Relevant bibliographies by topics / Politics in Nigeria

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Academic literature on the topic 'Politics in Nigeria'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 15 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Politics in Nigeria"

Pratten, David. "The Politics of Protection: Perspectives on Vigilantism in Nigeria." Africa 78, no. 1 (February 2008): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0001972008000028.

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Vigilantism has become an endemic feature of the Nigerian social and political landscape. The emergence of night guards and vigilante groups as popular responses to theft and armed robbery has a long and varied history in Nigeria. Since the return to democracy in 1999, however, Nigeria has witnessed a proliferation of vigilantism: vigilante groups have organized at a variety of levels from lineage to ethnic group, in a variety of locations from village ward to city street, and for a variety of reasons from crime fighting to political lobbying. Indeed, vigilantism has captured such a range of local, national and international dynamics that it provides a sharply focused lens for students of Nigeria's political economy and its most intractable issues – the politics of democracy, ethnicity and religion.Contemporary Nigerian vigilantism concerns a range of local and global dynamics beyond informal justice.

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Adetiba, Toyin Cotties. "Dynamics of Ethnic Politics in Nigeria: An Impediment to its Political System." Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies 11, no. 2(J) (May 13, 2019): 132–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jebs.v11i2(j).2828.

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Without any form of prejudice, it is a fact that Nigeria is a multi-ethnic state with differences in its socio-political and economic development all of which have resulted in conflicts and counter conflicts. Ethnic politics in Nigeriaâ€™s political system have come to be a tragic and constant in Nigeriaâ€™s political system; where one must belong to the mainstream of ethnic politics for political relevance. It depicts attachments to the sub-national ethnic groups which threaten to undermine national integration and therefore divide the nation. Significantly, ethnicity in Nigeria was orchestrated by a long period of colonialism, a period which witnessed the ascendancy of the three major ethnic groups in Nigeria to the socio-political domination of other ethnic groups. It was a period when the three major ethnic groups were used by the colonialist as a pedestal for the distribution of socio-political and economic goods. Using a mixed method, this work argues that Nigeriaâ€™s political problem hinges on the negative consequences of ethnic politics. The paper concludes that if Nigeriaâ€™s political system must progress, it must be anchored on the need for the review of the constitutional and political structure of Nigeria to restore healthy political competition as opposed to the existing outdated political mechanism imposed on Nigeria by the military under the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

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Umeanolue, Ikenna L. "Religious influences on politics in Nigeria: Implications for national development." OGIRISI: a New Journal of African Studies 15, no. 1 (October 15, 2020): 139–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/og.v15i1.9s.

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The phenomenon of religious politics in Nigerian is an obvious one. In political aspects such as style of governance, policy formulations and the electoral process in Nigeria, religion has been a strong determining factor. However, the influence of religion on politics in Nigeria could be both positive and negative. In other words, as religion enhances national development, so also it could be counterproductive. This paper critically discusses the influence of religion on Nigerian politics especially in the post-independence Nigeria, with emphasis on the implications for national development. This study recommends ways of ensuring the sustenance of the positive influence, as well as tackling the challenges of the negative influences. In practising politics in Nigeria, adherence to religious moral values and observance of Nigerian constitution which makes provision for freedom of religion are necessary for achieving national development. The paper concludes that if the recommendations are practically observed, religion will cease to be an agent of disunity and backwardness in Nigerian nation

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Ologbenla, Derin, and Waziri Babatunde Adisa. "Money-Bag Politics, Rent-Seeking And Flawed Elections In Nigeria: A Theoretical Statement." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 2, no. 1 (January 2, 2012): 188. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v2i1.1682.

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The history of Nigerian politics is replete with money-bag politics. Although, there is hardly any country in the world where instances of bribery or political corruption are not present in their national politics, researches on Africa’s postcolonial history, have however shown that, in Africa, corruption is an institutionalized and a systemic practice affecting not only the postcolonial state itself, but also the majority of the citizenry. Using Nigeria, as a case study, this paper argues that since the 1964/1965 Western Region elections to the 2007 general elections, there has hardly been any election conducted in Nigeria without associated cases of corrupt practices such as vote buying, ballot snatching, election rigging, election violence, political and legislative lobbying etc. The aftermath of this or its cumulative effective, is better seen when the number of years spent by Nigeria under the military is weighed against the number of years it spent under civilian administration. Using the peripheral political economy approach, this paper opines that the problem of flawed elections in Nigeria should be traced more to the nature and character of the Nigerian colonial state, prebendal politics among Nigerian politicians, imperial capitalism, primitive accumulation of capital as well as the nature and character of class contestations among various interest groups in contemporary Nigeria . The paper adds that the fierce struggle for state powers and the accompanying prosecution of elections with illicit money, is an indication of the peripheral nature of Nigerian politics.

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Suberu, Ibrahim, and Sherif Yusuf. "Nigerian Politics and Politics in Nigeria: A Contemplation of Islamic Political Thought in Nigeria." Al-Milal: Journal of Religion and Thought 2, no. 2 (December 26, 2020): 17–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.46600/almilal.v2i2.73.

