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Journal articles on the topic 'Politics in Ghana'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 5 February 2022

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1

Horesh, Edward. "Ghana: politics, economics and society." International Affairs 63, no. 4 (1987): 702–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2619736.

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2

Chazan, Naomi, and Donald I. Ray. "Ghana: Politics, Economics, and Society." International Journal of African Historical Studies 22, no. 4 (1989): 746. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219078.

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3

HAYNES, JEFFREY. "Ghana: Politics, Economics and Society." African Affairs 86, no. 344 (1987): 445–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a097937.

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4

Smyth, Dion. "Politics and palliative care: Ghana." International Journal of Palliative Nursing 23, no. 6 (2017): 310. http://dx.doi.org/10.12968/ijpn.2017.23.6.310.

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5

Flint, John, and Richard Rathbone. "Murder and Politics in Colonial Ghana." American Historical Review 100, no. 1 (1995): 205. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2168088.

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6

Wilks, Ivor, and Richard Rathbone. "Murder and Politics in Colonial Ghana." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 26, no. 1 (1995): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/205612.

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7

Akyeampong, Emmanuel, and Richard Rathbone. "Murder and Politics in Colonial Ghana." International Journal of African Historical Studies 28, no. 1 (1995): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221308.

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8

NINSIN, KWAME A. "Murder and Politics in Colonial Ghana." African Affairs 94, no. 377 (1995): 592–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a098877.

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9

Ignatova, Jacqueline. "The Ghana reader: history, culture, politics." African and Black Diaspora: An International Journal 10, no. 3 (2017): 332–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17528631.2017.1293323.

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10

Cobbinah, Patrick Brandful, and Rhoda Mensah Darkwah. "Urban planning and politics in Ghana." GeoJournal 82, no. 6 (2016): 1229–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10708-016-9750-y.

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11

Rupp, Stephanie. "Ghana, China, and the Politics of Energy." African Studies Review 56, no. 1 (2013): 103–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2013.8.

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Abstract:Since the discovery of the Jubilee oil field in the Gulf of Guinea in 2007, Ghana has emerged as an oil-rich nation and emerging exporter of high-quality crude oil. Simultaneously the energy supplies available to Ghanaian citizens in everyday life have become increasingly unreliable, marked by persistent rolling blackouts. This article seeks to understand the complex relationship that has developed between Ghana and China, to illuminate Ghanaian perspectives on their energy needs, and to investigate how energy has become entangled in national politics and bilateral relations between Ghana and China.
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12

Kraus, Jon, and Simon Baynham. "The Military and Politics in Nkrumah's Ghana." International Journal of African Historical Studies 23, no. 3 (1990): 580. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219647.

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13

Nugent, Paul, Emmanuel Hansen, and Kwame Ninsin. "The State, Development and Politics in Ghana." International Journal of African Historical Studies 24, no. 2 (1991): 451. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219826.

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14

Panford, Kwamina, Emmanuel Hansen, and Kwame A. Ninsin. "The State, Development and Politics in Ghana." African Studies Review 35, no. 2 (1992): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/524886.

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15

Rupp, Stephanie. "Ghana, China, and the Politics of Energy." African Studies Review 56, no. 1 (2013): 103–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2013.0015.

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16

TANGRI, ROGER. "THE POLITICS OF STATES DIVESTITURE IN GHANA." African Affairs 90, no. 361 (1991): 523–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a098467.

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17

BLAKEMORE, K. "The State, Development and Politics in Ghana." African Affairs 91, no. 362 (1992): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/91.362.147.

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18

Adams, Samuel, and Kingsley S. Agomor. "Democratic politics and voting behaviour in Ghana." International Area Studies Review 18, no. 4 (2015): 365–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865915587865.

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19

Kpessa, Michael W. "The Politics of Public Policy in Ghana." Journal of Developing Societies 27, no. 1 (2011): 29–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0169796x1002700103.

