To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Politics in Ghana.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Politics in Ghana'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Politics in Ghana.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Collier, Katharine Alexandra. "Ablode : networks, ideas and performance in Togoland politics, 1950-2001." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.289447.
Full text
2
Oduro-Frimpong, Joseph. "Popular Media, Politics and Everyday Life in Contemporary Ghana." OpenSIUC, 2012. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/579.
Full textAbstract:
How do popular media genres reinforce or provide alternative perspectives to circulating official political discourses, as well as articulate issues of social concern? In what ways do such media offer insights into aspects of cultural practices that inform and represent matters of key significance in people's quotidian lives? This dissertation investigates these two general questions within four distinct Ghanaian popular visual media genres: popular video-films, political cartoons, death announcement posters, and vehicle inscriptions (`mottonyms'). Regarding the Ghanaian popular video-films, I examine how the films (re)present the issue of cyberfraud (`sakawa') in Ghana. I contrast the films' (re)presentation of this phenomenon vis-a-vis that of certain official pronouncements on the issue, and argue that a critical approach to the `sakawa film series' reveals a robust counter discourse to official denunciations. My investigation of political cartoons, examines some of the works of the artist Akosua in the Ghanaian newspaper, Daily Guide. Here I focus on how Akosua's works, utilizing popular cultural allusions, function as an alternative media discourse in contemporary Ghanaian sociopolitical debates. As regards the death-announcement posters, I investigate how, situated as they are within certain well-known Ghanaian cultural values and practices, including funerary caskets, these posters remediate these cultural mores in the context of rapid social change. Lastly, regarding the mottonyms, I explore, through interviews with vehicle owners, the interactions between specific life experiences that spurred them to coin these inscriptions and the cultural fabric within which they have done so. Conceptually, this dissertation draws not only from cultural anthropology and its subfields of visual culture, and religion, media and culture, but also significantly from global/international media studies and from emergent works on African cultural and media studies. The harnessing of interdisciplinary conceptual frameworks, such as phenomenological and social constructionist approaches, to interrogate Ghanaian popular visual media in this dissertation advances our current thinking in the above-mentioned fields in several ways. For example, the social constructionist (Lee-Hurwitz 1995; Morgan 2005) and phenomenological approaches (Langsdorf, 1994; Lanigan 1998) that guide the investigation of vehicle inscriptions and death-announcement posters reveal purposeful intentionality in human communication. Furthermore, this dissertation, with its focus on popular video-films, press cartoons, death-announcement posters and vehicle inscriptions concretely elucidates recent expansive theorizations of `media'. Here `media' is understood as practices of mediation (de Vries 2001; Meyer 2003; Zito 2008), and broadly conceived to transcend narrowly defined traditional mass media formats (Downing 1996). In the latter case, I advocate for global/international media scholars to begin to pay equal `field service' to popular media artifacts within the current ambit of the `practice paradigm' in global/international media studies (Postill 2010:4; Couldry 2004).
3
Opoku, Darko Kwabena. "The politics of government-business relations in Ghana, 1982-2000." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.416780.
Full text
4
Abdulai, Abdul-Gafaru. "State elites and the politics of regional inequality in Ghana." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2013. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/state-elites-and-the-politics-of-regional-inequality-in-ghana(0991e06a-5ad1-4ce9-a776-6dbafa70f4ff).html.
Full textAbstract:
Recent years have witnessed renewed global attention to persistent spatial inequalities and the potential role of politics and power relations in redressing and reinforcing them. This thesis offers a political analysis of the problem of regional inequality in Ghana, with particular attention to the role of inter-elite power relations in underpinning the country’s historical North-South divide. The analysis is based on three main sets of data: the regional distribution of political power during 1993-2008; the regional composition of public expenditure; and elite interviews. The thesis argues that a key factor that explains Ghana’s stark unbalanced regional development has been the continuous exclusion of the historically poorer Northern regions from a fair share of both productive and social sector spending. The socio-economic marginalisation of these regions has been underpinned principally by a weaker influence of Northern elites on resource allocation decisions within a political environment that is driven largely by patron-client relations. Consequently, even policies and programmes designed with the formal objective of targeting the ‘poor’ often end up discriminating against the poorer Northern regions at the level of implementation. However, Northern elites’ lack of ‘agenda-setting powers’ is not a function of their exclusion from government, but rather of their ‘adverse incorporation’ into the polity, whereby they have often been included on relatively unfavourable terms. This explanation differs significantly from much of current mainstream thinking regarding the underlying drivers of persistent unbalanced regional development, including dominant accounts of Ghana’s North-South inequalities. Notably, there has been a tendency of both academics and policy makers to put the blame on certain innate characteristics of the North, such as the region’s fewer production potentials associated with its ‘bad geography’ and Northerners’ proclivity for violent conflicts. Such accounts therefore tend to blame the relative socio-economic backwardness of the Northern regions on the North itself rather than the nature of its incorporation into broader political formations.
5
Antoine, Adrien. "The politics of rice farming in Dagbon, 1972-79." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.326636.
Full text
6
Forjwuor, Bernard A. "Between Democratic Promises and Socio-Political Realities: The Challenges of Political Representation in Ghana and Nigeria." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1244222282.
Full text
7
Arthur, Peter Kow. "Promoting small-scale industries in Ghana, development institutions, culture and politics." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp05/NQ56073.pdf.
Full text
8
Oppong-Koranteng, Roger. "Politics of policy-making : case studies of decentralisation policies in Ghana." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.668337.
Full text
9
Vickery, Farah Leigh. "Behind the Lens: the Pride and Politics of Filmmaking in Ghana." Scholar Commons, 2017. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/6772.
Full textAbstract:
This research looks at the production of media in Ghana, specifically, film produced in the “Glamour” style or Western-style tradition that originates in its capitol of Accra. The film industry in Ghana, known as Ghallywood, is a vibrant and prolific field in which content is produced and distributed throughout the country for local consumption. Research on production practice, rather than content, can show cross-cultural differentiation in visual media production and also offers a lens through which to explore Ghanaian culture. The following research questions frame this study: What are the production practices of Ghanaian video films? How do Ghanaians communicate the process of creating Ghanaian video films? How do the practice and discourse of the video film production work to create and reinforce messages from the producers to the audiences? This research necessarily departs from looking primarily at the content of films, instead exploring the processes behind the creation of those products. Nick Couldry recognizes practice as an emerging theme in media research and this work focuses on his theory of media practice, in which the focus shifts from a content analysis to what people are actually doing in relation to media and its production.
