Dissertations / Theses: 'Politics in Nigeria'

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Jombo, Augustin B. (Augustin Bolsover). "Nigerian Politics: A Case Study of Military Coups." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1986. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500341/.

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This study surveys the issue of military coups in Nigerian politics. An attempt is made to explain the causes of coups d'etat. To this end, Thompson's thesis of military grievances has been rigorously employed to explain the occurrences of military coups in Nigeria. The Thompson thesis asserts that coups occur because the military is aggrieved. A study of the opinions of expert observers familiar with Nigerian politics confirmed that four out of the six military coups occurred due to problems emanating from the Nigerian military establishment. Although military grievances such as its political positions, resource bases, ethnicity, and factions within the military caused most coups, there is sufficient evidence that societal factors like economic crises, election decisions, and the need for reforms also encouraged the military to overthrow governments in Nigeria.

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Adeniyi, Adesoji Oyedele Abimbola. "The politics of Bitumen Development in Nigeria." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.522928.

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Inuwa, Muhammat Nura. "Oil politics and national security in Nigeria." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/5049.

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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited
In the last two decades, the federal government of Nigeria has employed several strategies in an effort to resolve the ongoing crisis in its Niger Delta Region. Two main approaches were adopted concurrently by both military and civilian regimes within the period of study, diplomatic and non-diplomatic. Unfortunately, both strategies failed to resolve the crisis. This thesis explains why the strategies failed, arguing that combination of an overly high military with low civil counterinsurgency strategies during the military regimes of 1990-1999 allowed an excessively repressive approach that did not only fail to end the crisis but eventually fuelled it to transform agitation into insurgency. In addition, the civilian regimes of 1999-2009, which engaged low military and relatively high civil counterinsurgency strategies, have also not been able to resolve the crisis. The study hence suggests a moderate approach comprising of both strategies; a professional military approach with moderate civil counterinsurgency strategies, and adopting measures that would assist the government to isolate its counterinsurgency strategies from political groups' interference, and resist responding to all pressures and complaints likely to sabotage its strategies.

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Zovighian, Diane. "Clientelism and Party Politics| Evidence from Nigeria." Thesis, Georgetown University, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10826911.

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This dissertation provides an explanation for the workings of clientelism and some preliminary insights on the conditions under which it can recede.

First, I provide evidence from Nigeria on the “loyal-voter anomaly” (Stokes et al. 2013, 66): I show that political parties tend to target clientelistic transfers to partisans, whose votes should already be secure, rather than to swing voters, whose votes are up for grabs. Second, I develop a theory of strategic safe-betting to explain the disproportionate targeting of partisans. This theory puts the emphasis on risk mitigation, an aspect of clientelistic relations that existing explanations tend to overlook. I argue that clientelistic transfers are risky and expensive endeavors, and that loyal voters represent a safer bet for political parties: their voting behavior is indeed easier to influence, predict or, in a best-case scenario, monitor. This is due to their close ties to the operatives of the party machine, as well as their deeper embeddedness in networks of control through which parties exert influence and gather information on voters before and during elections. Third, I provide preliminary insights on the demise of clientelism. I show that macro developments—in particular urbanization and economic development—that increase the weight of swing voters make clientelistic transfers riskier and provide incentives for parties to develop programmatic promises during elections.

The dissertation builds on original quantitative and qualitative empirical evidence from the most populous sub-Saharan African country, Nigeria. It draws on observational and experimental survey data to provide a quantitative analysis of the determinants and workings of clientelism at the individual level. It also builds on selected archival documents and in-depth key informant interviews to develop a qualitative narrative of the historical roots of clientelistic partisan pacts in Nigeria and the mechanisms that sustain and break them in contemporary politics.

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Ashamole, Darlington C. "The politics of oil and masculinity : youth, politics and intergenerational struggle in the Niger Delta of Nigeria." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2013. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/4913/.

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Adetiba, Toyin Cotties. "Ethnic conflict in Nigeria: a challenge to inclusive social and political development." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1006955.