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20

Graham, Emmanuel, Ishmael Ackah, and Ransford EdwardVan Gyampo. "Politics of Oil and Gas in Ghana." Insight on Africa 8, no. 2 (2016): 131–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0975087816655015.

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21

Obeng-Odoom, Franklin. "An urban twist to politics in Ghana." Habitat International 34, no. 4 (2010): 392–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.habitatint.2009.11.003.

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22

Tangri, Roger. "The Politics of Government–Business Relations in Ghana." Journal of Modern African Studies 30, no. 1 (1992): 97–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00007746.

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The emergence of a consensus that the performance of the public sector in Ghana had been poor, and that there were limits as to what it could achieve in terms of economic growth, led the Provisional National Defence Council (P.N.D.C.) to implement various policy reforms. As the Governor of the Bank of Ghana argued in 1984: ‘Given the dismal performance of the public sector, there is need for greater reliance on private investment in the Government's efforts to resuscitate the economy’. At the same time, the P.N.D.C. began to reassess the economic role of the public sector. According to a recent document prepared by the National Commission for Democracy, ‘changed national policies’ in Ghana include ‘the reduction of the state's rôle in the economic life of the nation through shifting of more responsibility to the private sector.
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23

ADUM–KYEREMEH, Kwame, and Joseph Kwadwo AGYEMAN. "Colonial Policy, Chieftaincy and Land Politics in Ghana: The Case Study of Gyaman." Abibisem: Journal of African Culture and Civilization 7 (December 5, 2018): 27–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.47963/ajacc.v7i0.39.

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The partition of Africa in the late nineteenth century destabilized some societies in Africa. In West Africa, the imaginary territorial boundaries divided the Nzema between Ivory Coast and Ghana, the Dagaaba between Burkina Faso and Ghana, and the Ewe between Togo and Ghana. The partition exercise also caused protracted disputes and neglect of existing ethnic groupings. Using information from oral, archival and secondary sources, this article examines the impact of the partition of Africa on Gyaman, a traditional ethnic setting in modern Ghana in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. The paper blames current Gyaman problems on the Partition exercise.
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24

Madsen, Diana Højlund. "Gender, Power and Institutional Change – The Role of Formal and Informal Institutions in Promoting Women’s Political Representation in Ghana." Journal of Asian and African Studies 54, no. 1 (2018): 70–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909618787851.

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The article explores the role of formal and informal institutions in influencing the representation of women in the two major political parties in Ghana – NDC (National Democratic Congress) and NPP (New Patriotic Party) – as well as the small party CPP (Convention People’s Party). Paradoxically, with its first president, Kwame Nkrumah (CPP), Ghana was one of the first countries in Africa to introduce a quota in 1959, reserving ten seats for women in Parliament. With a representation of 11% women after the election in 2012 and 13% after the election in 2016, however, Ghana has not been part of the positive development on the continent. Drawing on the body of literature on feminist institutionalism, the article explores the dynamics of power and change relating to the low representation of women in politics in Ghana. It further investigates responses to initiatives to promote more female candidates in Parliament – the reduction of filing fees and the introduction of women’s seats. The article argues that the formal institutions in the form of party structures work both as an obstacle and an opportunity to promote more women in politics, and that the informal structures in the form of the gender culture in Parliament and verbal abuse work against more women in politics.
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25