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Democracy in Nigeria is characterised by corruption, irregularities and injustice. The level of political hostility in the country has resulted in loss of lives and properties and as a result, there have been hindrances to peace and national development to prevail in Nigeria. Hence, the ugly political developments have generated a lot of concerns and questions such as what are the causes of the political unrest in Nigeria? Is democracy really paying off as a political system in Nigeria? What has been the result of democracy in Nigeria? Can there be a better political system in Nigeria? If so, can Islamic political system fulfil the longing of Nigerians? Answers to these questions shall form the body of this research. The research discovers the absence of fairness in the electoral process and bad governance in Nigeria. This research reveals the flaws in effectiveness of democracy as a system of government in Nigeria. It proposes adopting an alternative model of governance. Lastly, this research contemplates the Islamic political model for a better Nigeria.

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Eze, Malachy Chukwuemeka. "Ethno-Religious Struggle and Human Insecurity in the Fledging Nigerian Democracy since 1999." Society & Sustainability 3, no. 2 (September 22, 2021): 16–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.38157/society_sustainability.v3i2.321.

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Religious and ethnic identity clashes laid the structure of the Nigerian state in 1914, which transmogrified into and characterized the struggle for control of power and distribution of national resources. This paper explores the nature and manifestation of these conflicts since 1999. It seeks to find out if ethno-religious struggles led to the emergence of major conflicts in Nigeria since 1999, their impact on human insecurity, and the influence of politics on the conflicts. This inquiry is designed in line with a one-shot case study, while literature survey and ex post facto methods were adopted as methods of data collection. Trend analysis is adopted for data analysis. Analysis reveals that ethno-religious struggles were the primary progenitor of conflicts in Nigeria since 1999, and have debilitating consequences while politics exacerbated ethno-religious conflicts. Upholding Nigeria's circular state and implementing the National Political Reforms Conference Report is the panacea for ethno-religious conflicts in Nigeria.

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Ibrahim, Adebayo Rafiu. "The Apprehensions of Traditional Ulama towards Women’s Participation in Politics in Nigeria." Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies 52, no. 2 (December 26, 2014): 331. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2014.522.331-350.

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<p>Throughout the political history of Islam, women played significant political roles in the affairs of muslim states. This, however, has not been the situation in Nigeria where muslim women are skeptical about their involvement in politics, seeing it as an exclusively male domain. This has been so probably because of the voice of ulama against women’s participation in politics or the general belief that politics is a dirty game which is not meant for women. The big question then is why do Nigerian ulama resist women’s involvement in politics? Further, would muslims not stand the risk of losing their political potentiality should they remain indifferent to political participation by women? And, how do female muslim elites who have a flair for politics feel about their lack of political voice: would this not affect their spiritual or religious interests in the long run? This paper explores Islamic political history for the purpose of discovering the extent of muslim women’s involvement in politics, and the reasons for the non-involvement of muslim women in the nation’s politics from the viewpoint of the traditional ulama in the country. <br />[Sepanjang sejarah Islam, wanita memainkan peran penting dalam politik di banyak negara muslim. Namun, hal ini tidak terjadi di Nigeria, karena wanitanya ragu terhadap peran mereka di kancah politik yang memang didominasi oleh para lelaki. Ini terjadi karena ulama menentang keterlibatan wanita di politik serta pandangan bahwa politik itu kotor dan tidak sesuai untuk wanita. Pertanyaannya kenapa para ulama menentang wanita berpolitik? Lalu, apakah mereka tidak rugi secara politis jika tidak peduli dengan partisipasi wanita? Bagaimana juga para wanita muslim itu tidak merasa kurang bersuara dalam politik: apakah ini tidak mempengaruhi spiritualitas dan kepentingan jangka panjang? Paper ini meneliti sejarah politik Islam terkait dengan peran wanita di politik, juga alasan kenapa mereka tidak terlibat menurut kaum ulama tradisional di Nigeria.]</p>

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Oyekunle, Adegboyega O. "Political Corruption and the Future of Nigerian Politics." International Law Research 4, no. 1 (October 29, 2015): 178. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ilr.v4n1p178.

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The purpose of this paper is to examine the effects of political corruption on the Nigerian society. It examines the future of the political status of Nigeria given the present experiences in the polity. The paper employs the analytic and critical method of philosophy, with a view to showing the influence of Machiavelli’s political philosophy on the Nigerian political elites. The central argument of this paper is that the interpretation of politics in the Machiavellian way, its adoption and practice by Nigerian political elites stand as the root cause of political corruption in the country.

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Ogen, Olukoya, and Insa Nolte. "NIGERIAN ACADEMIA AND THE POLITICS OF SECRECY." Africa 86, no. 2 (April 6, 2016): 339–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972016000085.

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In this issue, Jeremiah Arowosegbe makes a number of valid and important observations about the challenges facing the humanities and social sciences in Nigeria. But while he recognizes the importance of the political sphere by discussing the unequal and asymmetric landscape of global knowledge production, he locates most problems of knowledge production in Nigeria within the academy. Focusing on individual and generational responsibility and morality, Arowosegbe also suggests that recent generations of Nigerian academics have been ‘complacent and nonchalant’ in their engagement with global theoretical and methodological debates, and thus bear responsibility for the apparent decline of Nigerian academia.

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Ojebode, Ayokunmi O., and Idowu O. Odebode. "Onomastics, Medicine and Politics in Femi Osofisan’s The Engagement." Theory and Practice in Language Studies 9, no. 5 (May 1, 2019): 494. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/tpls.0905.02.