Using visual techniques and on-camera interviews, this work supplements a documentary about Ghanaian filmmaking and the voices that characterize the industry. This research and its visual product show the processes and conflict within the industry, including several different players who are often at odds with one another: students learning film from either academic or trade institutions, professional filmmakers who are either academically trained or self-taught, as well as scholars who provide their perspective on the industry as a whole. This research shows that filmmaking in Ghana is characterized by many competing elements, including a rift in what is known as “Ghallywood.” Two separate industries actually exist: the Accra “glamourwood” industry and its highly localized “kumawood” counterpart based in Kumasi, Ghana. This research also introduces concepts of how Ghanaians see the world and reproduce it in film, with the use of long takes and wide shots.
This work illustrates the value of understanding production practices of media products cross-culturally as a departure from the more traditional approach to media studies of content. The attention given to a supplementary visual product in the form of a documentary aims to raise awareness of visual methodology and the value of visual and public anthropology in research and its applications to dissemination to mass audiences beyond academia.
10
Nathan, Noah. "Electoral Politics Amid Africa's Urban Transition: A Study of Urban Ghana." Thesis, Harvard University, 2016. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:33493394.
Full textAbstract:
Africa is rapidly urbanizing. With so many African voters now living in cities, understanding African electoral politics now requires understanding the politics of urban areas. How does urbanization affect the accountability relationships between voters and politicians? Answering this question means answering a series of more specific empirical questions: what do urban voters want from the government? Which types of urban voters participate in politics and which do not? How do urban voters choose which candidates to support? How do politicians campaign in cities? Which types of urban voters do politicians seek to favor with state resources? %These are the core empirical questions examined in the dissertation.
Electoral politics in African cities received significant attention in the independence era, but little political science research has examined these cities in the contemporary democratic period. The small literature that has is largely supportive of modernization approaches. Modernization theories expect a series of socio-economic transformations created by urbanization to reduce the political importance of ethnicity and the prevalence of clientelism and other forms of patronage-based politics. But I argue that urbanization also simultaneously creates conditions that reinforce incentives for patronage distribution, clientelism, and ethnic voting. Scarcity in the provision of basic services in contexts of low state capacity encourages politicians to continue employing patronage-based appeals. This solidifies many voters' incentives to support ethnically-aligned parties and drives the new urban middle class away from active political participation, lowering pressure on urban politicians to engage in programmatic, policy-based competition.
I explore these incentives through a detailed study of Greater Accra, the largest metropolitan area in Ghana. I combine original survey data and survey experiments, fine-grained geo-coded census data, and extensive qualitative evidence to explore voters' policy preferences, vote choices, and patterns of political participation, as well as politicians' strategies in a cross-section of urban neighborhoods. The findings suggest that rather than pulling political competition in one direction, as modernization theories expect, urbanization in Africa instead moves political outcomes in multiple directions at once: reinforcing ethnic competition and clientelism in some neighborhoods, while undermining these forms of political competition in other neighborhoods within the same city at the same time. Studies of the effects of urbanization must recognize that these dual realities co-exist within African cities.
In addition to building our understanding of urban politics in Africa, the dissertation contributes to broader political science debates about the emergence of programmatic competition, determinants of political participation, patterns of distributive politics, the importance of neighborhood context, and the causes of ethnic political competition in new democracies.<br>Government
11
Skaten, Monica Hauge. "From refining to smuggling : the everyday politics of petrol in Ghana." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/25928.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis presents an ethnographic study of the downstream petroleum industry in Ghana focusing on trade, infrastructure, flow, politics and social relationships. In 2010, the West African Republic of Ghana started pumping crude oil from the offshore Jubilee-field. The rapid development from discovery to extraction, along with economic expectations generated by the development of the new upstream industry, led to exponential growth in the downstream industry. A liberalisation reform of the downstream industry was initiated in 2005 and the state started to redefine its role in the petroleum industry, allowing a range of private entrepreneurs to participate in the downstream sector. On the back of these key transformations of the industry, this thesis demonstrates the continuous politicisation of petroleum products on a national level and the significance of this politicisation on infrastructure, networks and social relationships throughout the industry. This thesis argues that the trade, distribution and price of petroleum products in Ghana facilitates and shapes political and economic reciprocity between the government, the publics and profitable economic networks. Even though there was adequate infrastructure such as refinery, pipelines and petroleum storage depots, petroleum products in Ghana were distributed in a way that allowed the most number of people to come into contact with petroleum, by having access to the actual product, but also through enabling job creation and profitable economic activities. The petroleum infrastructure would obstruct profitable networks and informal markets. I propose the term ‘Politics of Petrol’ to emphasise how the industry and the commodities were part and parcel of the political and social fabric in Ghana. Reflecting the negotiable nature of politics and reform alongside the changeable practices and networks in the industry - Politics of Petrol - demonstrates the productive purpose of petroleum in Ghana’s democracy.
12
Fosu, Modestus. "The press and political participation : newspapers and the politics of linguistic exclusion and inclusion in Ghana." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2014. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/7167/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis investigates the readability and comprehensibility of English language newspapers in Ghana as a developing country. It also attempts to discover the extent to which Ghanaian readers find the language of the newspapers easy or difficult to comprehend. The findings are meant to provide insights into the effectiveness of the newspaper press in providing news information to a broad readership to enhance political participation and democracy in the country. The study employed a research design that triangulated approaches in corpus linguistics, readability and survey studies. A computer-aided Linguistic analysis was carried out on the front-page stories of four influential national newspapers of the country to assess the extent to which the language is complex. A questionnaire survey of readers was also conducted in Accra to discover readers’ opinions and aptitude about how easy or difficult it was for them to comprehend the newspapers’ message. In addition, views from newspaper editors and news writers were also sampled in interviews to support the discussion. The research established that the language used to communicate socio-political news to readers is complex and difficult for a significant proportion of readers across the educational categories of the country. The significant implication is that the newspapers may be largely ineffective in transmitting information to a wide spectrum of citizens to enhance political participation and democracy. Thus, the study suggests that newspapers in Ghana largely alienate many readers from participating directly in the discourse of the press. While this may reflect the notion that political information from newspapers is generally and ideologically suited for the political elites who then monopolise political knowledge to control their societies, it means importantly that the press may not be enabling democracy in Ghana. Consequently, I argue for the press to use simple and plain language (as proposed by plain language movements in the West) to broaden access to newspaper messages in order to include the many potential readers who may hitherto be excluded from the discourse of the press because the challenging language impedes their comprehension.
13
Megaw, Charles Clarke. "Engaging the grassroots : indigenous non-governmental organisations in northern Ghana." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.266235.