Fumey, Abel, and Festus O. Egwaikhide. "Redistributive politics: the case of fiscal transfers in Ghana." International Journal of Social Economics 46, no. 2 (2019): 213–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijse-05-2017-0191.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the effects of political influences on fiscal transfers from the central government to district assemblies in Ghana. Design/methodology/approach It adopted a redistributive politics model and estimated the two-step system generalized method of moment using electoral outcomes, and transfers data for 167 districts which were classified into swing and aligned, from 1994 to 2014. Findings The findings reveal that Gh₵6.28m on average was transferred to each district annually, which tend to increase by 8.4 percent in election years. Further, the swing districts received 5.2 percent more than the aligned districts. Practical implications The sharing mechanism is significantly influenced by political considerations as there exists a political budget cycle and a general dominance of swing effects. Social implications The fiscal transfer system disregards the social principles of fairness and efficiency. Therefore, a wider consultative process in reviewing the formula is proposed; and this should be done in intervals of five years to minimize the indiscriminate adjustments of the sharing formula. Originality/value The paper empirically examines the political economy dynamics of intergovernmental fiscal transfers in a decentralized unitary system.
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26

Nartey, Robert Nii, and Jeffrey Herbst. "The Politics of Reform in Ghana 1982-1991." African Economic History, no. 21 (1993): 172. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3601825.

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27

Campbell, John. "Ideology and Politics in the Markets of Ghana." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 19, no. 2 (1985): 423. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/484835.

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28

Austin, Gareth, and Francis Danquah. "Cocoa Diseases and Politics in Ghana, 1909-1966." International Journal of African Historical Studies 30, no. 2 (1997): 387. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221250.

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29

Horesh, Edward. "The politics of reform in Ghana, 1982–1991." International Affairs 69, no. 4 (1993): 812. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620691.

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30

Gerhart, Gail, and Jeffrey Herbst. "The Politics of Reform in Ghana, 1982-1991." Foreign Affairs 72, no. 4 (1993): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20045794.

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31

Agyeman-Duah, Baffour. "Ghana, 1982–6: the Politics of the P.N.D.C." Journal of Modern African Studies 25, no. 4 (1987): 613–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00010120.

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The history of the past three decades in Africa would seem to confirm that the rôle of the military in political and economic development may no longer be considered transient. Armed interventions have become institutionalised, if not constitutionalised, in many African states. By December 1985 no less than 60 successful and 71 attempted coups d'état had occurred in 37 states since January 1956.1 Just as most of the first generation of African politicians chose ‘socialism’ to explain and justify their policies, so ‘revolution’ has become the rallying cry for the military leaders, even though they have often quickly been content just to ‘take over’, and not to transform, the previous civilian régime.
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32

Gyimah‐Boadi, E. "Economic recovery and politics in the PNDC's Ghana." Journal of Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 28, no. 3 (1990): 328–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662049008447595.

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33

Brown, David. "Local Politics and Local-Centre Linkages in Ghana." IDS Bulletin 10, no. 4 (2009): 8–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1759-5436.1979.mp10004003.x.

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34

Kleist, Nauja. "Flexible Politics of Belonging: Diaspora Mobilisation in Ghana." African Studies 72, no. 2 (2013): 285–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00020184.2013.812883.

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35

Campbell, John. "Ideology and Politics in the Markets of Ghana." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 19, no. 2 (1985): 423–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.1985.10804124.

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36

Koranteng, Roger Oppong, and George A. Larbi. "Policy networks, politics and decentralisation policies in Ghana." Public Administration and Development 28, no. 3 (2008): 212–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/pad.497.

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37

Whitfield, Lindsay. "The politics of urban water reform in Ghana." Review of African Political Economy 33, no. 109 (2006): 425–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056240601000812.

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38

Opoku-Agyemang, Kwabena. "Democracy in Ghana: Everyday Politics in Urban Africa." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 54, no. 1 (2020): 206–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.2020.1720942.

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39

Adams, Samuel, and Kingsley Agomor. "Decentralization, Partisan Politics, and National Development in Ghana." Public Organization Review 20, no. 2 (2019): 351–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11115-019-00442-8.

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40

Ayittey, George B. N. "The politics of reform in Ghana, 1982–1991." Orbis 37, no. 3 (1993): 492–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0030-4387(93)90210-4.

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41

Rathbone, Richard, and Jeffrey Herbst. "The Politics of Reform in Ghana, 1982-1991." International Journal of African Historical Studies 27, no. 1 (1994): 162. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220989.