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Onomastics, medicine and politics in this study are a pragmatic way of depicting the psychosocial condition of Nigeria as an underdeveloped nation. The study explores Femi Osofisan’s The Engagement from a literary onomastic standpoint with the aim of exposing socio-political anomalies in Nigeria. Nigerian leaders commit flaws of egoistical and individualistic interests which often go against the consciences of the led. On this premise, the study explores the characters’ names in The Engagement with a view to gaining insight into Nigeria’s sociocultural and political contexts. Furthermore, Postcolonial Theory and Halliday’s Contextual Theory of Meaning serve as the study’s theoretical constructs. The study is predicated on the underdevelopment of Nigeria which is epitomised as a psychological behaviour of characters in a nation that is under the siege of political anarchy and different social vices.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Politics in Nigeria"

Jombo, Augustin B. (Augustin Bolsover). "Nigerian Politics: A Case Study of Military Coups." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1986. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500341/.

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This study surveys the issue of military coups in Nigerian politics. An attempt is made to explain the causes of coups d'etat. To this end, Thompson's thesis of military grievances has been rigorously employed to explain the occurrences of military coups in Nigeria. The Thompson thesis asserts that coups occur because the military is aggrieved. A study of the opinions of expert observers familiar with Nigerian politics confirmed that four out of the six military coups occurred due to problems emanating from the Nigerian military establishment. Although military grievances such as its political positions, resource bases, ethnicity, and factions within the military caused most coups, there is sufficient evidence that societal factors like economic crises, election decisions, and the need for reforms also encouraged the military to overthrow governments in Nigeria.

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Adeniyi, Adesoji Oyedele Abimbola. "The politics of Bitumen Development in Nigeria." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.522928.

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Inuwa, Muhammat Nura. "Oil politics and national security in Nigeria." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/5049.

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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited
In the last two decades, the federal government of Nigeria has employed several strategies in an effort to resolve the ongoing crisis in its Niger Delta Region. Two main approaches were adopted concurrently by both military and civilian regimes within the period of study, diplomatic and non-diplomatic. Unfortunately, both strategies failed to resolve the crisis. This thesis explains why the strategies failed, arguing that combination of an overly high military with low civil counterinsurgency strategies during the military regimes of 1990-1999 allowed an excessively repressive approach that did not only fail to end the crisis but eventually fuelled it to transform agitation into insurgency. In addition, the civilian regimes of 1999-2009, which engaged low military and relatively high civil counterinsurgency strategies, have also not been able to resolve the crisis. The study hence suggests a moderate approach comprising of both strategies; a professional military approach with moderate civil counterinsurgency strategies, and adopting measures that would assist the government to isolate its counterinsurgency strategies from political groups' interference, and resist responding to all pressures and complaints likely to sabotage its strategies.

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Zovighian, Diane. "Clientelism and Party Politics| Evidence from Nigeria." Thesis, Georgetown University, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10826911.

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This dissertation provides an explanation for the workings of clientelism and some preliminary insights on the conditions under which it can recede.

First, I provide evidence from Nigeria on the “loyal-voter anomaly” (Stokes et al. 2013, 66): I show that political parties tend to target clientelistic transfers to partisans, whose votes should already be secure, rather than to swing voters, whose votes are up for grabs. Second, I develop a theory of strategic safe-betting to explain the disproportionate targeting of partisans. This theory puts the emphasis on risk mitigation, an aspect of clientelistic relations that existing explanations tend to overlook. I argue that clientelistic transfers are risky and expensive endeavors, and that loyal voters represent a safer bet for political parties: their voting behavior is indeed easier to influence, predict or, in a best-case scenario, monitor. This is due to their close ties to the operatives of the party machine, as well as their deeper embeddedness in networks of control through which parties exert influence and gather information on voters before and during elections. Third, I provide preliminary insights on the demise of clientelism. I show that macro developments—in particular urbanization and economic development—that increase the weight of swing voters make clientelistic transfers riskier and provide incentives for parties to develop programmatic promises during elections.

The dissertation builds on original quantitative and qualitative empirical evidence from the most populous sub-Saharan African country, Nigeria. It draws on observational and experimental survey data to provide a quantitative analysis of the determinants and workings of clientelism at the individual level. It also builds on selected archival documents and in-depth key informant interviews to develop a qualitative narrative of the historical roots of clientelistic partisan pacts in Nigeria and the mechanisms that sustain and break them in contemporary politics.

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Ashamole, Darlington C. "The politics of oil and masculinity : youth, politics and intergenerational struggle in the Niger Delta of Nigeria." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2013. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/4913/.

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Adetiba, Toyin Cotties. "Ethnic conflict in Nigeria: a challenge to inclusive social and political development." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1006955.