Full text
14
Anani, Kofi Vincent. "The pursuit of politics of sustainable livelihoods, focus on governance in Ghana." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ55615.pdf.
Full text
15
Woll, Bettina. "The ownership paradox : the politics of development cooperation with Bolivia and Ghana." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2006. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/856/.
Full textAbstract:
Since 1999, multi- and bilateral donor agencies have based their development cooperation with heavily indebted poor countries on the elaboration of poverty reduction strategy papers that should be ‘country-owned’. This thesis explores this concept of ownership and analyses the power relationships between aid donors and recipient governments involved in efforts to promote ownership. It employs a political sociology perspective and draws on institutional theories and theories of organisational change to argue that ownership is a normative, not an analytical concept. Using the two ‘model recipient’ case studies of Bolivia and Ghana, it analyses two different tools of development cooperation: direct budget support mechanisms and the fostering of civil society participation in national policy-making. It places these two cooperation tools in their socio-political context to investigate in how far informal political processes represent factors that determine national politics, and ultimately the likelihood of success of political reform. The empirical research is centred around 140 qualitative semi-structured interviews with donor agency, governments and civil society representatives in both countries. The dominance of ownership questions in current development debates are explained with reference to the historical evolution of development cooperation, particularly the structural adjustment programmes of the 1980s and the criticisms and revisions they evoked. The author argues that two different types of ownership should be distinguished: ‘government’ and ‘national’ ownership. The thesis demonstrates that direct budget support mechanisms are intended to foster government ownership, while the promotion of civil society participation is aimed at fostering national ownership. Donors’ attempt to foster ownership of formalised reform agendas is an almost impossible task because informal political processes largely shape the realm of national politics at the state level and determine the type and degree of societal participation in national policy-making. The thesis concludes by suggesting that international donors, pursuing these policies, risk destabilising representative democratic systems of recipient countries in undesirable ways.
16
Ofori-Mensah, Michael. "The politics of anticorruption in Ghana, 1993-2006 : action, inaction and accountability." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/25037.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis evaluates the effectiveness of Ghana's anticorruption system between 1993 and 2006, the first 14 years after the return to democratic rule in the Fourth Republic. It focuses on how the key anticorruption agencies (ACAs) - the Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Justice, Serious Fraud Office, Public Accounts Committee of Parliament and Auditor-General - have addressed issues of accountability vis-a-vis incumbent governments. The thesis first outlines Ghana's anticorruption history, prior to 1993, in order to determine the failings of past accountability attempts. Next, the mandate, independence and enforcement capabilities of Ghana's ACAs are examined. A case study approach is adopted to analyze how corruption has been tackled in two areas - local government and state enterprises. With the local government case, measures to address fraud in the award of contracts, procurement and revenue collection are assessed. The state enterprise case study, Ghana Airways, is used to explore obstacles to anticorruption. In addition, accountability in the process of privatization, a key element of liberalization reforms, which were also intended as a remedy for mismanagement and fraud in state enterprises, is evaluated. The findings suggest that, despite the elaborate anticorruption system, there is limited incumbent accountability. This is, firstly, due to a lack of political commitment to anticorruption, by government, in spite of protestations to the contrary. The evidence indicates both the National Democratic Congress and New Patriotic Party were reluctant to prosecute or enforce anticorruption recommendations involving ruling elites within their own parties. ACAs have statutory independence, yet incumbents exercise significant control by retaining authority in areas such as criminal prosecution and resource allocation. Secondly, weak internal controls were found to undermine anticorruption efforts through the opportunities made available for exploiting public resources. These limitations, particularly with reference to incumbents, have instead left government elites open to prosecution for corruption only after they have relinquished power. Therefore, it is concluded that, despite their elaborate design, Ghana's ACAs have made only a modest contribution to accountability within the democratic regime.
17
Oppong, Nelson. "Model or mirage? : 'good governance' solutions and the politics of reform in Ghana's oil industry." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:114b90be-0d60-4fdb-bef7-451ea86d31c6.
Full textAbstract:
Despite significant growth in the number of 'good governance' initiatives promising to generate optimum developmental outcomes in resource-rich countries, there is surprisingly little empirical information about their sector and country-specific dynamics. This thesis focusses on how external 'good governance' norms and institutions interact with domestic actors and organisations to shape the institutional landscape of resource-rich countries. This objective is pursued by means of an in-depth case study of Ghana, a Sub-Saharan African nation that has become a middle-sized exporter of crude oil since January 2011. More specifically, it scrutinises two major reform efforts designed to steer the country's oil industry towards a developmental direction: the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI), an international auditing and multi-stakeholder oversight mechanism, and the Public Interest and Accountability Committee, a home-grown citizens' oversight initiative in Ghana. The analytical lens employed in the study is based on comparative political economy and comparative institutional analysis. They are employed to make sense of the dialectic between the promise of corrective 'good governance' measures and the mirage of reform outcomes in the Ghanaian oil sector. The main argument advanced here is that 'good governance' solutions in the oil industry are essentially weak instruments, due to their inability to grapple with deep-seated instrumental politics, perverse institutional environment, and elite capture that continue to undermine reform in Ghana. This point is adduced to highlight the shortcomings of the 'good governance' agenda. The thesis draws from multiple data sources, collected through semi-structured interviews with various stakeholders, public officials, NGOs and community activists, development agencies, and oil companies. These are complemented by archival research, documentary sources, non-participant observation, and workshops.
18
Ayanoore, Ishmael. "Oil governance in Ghana : exploring the politics of elite commitment to local participation." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2018. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/oil-governance-in-ghana-exploring-the-politics-of-elite-commitment-to-local-participation(b3befa8b-3bf0-480b-b798-2df76a7b6863).html.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis explores the politics of elite commitment to promote local content and participation within Ghana's oil and gas sector. Since Ghana discovered commercial quantities of oil in 2007, debates over whether it would avoid the 'resource curse' have primarily taken place within a neo-institutionalist frame of analysis that emphasises the importance of establishing certain types of institutional arrangements which can help constrain and shape elite commitment to developing petroleum resources in the national interest. This thesis seeks to go beyond this framing by deploying new forms of political analysis which show that elite commitment is shaped not by institutions but by the wider configuration of power. It employs an extended 'political settlements' framework (incorporating ideas) that explains how elite interests and ideas shape developmental forms of political commitment to governing oil in the national interest. The analysis is based on three main cases - the politics of formulating and adopting local content legislation, the process through which this legislation was implemented and the effort put into building the capacity of Ghanaian firms to participate in the sector. The thesis argues that the underlying tendencies within Ghana's competitive clientelist political settlement (electoral incentives, coalition building, patronage politics and ideas) directly shaped the levels of political commitment to secure greater oil rents. Ghana's competitive political settlement generated incentives for politicians to use local content policy promises as a strategy to bring certain civil society and private sector elites within what would become a ruling coalition. This move, along with the resource nationalist ideology of the coalition in power at the time, in turn helped to generate relatively high levels of elite commitment to developing ambitious targets within the legislation. However, the process of implementation has been shaped more directly by incentives than ideas, particularly in terms of pressures to distribute participation opportunities in line with the clientelist logic of the political settlement, benefitting politically connected firms. In applying an extended political settlements approach, this thesis offers deeper political economy insights into the drivers of elite commitment to governing oil in the national interest, and shows how Ghana's efforts to avoid the resource curse have and will continue to be closely shaped by 'power relations', 'elite bargaining' and 'ideas'.