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42

Faanu, Pamphilious, and Emmanuel Graham. "The Politics of Ethnocentrism: A Viability Test of Ghana’s Democracy?" Insight on Africa 9, no. 2 (2017): 141–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0975087817715534.

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The article assesses the use of ethnocentrism as a political strategy in Ghana’s electoral politics and the threat it poses to Ghana’s democracy. It focuses on the strategic ethno-political communication employed by politicians to wield voter support and how voters behave at polls. It reveals that prior to independence Ghana’s political parties were predominantly formed along ethnic and regional dimensions. This transcends into the current dispensation, as the National Democratic Congress and the New Patriotic Party are tagged as Ewe-Northerners party and Akans party, respectively. These ethnic affiliations tend to influence voters’ behaviour at the polls. There is, therefore, an increasing incidence of non-evaluative voting because of ethnocentrism in the Ghanaian political domain. As a result, politicking in Ghana tends to rely heavily on ethnic dimensions to solicit votes using the media as the main platform. The incidence of ethno-politics in Ghana has the tendency to reverse the democratic successes chalked because of the unnecessary tensions that are often associated with ethnic politics. This article recommends the need for responsible media practice to minimise this rising phenomenon in Ghana’s electoral politics. Also, it is our suggestion that the Political Parties ACT 574(2000) and the concerned articles of the 1992 constitution be reviewed to place sanctions on ethnocentrism as a political strategy.
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43

Ichino, Nahomi, and Noah L. Nathan. "Primaries on Demand? Intra-Party Politics and Nominations in Ghana." British Journal of Political Science 42, no. 4 (2012): 769–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123412000014.

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In new democracies, why do political party leaders relinquish power over nominations and allow legislative candidates to be selected by primary elections? Where the legislature is weak and politics is clientelistic, democratization of candidate selection is driven by local party members seeking benefits from primary contestants. Analysis of an original dataset on legislative nominations and political interference by party leaders for the 2004 and 2008 elections in Ghana shows that primaries are more common where nominations attract more aspirants and where the party is more likely to win, counter to predictions in the existing literature. Moreover, the analysis shows that party leaders interfere in primaries in a pattern consistent with anticipation of party members’ reactions.
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44

Alhassan, Afizu, Mate Siakwa, Akwasi Kumi-Kyereme, and Michael Wombeogo. "Barriers to and Facilitators of Nurses’ Political Participation in Ghana." Policy, Politics, & Nursing Practice 21, no. 1 (2020): 29–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1527154419899602.

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All aspects of nursing practice are regulated by politics and affected by changes in public policy. For that reason, nurses need to be active in the political process through which they may influence public policies on health. However, nurses’ participation in political activities in many countries is either low or moderate at best. Studies that explore political participation among nurses are rare in Africa. We conducted this study to identify factors that may enhance or hinder nurses’ political participation. Through a cross-sectional survey, we collected data from 225 registered nurses sampled from three hospitals and two nursing training schools in Tamale, Ghana, using a structured questionnaire. We analyzed the data using descriptive statistics and correlations. The most frequently reported barriers to political participation were having little free time, lack of trust in politicians, fear of conflict/confrontation, lack of educational preparation, and lack of access to the right connections. The major facilitators of political participation were identified as availability of free time and money, civic skills, personal interest in politics, self-belief and confidence, and a strong party affiliation. These findings call for integration of political content into the nursing education curriculum and for professional nursing organizations to create opportunities for their members to learn about the political process.
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45

Bratton, Michael, Peter Lewis, and E. Gyimah-Boadi. "Constituencies for reform in Ghana." Journal of Modern African Studies 39, no. 2 (2001): 231–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x01003603.