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The question of ethnicity has been one of the most topical subjects of study by social scientists. The controversies around this phenomenon seem to have been heated up by the high visibility of mobilized and politicized ethnic groups in most multi-ethnic states. Therefore, the extent to which ethnic nationalities are able to effectively manage the interplay of ethnic differences determines to what extent a multi-ethnic nation develops without crisis. Historically Nigeria has come a long way from multi-ethnic entity with political differences and background to the amalgamation of 1914 till the present structure of thirty-six states. Ethnicity, no doubt has contributed immensely to ethnic conflicts in Nigeria because of long standing revulsion or resentments towards ethnic groups different from one’s own or fear of domination which can as well lead ethnic groups to resort to violence as a means to protect and preserve the existing ethnic groups. Significantly ethnicity in Nigeria, is a product inequality among the various ethnic groups orchestrated by a long period of colonialism; a period which witnessed the ascendancy of three major ethnic groups to the socio-political domination of other ethnic groups and a period when the three major ethnic groups were used as a pedestal for the distribution of socio-political goods, resulting in the inability of other ethnic groups to access these socio-political goods. This situation has continued to impact negatively on the forces of national integration and cohesion in ethnically divided Nigeria. Considering the relationship between ethnicity and development; socio-political exclusion is not only ethically dangerous to development but also economically unproductive. It deprives groups and individuals of the opportunity for the necessary development that can be beneficial to the society. Thus, it is important to develop an integrative socio-political frame-work that explicitly recognizes the participatory role of every ethnic group in governance. Hence, there is a need for the adoption of inclusive governance to manage ethnicity in Nigeria. Notwithstanding, ethnic conflict still persists and an attempt will be made in this study to identify the reasons. Central to socio-political sustainability in Nigeria is a system that should recognize that differences are important to development and encompass notions of equality. Such a system should acknowledge the socio-political and economic power of every ethnic group and promote a system devoid of ethnocentric and exclusionary socio-political and economic policies.

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SIST. "Politics, Social Change and the Church in Nigeria." Kingsley's, 2007. http://digital.library.duq.edu/u?/spiritanbook,10670.

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Table of Contents -- General Introduction -- (p. v) -- One: A welcome address -- (p. 1) -- Two: Keynote address -- (p. 5) -- Three: Fully Catholic, Fully Political: Exploring the Biblical Grounds for active Christian participation in politics -- (p. 15) -- Four: Factors that Militate against the active involvement of Christians in politics and societal transformation in Nigeria -- (p. 16) -- Five: The Church and the State in Nigeria: Partners in Dialogue towards a better Nation -- (p. 75) -- Six: Elections of Selection, Ethnic and Money Politics in Nigeria: Lessons from the past towards a better tomorrow -- (p. 101) -- Seven: Art, Media and Lterature as Catalyst of Socio-Political change: The Nigerian Experience and the role of the Church -- (p. 119) -- Eight: The Church as an Alternative Society: A Critical Examination of Ecclesiastical Structures, Leadership and Prophetic witness in Nigeria today -- (p. 137) -- Nine: Diocesan Justice and Peace Departments and their Contributions as agents of Conscientization, Education and Motivation of Christians for Political Responsibility and other Civic Duties -- (p. 183) -- Communique -- (p. 199) -- Contributors -- (p. 203 -- Symposium Co-ordinators -- (p. 206)

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Marshall, Ruth A. "The Politics of Pentecostalism in Nigeria : 1975 - 2000." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.504113.

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Kukah, Matthew Hassan. "Religion and politics in northern Nigeria since 1960." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.418365.

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Ejizu, Chris I. "ETHICS OF POLITICS IN NIGERIA: THE CHRISTIAN PERSPECTIVE." Bulletin of Ecumenical Theology, 1989. http://digital.library.duq.edu/u?/bet,1359.

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Books on the topic "Politics in Nigeria"

Chike, Chigor. Nigeria, Nigeria, Nigeria: The way forward. [London: C. Chike, 1994.

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J, Mundt Robert, ed. Politics in Nigeria. [New York]: Longman, 1998.

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Nnadozie, Emmanuel Chukwuemeka. Nigeria politics challenges Christian unity: Ecumenical response to Nigeria politics. [S.l: s.n.], 1992.

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Tandu, Egbe Ojong. Nigeria government and politics. Calabar: Baye Communications, 2004.

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Nigeria weeps. Owerri West, Imo State: U. Okorie, 2003.

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Nzekwe, Amaechi. Can Nigeria survive?: Political sociology of how Nigerians underdeveloped Nigeria. Jos, Plateau State, Nigeria: Transafrican Links, 1994.

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Danbazau, Mallam Lawan. Politics and religion in Nigeria. Kano: Tofa Commercial Press, 1993.

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Politics and administration in Nigeria. Ibidan, Nigeria: Spectrum Books, 1986.

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Gwamna, Je'adayibe Dogara. Religion and politics in Nigeria. Bukuru, Plateau State, Nigeria: African Christian Textbooks (Acts), 2010.

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Danbazau, Mallam Lawan. Politics and religion in Nigeria. Kaduna, Nigeria: Vanguard Printers and Publishers, 1991.

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Book chapters on the topic "Politics in Nigeria"

Joshua, Segun, and Felix Chidozie. "Terrorism in Nigeria." In Nigerian Politics, 273–88. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-50509-7_14.

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Ojo, Emmanuel O. "Nigeria (Con)Federal Structure?" In Nigerian Politics, 165–83. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-50509-7_8.

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Onwumechili, Chuka, Totty O. Totty, and Leelannee Malin. "Nigeria." In The Palgrave International Handbook of Football and Politics, 403–21. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-78777-0_21.

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Rudolph, Joseph. "Ethnopolitics in Nigeria." In Politics and Ethnicity, 179–92. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403983572_11.

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Olorunfemi, J. F., and Irewolede Fashagba. "Population Census Administration in Nigeria." In Nigerian Politics, 353–67. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-50509-7_19.

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Abdulahi, Abubakar, and Yahaya T. Baba. "Nationalism and National Integration in Nigeria." In Nigerian Politics, 305–19. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-50509-7_16.

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Fashagba, Mathew Olasehinde. "Politics of Pension Administration in Nigeria." In Nigerian Politics, 369–76. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-50509-7_20.