19
Asante, Emmanuel Pumpuni. "Pathway(s) to inclusive development in Ghana : oil, subnational-national power relations and ideas." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2016. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/pathways-to-inclusive-development-in-ghana-oil-subnationalnational-power-relations-and-ideas(dc296301-5268-4427-88ed-535163ac5929).html.
Full textAbstract:
The discovery of commercial quantities of oil and gas resources in the Gulf of Guinea and parts of East Africa has once again raised expectations that sustained development will emerge in one of the world’s poorest regions. At the same time there is great concern that Africa’s new resource-rich countries will succumb to the so-called resource curse phenomenon because of their generally weak governance institutions. In response to this challenge, the international community has intensified its efforts to promote good governance mechanisms in such countries, focused on transparency and accountability, and informed by a dominant institutionalist literature which argues that the differences in resource governance outcomes can be explained by the differences in institutional design and performance. A recent turn to politics in both the development and resource curse literature has begun to move the research agenda beyond the primacy of institutions to look at the politics that underpin the emergence and performance of institutions. This is particularly evidenced in the emerging literature on political settlements that emphasise the distribution of power amongst social groups in society and how these power relations shape institutions and in turn development outcomes. This new political lens is helping to deepen analysis of how and why resource-rich countries prevent or succumb to the resource curse and provides an opportunity to interrogate the inclusive development prospects of Africa’s new oil-rich countries. In this thesis, I apply and extend the political settlement approaches by incorporating ideational and spatial dynamics, to analyse the prospect of inclusive development outcomes in Ghana where oil and gas resources were discovered in 2007. Focusing on the power relations between and amongst national elites and elites in the oil producing Western Region, I interrogate the ways in which the spatial dynamics of Ghana’s prevailing competitive clientelist political settlement is shaping the governance of the oil sector, and the implications it has for inclusive development. I find that at the onset of a resource boom, the dynamics of local politics, and the dominant incentives and ideas generated by the political settlement has strongly shaped the content and enforcement of Ghana’s foundation institutions to manage the oil sector, in ways that reinforces the pre-oil settlement around the governance of natural resources and undermines the long-term prospects for inclusive development. At the same time, the oil boom has also been accompanied by the increased use of formal institutions and suggests that Ghana may be moving away from personalised to more programmatic forms of clientelism.
20
Beisel, Uli. "Who bites back first? : malaria control in Ghana and the politics of co-existence." Thesis, Open University, 2010. http://eprints.lancs.ac.uk/60004/.
Full text
21
Adu-Poku, Franci. "Major issues arising out of industrial relations disputes in Ghana since independence: 1957 - 2004." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2006. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_6621_1253507371.
Full textAbstract:
<p>This thesis analysed the significance of disputes or conflict in Ghana's industrial realtions since her independence in 1957. It further analysed the causes of industrial conflict and its management or resolution in Ghana in particular. Scholars argue that industrial conflict may not only adversely affect the living standards of both the employers and the employees but may also destabilize the labour market and bring about industrial injustices. The thesis outlines the historical development of Ghana's industrial realtions since independence with special reference to strikes.</p>
22
Whitfied, Lindsay. "Democracy as idea and democracy as process : the politics of democracy and development in Ghana." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.422516.
Full text
23
Asiedu-Acquah, Emmanuel. ""And still the Youth are coming": Youth and popular politics in Ghana, c. 1900-1979." Thesis, Harvard University, 2015. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:17467195.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation explores the significance of the youth in the popular politics of 20th-century Ghana. Based on two and half years of archival and field research in Ghana and Britain, the dissertation investigates the political agency of the youth, especially in the domains of youth associations, student politics, and popular culture. It also examines the structural factors in the colonial and postcolonial periods that shaped youth political engagement, and how youth worked within and without these structural frames to shape popular politics. I argue that youth-centered politics has been a motive force in Ghanaian popular politics. It opened up space for subalterns to be important players in colonial politics especially as catalysts of anti-colonial nationalism. In the post-colonial period, youth politics, mostly in the form of university students’ political activism, articulated public interests and was a bulwark against the authoritarianism of civilian and military governments. The dissertation charts the changing manifestations of Ghanaian youth political identity and formation from the early 1900s, when Britain completed its formal imposition of colonial rule on the territory that is present-day Ghana, to the political crisis of the late 1970s in which students and youth played crucial roles. The dissertation is a corrective to elite-focused accounts of political developments in Ghana’s history. It establishes youths as historically significant players who have shaped the country’s political ideas, values and practices. The dissertation also contributes to the renewed and growing focus on intergenerational relations, generational identity, and youth in scholarship on Africa.<br>History
24
Appiah, Daniel. "The politics of traditional-federal state formation and land administration reform in Ghana, 1821-2010." Thesis, University of York, 2012. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/2647/.
Full textAbstract:
Imagine a democratic state in Africa where the Presidential-Executive and Parliament are constitutionally restrained from fundamentally reforming the institutions of land ownership and administration without the legal consent of traditional rulers (chiefs). This is the case in Ghana. Using the historical institutional theoretical approach, the study makes an original contribution to our understanding of how the political process of state formation between British colonial state makers and the rulers of traditional states in Ghana produced a type of state that I call the traditional-federal state in 1821-1831. The core legacies of this state are (i) the bifurcation of public authority between chiefs and government in the governance of land and people; and (ii) the complex interaction of informal-legal rules of customary law and formal-legal rules of common law. The study shows how these legacies have shaped institutional reforms within the dual ‘customary’ and ‘public’ sectors of land administration. The study argues that the traditional-federal state has constrained the development of transparent, accountable and efficient institutional framework of land administration. The study helps us to understand the origins and nature of the bifurcation of state authority between chiefs and government over land administration in Ghana. Secondly, the study helps us to understand the nature of institutions of chieftaincy for customary land administration. The study shows that informal-legal customary institutions of land administration are complementary to, and substitute for, the formal-legal institutions of land administration. Thirdly, the study shows that the potential of communal land ownership to promote development could be realized if government, chiefs, and citizens are committed to the creation and enforcement of formal-legal rules of accountable administration that distributes the benefits among stakeholders. Finally, the study reinforces the historical institutionalist argument that the critical juncture of institutional development matters for understanding subsequent endogenous and exogenous sources of institutional change.