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The attitudes of ordinary people in Africa towards the liberalisation of politics and economies are not well known. Are there popular constituencies for reform? Which specific reform measures do different social groups accept or reject? And does popular support for structural adjustment, if any, go together with support for democracy? In an effort to find answers, this article reports results of a national sample survey in Ghana conducted in July 1999 as part of the Afrobarometer. The survey finds that the constituency for democracy is broader than the constituency for market reform, which is concentrated among educated male elites. In addition, while most Ghanaians are patient with democracy and want to retain this political regime, most Ghanaians are fatigued with adjustment and want the government to ‘change its policies now’. Given this distribution of popular preferences, one can surmise that democracy will be easier to consolidate than a market-based economy.
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46

Benson, George, and Vincent Adzahlie-Mensah. "POLITICAL PARTY PARTICIPATION IN LOCAL GOVERNANCE: AN ASSESSMENT OF THE RECENT GHANAIAN PROPOSAL." International Multidisciplinary Research Journal 1 (January 30, 2021): 5–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.47722/imrj.2001.02.

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This paper discussed public views on the effort to introduce partisan politics into local government administration in Ghana. We report findings from a cross-sectional survey research in which questionnaire-based data were collected from a convenience sample of 2270 participants, drawn from the 16 administrative regions of Ghana. From the analysis and discussions, we found out that although 63% agreed that political party participation will increase local activism and where 71% agreed that it can increase participation in district assembly elections, 58% of participants did not support political party participation. Meanwhile 1769 (78%) disagreed that political party participation will promote development. Furthermore, 30% disagreed that political party participation will disparage the authority of the local assemblies, as only 23% disagreed that it will disparage traditional authorities of the people. Moreover, 73% of participants agreed to maintaining the status quo, while 46% agreed to blending party politics with a quota system. Overall, we argued that the introduction of political party-based politics into local governance poses many serious threats ----as it will stifle development in opposition areas, disparage traditional authorities of the people, degrade the value of common good in communities and disparage the authority of the local assemblies. To this end, we recommended that the introduction of party politics in Ghana’s local government system should be based on sound research, quality consultation and understanding of the threats.
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47

Bauer, Gretchen, and Akosua K. Darkwah. "We would rather be leaders than parliamentarians: women and political office in Ghana." European Journal of Politics and Gender 3, no. 1 (2020): 101–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251510819x15698351185989.

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Ghana, an emerging democracy, lags far behind in women’s representation in Parliament. This article, based on interviews with delegates, aspirants, candidates, Members of Parliament and potential female presidential candidates, suggests that women are dissuaded from standing for Parliament by the exorbitant ‘cost of politics’, humiliating ‘politics of insult’ and keen appreciation of Parliament’s limitations. Still, women may be eager to hold appointive office. Until new democracies are established with electoral systems devoid of costly and insulting electoral politics, and with elected offices in which women may accomplish important goals, women will not exhibit the political ambition to participate in those spaces.
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48

Odijie, Michael Ehis, and Mohammed Zayan Imoro. "Ghana’s Competitive Clientelism and Space for Long-Term Stable Policies." SAGE Open 11, no. 3 (2021): 215824402110315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/21582440211031513.

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Given the close election results and the winner-takes-all nature of politics in Ghana, researchers have argued that the two parties are now characterized by a high degree of vulnerability, which in turn provides strong incentives for ruling elites in both parties to find strategies to ensure their political survival. This results in the distribution of state resources to political supporters and short-termism, which weakens the possibility of building a broad political consensus on any national development issues. Using the case of Ghana’s Right to Information Bill, this article will argue that there are conditions under which elite commitment to long-term development could be fostered and sustained in competitive clientelist political settings like Ghana.
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49

Boafo-Arthur, Kwame. "Ghana: Structural Adjustment, Democratization, and the Politics of Continuity." African Studies Review 42, no. 2 (1999): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/525364.

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50

Ntewusu, Samuel Aniegye. "10,000 miners, 10,000 votes: politics and mining in Ghana." Africa 88, no. 4 (2018): 863–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972018000505.

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