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Folarin, Sheriff. "Corruption, Politics and Governance in Nigeria." In Nigerian Politics, 377–94. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-50509-7_21.

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Abe, Toyin, and Femi Omotoso. "Local Government/Governance System in Nigeria." In Nigerian Politics, 185–216. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-50509-7_9.

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Fashagba, Joseph Yinka. "Nigeria: Understanding the Contour of the Political Terrain." In Nigerian Politics, 1–23. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-50509-7_1.

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Conference papers on the topic "Politics in Nigeria"

Duruji, Moses, Sheriff Folarin, Robert Olorunyomi, and Favour Duruji-Moses. "JAMB AND THE POLITICS OF UNIVERSITY ADMISSION IN NIGERIA." In 10th annual International Conference of Education, Research and Innovation. IATED, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.21125/iceri.2017.0017.

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Oyekunle, A. A. "Shale Oil and Gas Revolution: Implications on Energy Market Outlook and Politics." In SPE Nigeria Annual International Conference and Exhibition. Society of Petroleum Engineers, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/172431-ms.

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"Working Capital Management and Firm Performance: Qualitative Evidence from Nigeria." In rd Joint International Conference on Accounting, Business, Economics and Politics. Tishk International University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.23918/icabep2021p42.

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Oni, Babatunde. "Addressing the Socio-Economic Concerns of the Niger Delta Host Communities Through Local Content Policy; the Impact of Nigerias Local Participation Policy on Her Investment Climate." In SPE Nigeria Annual International Conference and Exhibition. SPE, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/207210-ms.

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Abstract Objective and scope This paper aims to establish that proper resource management and governance within the Nigerian oil and gas industry, more specifically, her local participation policy, which focuses on adequately addressing the social and economic concerns of the host communities in oil producing regions of Nigeria, particularly in the Niger Delta, will ultimately lead to more secure and sustainable economic development and a more attractive investment climate for Nigeria. Methods Procedure, process This research study will employ an analytical approach, more specifically qualitative analysis, in analyzing the interplay between the various factors which have birthed low oil and gas productivity in the Niger delta region of Nigeria and how proper application of Nigeria's local participation policy can influence the circumstances and yield positive result. The research study will rely heavily on available literature and legislative enactments, as well as available case law on the issues concerned. The primary sources in the collection of materials for this paper will comprise of journals, books, and articles which address the relevant research questions guiding the scope of this paper. Results, Observation, conclusion Nigeria's local content policy, just like many other governmental policies in Nigeria, has been criticized as being vulnerable to corruption as a result of the manifest lack of transparency in the Nigerian oil and gas industry, and local content has already been labelled as a potential victim of capture as a result of this dearth in transparency. It is imperative that the broad discretionary powers granted to the local content monitoring board, and the minister of petroleum by the provisions of the Nigerian Oil and Gas Industry Content Development Act, be utilized in a manner devoid of parochial ethnic sentiments or political interest, in order for Nigeria to properly take advantage of the economic development benefits provided by the proper implementation of local content policy. The long term benefits of local content policy such as technology transfer, long term fiscal incentives, and the growth of local commerce and industry, will go a long way in setting Nigeria on a plain path to sustainable economic growth and better resource management. It is important that the Nigerian government play its role in driving local content policy by facilitating Nigerian enterprises to take active part in the local content programs, as well as keep tabs and monitor the effectiveness of local content policy in achieving its targets. New or additive information to the industry Proper implementation of Local Content policy in Nigeria will be beneficial, not just for the host communities but for the rest of the country, as well as for all investors in the Nigerian oil and gas industry, by providing thousands of employment opportunities for the locals, as well as providing a much needed technology transfer which will result in a structural transformation of not just the local manufacturing industries in Nigeria but the entire Nigerian oil and gas industry as well; thus addressing a major aspect of the social and economic concerns of the local people, and also giving Nigeria's economy a much needed boost towards achieving sustainable development in her natural resources sector.

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Dias, Rui, and Hortense Santos. "STOCK MARKET EFFICIENCY IN AFRICA: EVIDENCE FROM RANDOM WALK HYPOTHESIS." In Sixth International Scientific-Business Conference LIMEN Leadership, Innovation, Management and Economics: Integrated Politics of Research. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/limen.2020.25.

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This paper aims to test the efficient market hypothesis, in its weak form, in the stock markets of BOTSWANA, EGYPT, KENYA, MOROCCO, NIGERIA and SOUTH AFRICA, in the period from September 2, 2019 to September 2, 2020. In order to achieve this analysis, we intend to find out if: the global pandemic (Covid-19) has decreased the efficiency, in its weak form, of African stock markets? The results therefore support the evidence that the random walk hypothesis is not supported by the financial markets analyzed in this period of global pandemic. The values of variance ratios are lower than the unit, which implies that the yields are autocorrelated in time and, there is reversal to the mean, and no differences were identified between the stock markets analyzed. The authors consider that the results achieved are of interest to investors looking for opportunities for portfolio diversification in these regional stock markets.

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Oruwari, Humphrey Otombosoba. "Assessment of Conflict Management in Niger Delta and Implications for Sustainable Development of Oil and Gas in Nigeria." In SPE Nigeria Annual International Conference and Exhibition. SPE, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/208224-ms.

