personal information, social resource and social learning models (SLMs), this study shows that variation in youth IPE is most strongly linked with discussions among family, friends and classmates. In contrast to previous work, open classroom climate was not found to have a positive link with IPE, and Campbell’s (2008, Political Behavior 30(4): 437–54) compensation hypothesis could not be accepted.

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Taylor, Edgar Curtis. "Affective registers of postcolonial crisis: the Kampala Tank Hill party." Africa 89, no. 03 (July 16, 2019): 541–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972019000512.

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AbstractA drinking party in 1963 precipitated a crisis over newly independent Uganda's sovereignty and the respectability of a new postcolonial ruling elite. Under Kampala's multiracial veneer in the early 1960s lurked bawdy British youth culture and radical African youth politics. When Europeans at a party in the elite suburb of Tank Hill allegedly mocked African aspirations for urban respectability and political sovereignty, UPC (Uganda Peoples Congress) Youth Wing activists used the affair to elicit public expressions of anger at the collusion of conservative politicians and racist former colonizers. Prime Minister Milton Obote attempted to channel that anger into nationalist unity but soon found common cause with British diplomats in expelling intemperate youth from Uganda's governing bureaucracy. The affair points to both the power and the limits of the affective politics of decolonization as well as the relationship between youth wings and the politics of respectability in early postcolonial Africa.

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Winter, Franka. "Doing Politics Differently: Middle-Class Youth and Politics in Contemporary Lima." Latin American Perspectives 46, no. 5 (June 6, 2019): 73–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x19854095.

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Two recent studies of the political identities, discourses, utopias, and practices of young middle-class people in contemporary Lima indicate that, contrary to a common narrative of “antipolitics,” they had a critical rather than a negative relationship with politics. While they largely rejected traditional political institutions and identities, they had strong political values and ideals and many ideas for change. They were looking for a different way of doing politics rather than a retreat from it and pursued this through a diverse range of political practices. However, these discourses and practices had certain limitations, in particular with respect to their ability to forge strong alliances and bring about substantial change.Dos estudios recientes sobre las identidades políticas, discursos, utopías y prácticas de jóvenes de clase media en Lima contemporánea indican que, contrariamente a una narrativa común de “antipolítica”, tenían una relación crítica más que negativa con la política. Si bien rechazaron en gran medida las instituciones e identidades políticas tradicionales, tenían fuertes valores e ideales políticos y muchas ideas para el cambio. Estaban buscando una forma diferente de hacer política en vez de retirarse de ella y la persiguieron a través de una amplia gama de prácticas políticas. Sin embargo, estos discursos y prácticas tenían ciertas limitaciones, en particular con respecto a su capacidad para forjar alianzas sólidas y lograr cambios sustanciales.

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Gordon, Hava R., and Jessica K. Taft. "Rethinking Youth Political Socialization." Youth & Society 43, no. 4 (October 25, 2010): 1499–527. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0044118x10386087.

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This article draws from the experiences and narratives of teenage activists throughout the Americas in order to add a needed dimension, that of peer political socialization, to the larger political and civic socialization literature. The authors argue that although the existing literature emphasizes the roles and responsibilities of adults in shaping young people’s civic capacities, the roles that young people play in socializing each other for political engagement is underexplored. Based on two qualitative studies of teenage activists throughout North and Latin America, the authors argue that teenage activists, who are largely left out of this literature, represent a different process by which youth engage in politics. We use teenagers’ narratives about their own youth-led political socialization to extend the existing theorizing on youth civic engagement, rethink some of its core tenets, and elucidate the roles that young people themselves play in the processes of political socialization.

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