25
Jenkins, Julie A. "'Wives of the Gods' : debating Fiasidi and the politics of meaning." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2012. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/43200/.
Full textAbstract:
In the south-eastern Volta Region of Ghana, a form of female religious affiliation to local shrines commonly known as trokosi, has been the subject of a campaign consisting of Christian-based NGOs and various government agencies that has successfully criminalised the practice and organised ‘liberations' and rehabilitations of the initiates. Protagonists of the abolition campaign argue that trokosiwo are illegitimately initiated to specific shrines based on an offence committed by another lineage member, acting as a perpetual figure of restitution. They also argue that the practice constitutes a form of ‘female ritual slavery' by translating the term trokosi as “slave of the gods” and arguing that the socio-economic status and social relations of the trokosiwo indicate their ‘slavery'. The highly publicised abolition campaign stimulated a counter-campaign, led by a neo-traditional organisation, that argued that the female shrine initiates are Queen-Mothers (rather than slaves), role-models to their lineage (rather than figures of restitution), and are socially privileged. Central to these contestations has been the figure of the fiasidi, particularly those initiated to shrines in one locality, Klikor. Abolitionists define fiasidiwo as being a variant of trokosi, despite some key differences. Those that contest this representation justified their position by highlighting the socio-economic position of fiasidiwo in Klikor's three shrines and pointing out the critical ways it differed from the representation of the Trokosi Slave. Members of the Klikor shrines also became political actors in the debates that ensued, by developing a close alliance to the neo-traditionalist organisation and creating their own organisation to network with similar shrines. This thesis considers the debates around trokosi and fiasidi at the national level and explores in detail the meaning attached to fiasidi and her position in the Klikor shrines and community. At its core, is an ethnography of the three shrines, their ritual specialists and initiates. I explore the way in which meaning is ascribed to the fiasidi, through narratives of the past, through the symbolism of key rituals and through the structured interactions between petitioners and ritual specialists. A concluding section then considers the intersection between these meanings and the contested terrains of religion in the debates about the Trokosi Slaves.
26
Ruppel, Julia Franziska. "Ghana : from fragility to resilience? : understanding the formation of a new political settlement from a critical political economy perspective." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/15062.
Full textAbstract:
During the late 1970s Ghana was described as a collapsed and failed state. In contrast, today it is hailed internationally as beacon of democracy and stability in West Africa. In light of Ghana’s drastic image change from a fragile and even collapsed polity to a resilient state, this thesis contributes to the statebuilding debate by analysing the social change that occurred. Grounded in a critical theory approach the thesis applies a political settlement analysis to explore how power is distributed and changed over time between contending social groups; exploring the extent to which this is embedded in formal and informal institutional arrangements. Ghana’s 2012 elections serve as an empirical basis and lens to observe the country’s current settlement. This approach enables a fine grained within-case comparison with Ghana’s collapsed post-independent settlement. The analysis illustrates that while there has been no transformation of the Ghanaian state, however, continuous incremental structural change has occurred within it, as demonstrated by a structurally altered constellation of power. While internationally propagated (neo-)liberal economic and political reforms had a vital impact on the reconstruction process of state-society relations, Ghana’s labelling as “success story” evokes the distorted idea of a resilient liberal state. The sustainability of Ghana’s current settlement characterised by electoral competitive clientelism depends on a continued inflow of foreign capital. So far the mutually beneficial interest of portraying Ghana as a resilient state by its elites and donors ensures the flow of needed financial assistance to preserve the settlement.
27
Apawu, Jones Kofi. "Senses and Local Environment: The Case of Larabanga in the Northern Region of Ghana." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/23107.
Full textAbstract:
This study argues that the sensory order employed during everyday activities deepens our understanding of local people’s relations with the environment. This study was conducted in Larabanga, Ghana, employing anthropology of the senses and phenomenology. The study reveals that people acquire ways of doing things and organizing their lives through their sensory engagement with their environment. Their engagement is further highlighted by the way they make themselves a home in their environment which informs about these sensory orders.
28
Ankisiba, Charles. "Traditional chiefs, land and the politics of development : a case study of the Birim North District, Ghana." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2013. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/47211/.
Full textAbstract:
Currently there is a resurgence of the role of traditional chiefs in the development of sub-Saharan African countries. It has been proposed that African countries need to adopt more effective and pragmatic approaches, which are rooted in local societies and cultures and can therefore provide developmental outcomes. This thesis examines whether traditional chieftaincy in Ghana, which is a highly respected institution compared to other African countries can be effective and legitimate providers of public goods. This is done by analysing the way chiefs' exercise authority over community land and the revenue it produces. The study analysed land management practices under chiefs' authority and the dynamics of the politics of negotiating compensation for land and public goods. The main finding of the thesis is that investment in public goods might be facilitated by the development of multi-institutional arrangement that ensures collaboration among state and non-state institutions at the local level as a form of co-production for development. The implications of this arrangement on the political authority of chiefs at the local level are examined. The thesis questions the notion that it is custom and tradition that makes leadership provided by chiefs effective, and argues that what matters for development is how legitimate traditional authority is exercised in practice. The main conclusions of the thesis are that: firstly, although chiefs' are important traditional authorities in Ghana, they do not exercise political authority that is effective, as expected, for the development of local communities. There should therefore be caution in elevating traditional authority as the most effective legitimate form of locally rooted authority in Africa, given that Ghana is a country where chiefly authority is still extremely strong and respected. Attention should rather be focussed on the use of local cultural repertoires and multi-institutional collaborations, which have local problem-solving characteristics for development. Secondly, the thesis also provides evidence that shows how activities of mining companies potentially contribute to development of local communities. As a result there is the need to take a more nuanced view of how mining companies operate in Africa.
29
Zabadi, Istifanus Sonsare. "International politics of structural adjustment in sub-Saharan Africa 1983-1990 : with special reference to Ghana and Nigeria." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1992. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1320/.