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Abstract Nigerian oil and gas industry have over the years witnessed incessant conflicts between the stakeholders, particularly the host communities in Niger Delta region and the oil and gas companies in partnership with the Federal Government. Conflict which is here defined as manifestation of disagreement between individual and groups arising from differing and mutually incompatible interests has both positive and negative effects depending on how it was managed. Managing conflicts is all about limiting the negative aspects. The study examined conflicts management in Nigeria oil and gas industry and how best the positive elements of conflicts can be maximally exploited for the mutual benefit of both oil and gas company and the host communities in Niger Delta. The study adopted the multidisciplinary approach, literature review, case study and relied on secondary sources using analytical method of data analysis. The study findings revealed that the major factors that precipitate conflicts between the oil and gas industry and host communities in Niger Delta include economic, social, political, and ecological factors. There are available strategies that can be used in conflict management. These include avoiding, accommodating, or smoothing, competing, or forcing, compromising, and collaborating. Any of these strategies can be used to manage conflict depending on the situation, the environment factor, and the nature of the conflict. The problem is that the oil and gas companies in partnership with the Nigerian government often adopted the wrong approach in dealing with the conflict with host communities, using avoiding or forcing strategies. The study recommends collaboration strategy which ensues long term-term solution to mutual benefits.

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Oruwari, Humphrey Otombosoba. "The Environmental Accounting: Experiences From Overseas and Solutions for Marginal Field Operators in Nigeria." In SPE Nigeria Annual International Conference and Exhibition. SPE, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/207099-ms.

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Abstract Marginal oil field operators have been bedeviled by several challenges since its inception, among which are financial, technological, socio-political, ecological and environmental issues. The study examined how marginal oil field operating in Niger Delta region of Nigeria could integrate and incorporate environmental accounting for managing the environmental performance of their businesses efficiently. Using literature review and case study, the study revealed that at present, environmental accounting is gradually being implemented worldwide. It is the duty of companies to apply environmental accounting to the lives of individuals. The study summarizes some key points regarding environmental accounting, the introduction of environmental accounting in some countries around the world and demonstrates some challenges in our country's application of environmental accounting to provide some solutions to boost the application of environmental accounting to marginal oil field operators in Niger Delta. The study recommends that environmental accounting will enhance the operations of marginal oil field in Niger Delta region.

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"Management Thoughts in Politics: The Nigerian Perspective." In 16th European Conference on Management Leadership and Governance. ACPI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.34190/elg.20.043.

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Osazuwa, Nosakhare Peter. "Political Connection, Board Characteristics and Firm Performance in Nigeria." In ISSC 2016 International Conference on Soft Science. Cognitive-crcs, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2016.08.108.

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Bello, Ismail, Kabir Umar Musa, Asma'u Isyaku Dutse, and Muktar Bashir. "Indonesia- Nigeria Foreign Economic Relations: A Partnership for Economic Development." In Unhas International Conference on Social and Political Science (UICoSP 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/uicosp-17.2017.35.

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Reports on the topic "Politics in Nigeria"

Sounaye, Abdoulaye, and Medinat Abdulazeez Malefakis. Religious Politics and Student Associations in Nigeria. RESOLVE Network, April 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/lcb2019.3.

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Maiangwa, Benjamin. Peace (Re)building Initiatives: Insights from Southern Kaduna, Nigeria. RESOLVE Network, September 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/pn2021.22.lpbi.

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Violent conflicts and crime have reached new heights in Nigeria, as cases of kidnapping, armed banditry, and communal unrests continue to tear at the core of the ethnoreligious divides in the country. Southern Kaduna has witnessed a virulent spree of communal unrest in northern Nigeria over the last decade due to its polarized politics and power differentials between the various groups in the area, particularly the Christians and Muslims, who are almost evenly split. In response to their experiences of violence, the people of that region have also shown incredible resilience and grit in transforming their stress and suffering. This policy note focuses on the transformative practices of the Fulani and other ethnic communities in southern Kaduna in terms of how they problem-solve deep-seated socio-political rivalries and violent relations by working through their shared identity, history, and cultures of peace. The note explores how peace practitioners and donor agencies could consolidate local practices of sustaining peace as complementary or alternative resources to the state’s liberal system.

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Atela, Martin, Atela, Martin, Ojebode, Ayobami Ojebode, Ayobami, Aina, Omotade Aina, Omotade, and Agbonifo, John Agbonifo, John. Demanding Power: Struggles over Fuel Access in Nigeria. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), August 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2021.054.

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Why do some fuel protests in Nigeria lead to a response from government, but others are barely noticed? What are the politics behind government response and who are the winners and losers? Using a multi-method approach, this study focuses on the period between 2007 and 2017 to investigate the dynamics of fuel protest in Nigeria to ask how, and under which conditions, struggles over energy access in Nigeria produce accountability and empowerment. The findings suggest that accountability and empowerment outcomes of the struggles over fuel access in Nigeria are severely limited by the very conditions that define the state as fragile: weak institutions, elite capture, widespread corruption, and a citizenry that is protest-fatigued and disempowered. This could be true of other fragile and conflict-affected settings. Therefore, frameworks that open up the civic space for dialogues between the government and citizens may produce better outcomes than protests.

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Amaza, Paul, Sunday Mailumo, and Asenath Silong. The Political Economy of the Maize Value Chain in Nigeria. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), July 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/apra.2021.015.

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The aim of this case study is to understand the underlying political economy dynamics of the maize value chain in Nigeria, with a focus on how this can contribute to comprehending the drivers and constraints of agricultural commercialisation. The study is informed by theories of political settlements, rents, and policy processes. It asks questions around (1) the key actors and interests: who participates and how do they benefit? (2) Rules and policies: who makes the rules, and who wins and loses? And (3), what are the implications across different social groups?

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Remi Aiyede, Emmanuel. Agricultural Commercialisation and the Political Economy of Cocoa and Rice Value Chains in Nigeria. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), January 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/apra.2021.005.

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Nigeria has sought to diversify its economy away from dependence on oil as a major source of government revenue through agricultural commercialisation. Agriculture has been a priority sector because it has very high growth potential and the greatest potential for employment and export revenue. The cocoa and rice value chains are central to the government’s engagement with agriculture to achieve these objectives. This paper sets out to investigate the underlying political economy dynamics of the commercialisation of the cocoa and rice value chains in Nigeria in terms of smallholder farm households’ shift from semi-subsistence agriculture to production primarily for market, and predominantly commercial medium- and large-scale farm enterprises complementing or replacing smallholder farm households.

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BUHARI, Lateef Oluwafemi. Understanding the Causes of Electoral and Political Violence in Ekiti State, Nigeria: 2007-2010. Intellectual Archive, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32370/ia_2021_03_17.

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All over the world, elections are the litmus test of democracies. They also serve to consolidate political stability in a given polity just as they have the propensity to engender conflict and violence. Though there is usually competition over the control of the machineries of power, the turning point of that competition into violence becomes imperative in discerning the causes, both remote and immediate of such violence. In the light of the above, this paper notes the volatile nature of elections in Nigeria at large and Ekiti State in particular between 2007 and 2010. It examines plethora of factors leading to electoral fraud and political violence in the state. It further analyses the role of various stakeholders in political violence in the state.

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Benin, Samuel, Suresh Chandra Babu, Sunday P. Odjo, Aissata Abdou Gado, and Namita Paul. Political economy of national agricultural statistics: The case of Niger. Washington, DC: International Food Policy Research Institute, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2499/p15738coll2.133730.

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Thurston, Alexander. In Brief: Foreword for the Lake Chad Basin Research Initiative Compendium. RESOLVE Network, January 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/lcb2021.1.

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In fall 2017, the RESOLVE Network launched a major project to analyze religiosity on university campuses in the Lake Chad Basin. The project was related but not limited to the context of the Boko Haram insurgency. The project generated four major studies, including one research report based on a desk literature review and three country case studies (Nigeria, Cameroon, and Chad) based on original fieldwork. The project was driven by policymakers’ and researchers’ desire to more fully understand political and religious change in this conflict-affected region. This RESOLVE research project sought not merely to investigate questions of radicalization but also to challenge stereotypes, particularly the idea that campuses are inevitably hotbeds of religious extremism. It has been credibly asserted that some of Boko Haram’s recruits, particularly in its early phases in the 2000s, were university students. Yet universities in the region have also been sites where key peacemaking initiatives are both studied and implemented.

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LAKE CHAD BASIN RESEARCH SERIES FACT SHEET: Religious Politics and Student Associations in Nigeria. RESOLVE Network, August 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/fs2020.4.lcb.

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African Open Science Platform Part 1: Landscape Study. Academy of Science of South Africa (ASSAf), 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/assaf.2019/0047.