Full textAbstract:
Sub-Saharan Africa entered the 1980s faced with a crisis of unprecedented proportions. The economies of the region which were already in decline by the late 1970s, were in danger of collapse. The severity of the crisis was also reflected in rising indebtedness, social decay and political instability. To tackle it, African leaders met at an extraordinary economic summit in Lagos in 1980 and adopted a common strategy which became known as the Lagos Plan of Action. The crisis in Sub-Saharan Africa is part of a general world-wide economic recession stemming from a period of economic decline in the leading industrial economies. As a result, the leading industrialised countries and international institutions designed strategies to tackle the crisis both at the global level and in the developing countries such as those in Sub-Saharan Africa. For Africa, the strategy adopted by the World Bank and the IMF was that of structural adjustment. The orthodox approach of the World Bank generated controversy as to its suitability to the African situation. This disagreement was a reflection of conflicting political interests as well as power relations both internationally, and within African states. This thesis analyses the impact of the politics of structural adjustment programmes in Africa, with special reference to Ghana and Nigeria between 1983-1990. The arguement is that orthodox structural adjustment has failed to reverse the decline in Africa largely because of continuing disagreement between African governments and international institutions over the content and direction of adjustment. The study is presented over eight chapters. The introductory chapter sets the agenda. Chapter one covers the international dimension of the African crisis, while chapter two looks at the internal dimension. Chapter three contains a detailed analysis of the international politics of structural adjustment. Chapters four and five discuss the adjustment programme in Ghana and its impact on the country's political economy. The Nigerian experience is similarly examined in chapters six and seven. The conclusion, chapter eight, addresses the issues behind the failure of orthodox adjustment in Africa and makes recommendations.
30
Pfister, Mike. "The unification of Africa: a goal or a dream?" Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2000. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/202.
Full textAbstract:
This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.<br>Bachelors<br>Arts and Sciences<br>Political Science
31
Asante, Lewis Abedi. "The Politics and Activism of Urban Governance in Ghana: Analyzing the Processes of Market Redevelopment in Kumasi and Cape Coast." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/21129.
Full textAbstract:
Stadterneuerung in Ghana ist seit Jahren auch durch den Widerstand von Bürgerinnen und Bürgern geprägt. Auf der Grundlage einer qualitativen Analyse und Fallstudie zur Sanierung von Marktinfrastrukturen in Kumasi und Cape Coast zeigt diese kumulative Dissertation, dass es zum besseren Verständnis der Ursachen von zivilem Widerstand insbesondere Aufmerksamkeit für die Qualität der Governance-Prozesse selbst bedarf. Marktsanierungsprojekte in Ghana sind durch fünf Prozessphasen geprägt: Scoping, Planung, Finanzierung, Standortverlagerung und -zuweisung. In allen Phasen lassen sich jeweils anders gelagerte Kombinationen aus staatlichen Praktiken des Klientelismus und Neoliberalismus, des Aktivismus nichtstaatlicher Akteure sowie externer, globale und entwicklungsorientierter Investitionspraktiken internationaler und bilateraler Agenturen beobachten. In jeder Phase der Stadterneuerung spiegeln sich städtische Governance-Politiken, auf die wiederum stadt-politische Akteure mit Interventionen reagieren, um diesen Politiken entgegen zu wirken. Konzeptionell trägt die vorliegende Studie zu verschiedenen Diskursen bei: eine multidimensionale analytische Rahmung der geographischen Handelsforschung mit Fokus auf Märkte; eine Betrachtung von Aktivismus als zusätzlicher Dimension der städtischen Governance; die Auseinandersetzung mit politisch induzierter Verdrängung durch staatliche Handlungsweisen als alternativem Konstrukt zur Analyse von marktinduzierten Verdrängungsprozessen; und einen Beitrag zu Debatten um städtische Effekte ausländischer Direktinvestitionen. Die Ergebnisse können integrative Stadtentwicklung und eine nachhaltige Existenzgrundlage urbanen Zusammenlebens im anglophonen Westafrika fördern. Weitere Forschung wird empfohlen, um ein Verständnis für die Governance-Prozesse und die Dynamiken städtischer Infrastrukturentwicklung in der Subregion zu generieren.<br>Citizen resistance has characterized urban regeneration in Ghana for many years. Previous studies have indicated that resistance against urban regeneration is caused by non-payment of compensation, lack of participation and the failure of the state to provide relocation sites. Through a qualitative analysis of market redevelopment in Kumasi and Cape Coast, this dissertation argues that we should pay more attention to the politics and activism rooted in the urban governance processes, if we are to understand citizen resistance against urban regeneration in Ghana. Market infrastructural redevelopment in Ghana are implemented through the process of scoping, planning, financing, relocation and allocation. This process is shaped by an interplay of internal state practices of clientelism and neoliberalism and activism of non-state actors, as well as external practices of globalization and development funding by international and bilateral agencies. Every stage of the redevelopment process mirrors the politicized nature of urban governance and citizen intervention by way of activism for changing urban governance. Theoretically, this dissertation contributes a multidimensional analytical framework to marketplace research; activism as an additional dimension of urban governance; politically-induced displacement as an alternative construct for analyzing displacement processes; and to the urban debates around Chinese infrastructure finance. The wider implications of the findings of the study for market redevelopment and urban governance in Anglophone West Africa are discussed. Further research is recommended to provide an understanding of the governance processes and dynamics of other forms of urban infrastructural development taking place in the sub-region.
32
Padilla, Sofia Lisette. "Impacts of Neopatrimonialism on Democratization in Sub-Saharan Africa: A Comparative Analysis Between Nigeria and Ghana’s Fourth Republics." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1248.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is the result of a comparative study utilizing qualitative evidence regarding the democratization process and history in Ghana and Nigeria. As a whole, this thesis seeks to exemplify some of the potential outcomes of democratization since independence in sub-Saharan African states. I analyze the strength and condition of democracy and the democratization process through the electoral histories of Ghana and Nigeria. In my argument, neopatrimonialism encapsulates corruption via patronage, clientelism, and godfatherism. These three theories are the primary areas of concern within this study regarding neopatrimonialism. I assert that democracy is measured in this region as a reflection of the quality of free and fair elections, a key (but not sole) determinant of democratization. The quality or maturation of democracy is measured through the degree to which neopatrimonialism has impacted the integrity of the electoral process. Thus, instances elite clientelism through predatory prebendalism and violent corruption by political elite represent a very troubled democracy under which power structures serve the personal interests of the political elite. Comparatively, evidence of a more distributive form of neopatrimonialism indicates a stronger democratic regime, and is indicated by mass clientelism in the electoral systems of the state.
33
Acheampong, Yasmine. "A Wager Through The Looking Glass: Differences In The Management Of Horizontal Inequalities in Ghana and La Cote d'Ivoire." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/481.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis explores the role of early development policies on the management of horizontal inequalities in Ghana and La Cote d'Ivoire. Using the wager between the first presidents of the two countries, this study charts the manner in which Horizontal Inequalities have been managed during three time periods: Independence, Structural Adjustment and Democratization.
34
Munetsi, Ashley W. "Democratization in Sub-Saharan Africa: The Good, The Bad, and The Ugly." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/115.
Full textAbstract:
Democracy's advance on the African continent has been mixed, this article analyzes three countries which reflect this situation. Ghana represents the good, a country now considered a liberal democracy; Kenya represents the bad, although possessing the right conditions to advance its democracy the country has slid into an ambiguous zone; the Democratic Republic of Congo represents the ugly, after showing initial promise it still has significant issues halting its burgeoning democratic progress. These three countries represent the prototypical situations facing democratizing Sub-Saharan countries and analyzing them can inform what factors aid or have hindered democratic progress not only for them but the region in general.
35
Asante-Wusu, Isaac. "GEOGRAPHY OF URBAN WATER SECURITY AND VULNERABILITY: CASE STUDIES OF THREE LOCALITIES IN THE ACCRA-TEMA CITY-REGION, GHANA." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1497868343954842.
Full text
36
Pul, Hippolyt Akow Saamwan. "Threads and Stitches of Peace- Understanding What Makes Ghana an Oasis of Peace?" NSUWorks, 2015. http://nsuworks.nova.edu/shss_dcar_etd/23.
Full textAbstract:
Ghana is considered an oasis of peace despite having the same mix of ethno-political competitions for state power and resources; north-south horizontal inequalities; ethno-regional concentrations of Christians and Muslims; highly ethnicised elections; a natural resource dependent economy; and a politically polarized public sphere, among others, that have plunged other countries in Africa into violent and often protracted national conflicts. Use of the conflict paradigm to explain Africa's conflicts glosses over positive deviance cases such as Ghana. This study used the peace paradigm in a mixed method, grounded theory research to examine Ghana's apparent exceptionalism in staving off violent national conflicts. From the survey of 1429 respondents and 31 Key Informants, findings indicate Ghanaians are divided on whether their country is peaceful or not. They are equally divided on classifying the state of peace in Ghana as negative or positive. Instead, they have identified sets of centrifugal and centripetal forces that somehow self-neutralize to keep Ghana in a steady state of unstable peace. Among the lift forces are strongly shared cultural and Indigenous African Religious values; symbiotic interethnic economic relationships; identity dissolution and cultural miscegenation due to open interethnic systems of accommodation and incorporation; and the persistence of historical multi-lateral political, sociocultural, and economic relationships. On the drag side are the youth bulge; emergent religious intolerance; elite exit from the state in using private solutions for public problems; and highly politicized and partisan national discourses that leave the country with no national agenda. In sum, Ghana is no exception to the rule. The four interconnected meso theories that this study identifies provide pointers to what factors Ghana needs to strengthen to avert descent into violence.
37
Amemate, Amelia AmeDela. "Black Bodies, White Masks?: Straight Hair Culture and Natural Hair Politics Among Ghanaian Women." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu157797167417396.
Full text
38
Asante, Lewis Abedi [Verfasser], Jonas Østergaard [Gutachter] Nielsen, Claire [Gutachter] Mercer, and Elmar [Gutachter] Kulke. "The Politics and Activism of Urban Governance in Ghana: Analyzing the Processes of Market Redevelopment in Kumasi and Cape Coast / Lewis Abedi Asante ; Gutachter: Jonas Østergaard Nielsen, Claire Mercer, Elmar Kulke." Berlin : Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, 2020. http://d-nb.info/1205313788/34.
Full text
39
Nimako, Kwame. "Economic change and political conflict in Ghana, 1600-1990 /." Amsterdam : Thesis, 1991. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb355433667.
Full text
40
Dzivenu, Setriakor. "Chieftaincy-state relations : making political legitimacy in Ghana's Fourth Republic." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/14203.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the role of chiefs and chieftaincy in Ghana’s Fourth Republic. It focuses on the interactions between chieftaincy, the state apparatus and society in areas of local government, land administration and democratic politics, using Hohoe and Kumasi as case studies. The central objective is to explore the legitimation processes of chiefs and chieftaincy, especially how chiefs in both areas seek to assert authority with respect to the state and society. By taking a closer look at how chiefs negotiate the modern political order, this research takes a position between those who see chieftaincy as an indigenous institution deserving recognition and protection, and those who view it as incompatible with the modern political dispensation. The research describes how a network of legal and informal strategies has influenced the ways in which state and chiefs interact. By focusing on this interaction, the thesis also reveals the on‐going legitimation processes at the local and national levels in Ghana with respect to chiefs and chieftaincy. The thesis reveals that even though both state actors and chiefs want, and are constitutionally obliged, to exercise political control in certain distinct ways, the reality is that neither is able to do so completely. To remain relevant, both the state and chieftaincy asserted a hybrid authority in their relation with society, thereby blurring the boundaries between their primary identities. Thus rather than establishing a ‘bifurcated state’, these processes revealed a ‘syncretic’ authority relations overlapping in ways that blend political norms, processes and rules associated with each.
41
Hubner, Armin. "Ghana and the resource curse." Thesis, Webster University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1525124.
Full textAbstract:
<p> Ghana has experienced solid economic and social development during the years before the finding of oil. Now that oil has been found, one should not forget that there are many countries in Africa which are rather cursed than blessed with natural resources. This phenomenon is known as the resource curse or more specifically the oil curse. This paper attempts to uncover the most challenging areas for Ghana, when its government wants to lift the resource curse. It further shows that Ghana is well prepared to tackle the negative effects of being oil abundant, by using the well-established models and concepts, which build on empirical analysis. Literature provides a lot to describe the oil curse, including the so called Dutch disease as well as conflicts, corruption, violence and bad governance, to mention a few. This paper will - in a case study approach- apply the concepts on Ghana and -with a qualitative comparative research design- expose the best practices from which Ghana can learn most. It will also show that Ghana's relatively good institutions will be able to implement most of the suggested policies which oppose the resource curse. </p><p> The outcome will be that Ghana's political environment, although far from perfect, is well prepared to deal with windfall oil revenues. Furthermore Ghana due its good structure of institutions and its stabilizing macroeconomic policies in the last decades, Ghana will be able to engage in best practice policies.</p>
42
Konlan, Binamin. "Predictability of Identity Voting Behaviour, Perceived Exclusion and Neglect, and the Paradox of Loyalty| A Case Study of a Conflict Involving the Ewe Group in the Volta Region of Ghana and the NDC-led Administrations." Thesis, Nova Southeastern University, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10260431.