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This report maps the African landscape of Open Science – with a focus on Open Data as a sub-set of Open Science. Data to inform the landscape study were collected through a variety of methods, including surveys, desk research, engagement with a community of practice, networking with stakeholders, participation in conferences, case study presentations, and workshops hosted. Although the majority of African countries (35 of 54) demonstrates commitment to science through its investment in research and development (R&D), academies of science, ministries of science and technology, policies, recognition of research, and participation in the Science Granting Councils Initiative (SGCI), the following countries demonstrate the highest commitment and political willingness to invest in science: Botswana, Ethiopia, Kenya, Senegal, South Africa, Tanzania, and Uganda. In addition to existing policies in Science, Technology and Innovation (STI), the following countries have made progress towards Open Data policies: Botswana, Kenya, Madagascar, Mauritius, South Africa and Uganda. Only two African countries (Kenya and South Africa) at this stage contribute 0.8% of its GDP (Gross Domestic Product) to R&D (Research and Development), which is the closest to the AU’s (African Union’s) suggested 1%. Countries such as Lesotho and Madagascar ranked as 0%, while the R&D expenditure for 24 African countries is unknown. In addition to this, science globally has become fully dependent on stable ICT (Information and Communication Technologies) infrastructure, which includes connectivity/bandwidth, high performance computing facilities and data services. This is especially applicable since countries globally are finding themselves in the midst of the 4th Industrial Revolution (4IR), which is not only “about” data, but which “is” data. According to an article1 by Alan Marcus (2015) (Senior Director, Head of Information Technology and Telecommunications Industries, World Economic Forum), “At its core, data represents a post-industrial opportunity. Its uses have unprecedented complexity, velocity and global reach. As digital communications become ubiquitous, data will rule in a world where nearly everyone and everything is connected in real time. That will require a highly reliable, secure and available infrastructure at its core, and innovation at the edge.” Every industry is affected as part of this revolution – also science. An important component of the digital transformation is “trust” – people must be able to trust that governments and all other industries (including the science sector), adequately handle and protect their data. This requires accountability on a global level, and digital industries must embrace the change and go for a higher standard of protection. “This will reassure consumers and citizens, benefitting the whole digital economy”, says Marcus. A stable and secure information and communication technologies (ICT) infrastructure – currently provided by the National Research and Education Networks (NRENs) – is key to advance collaboration in science. The AfricaConnect2 project (AfricaConnect (2012–2014) and AfricaConnect2 (2016–2018)) through establishing connectivity between National Research and Education Networks (NRENs), is planning to roll out AfricaConnect3 by the end of 2019. The concern however is that selected African governments (with the exception of a few countries such as South Africa, Mozambique, Ethiopia and others) have low awareness of the impact the Internet has today on all societal levels, how much ICT (and the 4th Industrial Revolution) have affected research, and the added value an NREN can bring to higher education and research in addressing the respective needs, which is far more complex than simply providing connectivity. Apart from more commitment and investment in R&D, African governments – to become and remain part of the 4th Industrial Revolution – have no option other than to acknowledge and commit to the role NRENs play in advancing science towards addressing the SDG (Sustainable Development Goals). For successful collaboration and direction, it is fundamental that policies within one country are aligned with one another. Alignment on continental level is crucial for the future Pan-African African Open Science Platform to be successful. Both the HIPSSA ((Harmonization of ICT Policies in Sub-Saharan Africa)3 project and WATRA (the West Africa Telecommunications Regulators Assembly)4, have made progress towards the regulation of the telecom sector, and in particular of bottlenecks which curb the development of competition among ISPs. A study under HIPSSA identified potential bottlenecks in access at an affordable price to the international capacity of submarine cables and suggested means and tools used by regulators to remedy them. Work on the recommended measures and making them operational continues in collaboration with WATRA. In addition to sufficient bandwidth and connectivity, high-performance computing facilities and services in support of data sharing are also required. The South African National Integrated Cyberinfrastructure System5 (NICIS) has made great progress in planning and setting up a cyberinfrastructure ecosystem in support of collaborative science and data sharing. The regional Southern African Development Community6 (SADC) Cyber-infrastructure Framework provides a valuable roadmap towards high-speed Internet, developing human capacity and skills in ICT technologies, high- performance computing and more. The following countries have been identified as having high-performance computing facilities, some as a result of the Square Kilometre Array7 (SKA) partnership: Botswana, Ghana, Kenya, Madagascar, Mozambique, Mauritius, Namibia, South Africa, Tunisia, and Zambia. More and more NRENs – especially the Level 6 NRENs 8 (Algeria, Egypt, Kenya, South Africa, and recently Zambia) – are exploring offering additional services; also in support of data sharing and transfer. The following NRENs already allow for running data-intensive applications and sharing of high-end computing assets, bio-modelling and computation on high-performance/ supercomputers: KENET (Kenya), TENET (South Africa), RENU (Uganda), ZAMREN (Zambia), EUN (Egypt) and ARN (Algeria). Fifteen higher education training institutions from eight African countries (Botswana, Benin, Kenya, Nigeria, Rwanda, South Africa, Sudan, and Tanzania) have been identified as offering formal courses on data science. In addition to formal degrees, a number of international short courses have been developed and free international online courses are also available as an option to build capacity and integrate as part of curricula. The small number of higher education or research intensive institutions offering data science is however insufficient, and there is a desperate need for more training in data science. The CODATA-RDA Schools of Research Data Science aim at addressing the continental need for foundational data skills across all disciplines, along with training conducted by The Carpentries 9 programme (specifically Data Carpentry 10 ). Thus far, CODATA-RDA schools in collaboration with AOSP, integrating content from Data Carpentry, were presented in Rwanda (in 2018), and during17-29 June 2019, in Ethiopia. Awareness regarding Open Science (including Open Data) is evident through the 12 Open Science-related Open Access/Open Data/Open Science declarations and agreements endorsed or signed by African governments; 200 Open Access journals from Africa registered on the Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ); 174 Open Access institutional research repositories registered on openDOAR (Directory of Open Access Repositories); 33 Open Access/Open Science policies registered on ROARMAP (Registry of Open Access Repository Mandates and Policies); 24 data repositories registered with the Registry of Data Repositories (re3data.org) (although the pilot project identified 66 research data repositories); and one data repository assigned the CoreTrustSeal. Although this is a start, far more needs to be done to align African data curation and research practices with global standards. Funding to conduct research remains a challenge. African researchers mostly fund their own research, and there are little incentives for them to make their research and accompanying data sets openly accessible. Funding and peer recognition, along with an enabling research environment conducive for research, are regarded as major incentives. The landscape report concludes with a number of concerns towards sharing research data openly, as well as challenges in terms of Open Data policy, ICT infrastructure supportive of data sharing, capacity building, lack of skills, and the need for incentives. Although great progress has been made in terms of Open Science and Open Data practices, more awareness needs to be created and further advocacy efforts are required for buy-in from African governments. A federated African Open Science Platform (AOSP) will not only encourage more collaboration among researchers in addressing the SDGs, but it will also benefit the many stakeholders identified as part of the pilot phase. The time is now, for governments in Africa, to acknowledge the important role of science in general, but specifically Open Science and Open Data, through developing and aligning the relevant policies, investing in an ICT infrastructure conducive for data sharing through committing funding to making NRENs financially sustainable, incentivising open research practices by scientists, and creating opportunities for more scientists and stakeholders across all disciplines to be trained in data management.

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