Full textAbstract:
<p> The Republic of Ghana is the legacy of the colonial amalgam of multiple, and previously distinct, ethnic homelands. The Trans-Volta Togoland became the Volta Region of Ghana following a Plebiscite in 1956. The dominant ethnic group in this region; the Ewe, has long maintained a claim of neglect of the Volta Region and the marginalization of its people in this postcolonial state. Protests in the street and at media houses ensued against the State. This qualitative case study explores the undercurrents of this conflict in the context of the Ewe group’s identity and their experiences of neglect and marginalization in the postcolonial state. The main objective of the study was to understand why the Ewe group has not revolted despite the perceptions of deprivation. This study focused on the Ewe group in the Volta Region of Ghana a as sub-colonial construct that has managed its perceptions of deprivation without revolting against the host State.</p>
43
O'Shea, Joseph Brian. "The political economy of structural adjustment in Ghana, 1983-1989." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/10270.
Full text
44
Afful, Ebo. "Journalism, election campaigns and democracy in Ghana." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2016. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/99853/.
Full textAbstract:
Political communication literature has documented various forms of framing election campaigns although that on Ghana are few. These included issues, horse race, coverage tone and presidential candidates’ media visibility leading to an incumbency advantage. These are normally attributed to news values that reflect political power such as relevance and politicians’ elite status. Hence, this study is intended to explore explanation for the trend of campaign coverage in Ghana, a developing democracy, using four Ghanaian newspapers in 2008 and 2012. Through content analysis and in-depth interviews, the thesis grounded in gatekeeping and framing theories, has demonstrated that: (1) the state-owned newspapers did not give an incumbency advantage (2), the coverage was issues-based (3), election stories were more positive in tone (4), there was media bias and (5) politicians paid money (‘soli’) to journalists for coverage. These empirical findings show that during the campaigns, gatekeeping and framing practices were driven more likely by the ‘soli’ norm rather than the norm of objective and impartial journalism. Thus the study offers a new explanation why there was no incumbency advantage, why the press bias, why coverage was largely positive in tone and why issues-based framing. However, horse race appears to have the potential to dominate Ghana’s elections coverage. The conclusions of this study, one argues, were as a result of interplay between candidates’ desire not only to dominate the newspapers but also to be projected positively and journalists’ desire to make money from politicians. Simply put: stories of elections published by the newspapers were defined by ‘soli’ journalism which promoted ‘protocol’ journalism. This means most election stories that reached electorates were from speeches of candidates. Therefore, the stories lacked critical interpretation of campaign events raising issues of capacity of the press in Ghana to function effectively as public sphere contributing to participatory democracy.
45
Antwi, Enoch O. "Party followership and political leadership| A study of governance in Ghana." Thesis, Indiana Wesleyan University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3716275.
Full textAbstract:
<p> The importance of party followership in political leadership in Africa has increased dramatically during the past decade (Lindberg, 2010; Tagoe, 2011). However, research on the contribution to good governance in Africa, of the interaction between party followership and the political leadership, is largely less known and minimally undertaken. Drawing on corruption and governance assessment models, this mixed method study examined political leadership corruption, focusing on the possible influences that party followership may have on the political leadership corruption. The core hypothesis we tested was that that there is no relationship between the expectations of political party followers and the corrupt behaviors of political leaders (represented by Members of Parliament). Applying data collected through the survey instrument from 92 MPs and 92 party delegates, as well as a follow-up interview of five MPs and five delegates in Ghana, our hypotheses were rejected. In other words, results showed a statistically significant relationship between the expectations of political party followers and the corrupt behaviors of party leaders. As an implication of this finding, it is imperative for Africa and Ghana in particular, to formulate practical policy measures that embrace party followership in political leadership studies. We recommended that delegates need orientations and training on their roles in political leadership, corruption, and governance. Effective civic education, transparency frameworks during elections and clear policy guidelines that allow stakeholders to monitor the electioneering process, effect change within the institutions, build positive and trusting relations, and strengthen their reputation could significantly lower political leadership corruption in Ghana.</p>
46
Mohan, Giles Marcus. "The state and the paradox of decentralisation perspectives from Ghana /." Thesis, Online version, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?did=1&uin=uk.bl.ethos.357866.
Full text
47
Forjwuor, Bernard A. "Between democractic promises and socio-political realities the challenges of political representation in Ghana and Nigeria /." Ohio : Ohio University, 2009. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1244222282.
Full text
48
Parakala, Prabhakar. "Military regimes, security doctrines, and foreign policy : Brazil, Indonesia, and Ghana." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.281944.
Full text
49
Dawuni, Josephine J. "Beyond Transition: Democracy and the Development of Civil Society in Ghana." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2010. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_diss/12.
Full textAbstract:
This research examines the impact of formal democracy on the construction of an effective civil society in Ghana. The theoretical and policy role of civil society has received a great deal of attention in the literature. Especially for democratization theorists, the focus has been on the democracy enhancing qualities of civil society—qualities often credited with playing key roles in democratic transitions in Africa. However, the question of what happens to civil society after a democratic transition has not received much attention in the literature. Using a historical institutionalist approach, the study examines how democratic institutions and institutional arrangements affect the development of civil society. After Ghana’s return to formal democracy in 1992, democratic openings, though not immediately transformative, created an expansion in civil liberties and political rights necessary for the emergence of civil society. Paradoxically, state institutions remained weak and it was such weakness—not the strength, as some of the literature suggests, that allowed civil society to develop. Within the legislative and bureaucratic arenas, persistent institutional weakness became an opportunity for civil society to mobilize resources from foreign donors to strengthen the capacity of state institutions. Through programs aimed at enhancing the capacity of state institutions, foreign donors played a critical role in framing the relationship between civil society and the state. A major finding from this research is the symbiotic relationship between civil society and the state. As the case of Ghana demonstrates, where the state provides opportunities for civil society to develop, an effective civil society in turn contributes to building the democratic state. Findings from this research provide theoretical implications for the literature on civil society and democracy by highlighting the role of democratic institutions in strengthening civil society.
50
Axel, Adam. "Manifestations of Corruption: A Comparative Analysis of Ghana and Nigeria." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2006. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1201.
Full textAbstract:
This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.<br>Bachelors<br>Sciences<br>Political Science