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The question of ethnicity has been one of the most topical subjects of study by social scientists. The controversies around this phenomenon seem to have been heated up by the high visibility of mobilized and politicized ethnic groups in most multi-ethnic states. Therefore, the extent to which ethnic nationalities are able to effectively manage the interplay of ethnic differences determines to what extent a multi-ethnic nation develops without crisis. Historically Nigeria has come a long way from multi-ethnic entity with political differences and background to the amalgamation of 1914 till the present structure of thirty-six states. Ethnicity, no doubt has contributed immensely to ethnic conflicts in Nigeria because of long standing revulsion or resentments towards ethnic groups different from one’s own or fear of domination which can as well lead ethnic groups to resort to violence as a means to protect and preserve the existing ethnic groups. Significantly ethnicity in Nigeria, is a product inequality among the various ethnic groups orchestrated by a long period of colonialism; a period which witnessed the ascendancy of three major ethnic groups to the socio-political domination of other ethnic groups and a period when the three major ethnic groups were used as a pedestal for the distribution of socio-political goods, resulting in the inability of other ethnic groups to access these socio-political goods. This situation has continued to impact negatively on the forces of national integration and cohesion in ethnically divided Nigeria. Considering the relationship between ethnicity and development; socio-political exclusion is not only ethically dangerous to development but also economically unproductive. It deprives groups and individuals of the opportunity for the necessary development that can be beneficial to the society. Thus, it is important to develop an integrative socio-political frame-work that explicitly recognizes the participatory role of every ethnic group in governance. Hence, there is a need for the adoption of inclusive governance to manage ethnicity in Nigeria. Notwithstanding, ethnic conflict still persists and an attempt will be made in this study to identify the reasons. Central to socio-political sustainability in Nigeria is a system that should recognize that differences are important to development and encompass notions of equality. Such a system should acknowledge the socio-political and economic power of every ethnic group and promote a system devoid of ethnocentric and exclusionary socio-political and economic policies.

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SIST. "Politics, Social Change and the Church in Nigeria." Kingsley's, 2007. http://digital.library.duq.edu/u?/spiritanbook,10670.

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Table of Contents -- General Introduction -- (p. v) -- One: A welcome address -- (p. 1) -- Two: Keynote address -- (p. 5) -- Three: Fully Catholic, Fully Political: Exploring the Biblical Grounds for active Christian participation in politics -- (p. 15) -- Four: Factors that Militate against the active involvement of Christians in politics and societal transformation in Nigeria -- (p. 16) -- Five: The Church and the State in Nigeria: Partners in Dialogue towards a better Nation -- (p. 75) -- Six: Elections of Selection, Ethnic and Money Politics in Nigeria: Lessons from the past towards a better tomorrow -- (p. 101) -- Seven: Art, Media and Lterature as Catalyst of Socio-Political change: The Nigerian Experience and the role of the Church -- (p. 119) -- Eight: The Church as an Alternative Society: A Critical Examination of Ecclesiastical Structures, Leadership and Prophetic witness in Nigeria today -- (p. 137) -- Nine: Diocesan Justice and Peace Departments and their Contributions as agents of Conscientization, Education and Motivation of Christians for Political Responsibility and other Civic Duties -- (p. 183) -- Communique -- (p. 199) -- Contributors -- (p. 203 -- Symposium Co-ordinators -- (p. 206)

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Marshall, Ruth A. "The Politics of Pentecostalism in Nigeria : 1975 - 2000." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.504113.

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Kukah, Matthew Hassan. "Religion and politics in northern Nigeria since 1960." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.418365.

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Ejizu, Chris I. "ETHICS OF POLITICS IN NIGERIA: THE CHRISTIAN PERSPECTIVE." Bulletin of Ecumenical Theology, 1989. http://digital.library.duq.edu/u?/bet,1359.

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Kirwin, Matthew. "The Socio-Political Effects of Nigerian Shari’a on Niger." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1090266448.

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Mbachirin, Abraham T. Davis Derek. "The responses of the church in Nigeria to socio-economic, political, and religious problems in Nigeria a case study of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) /." Waco, Tex. : Baylor University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2104/4874.

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Angerbrandt, Henrik. "Placing Conflict : Religion and politics in Kaduna State, Nigeria." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-120386.

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Decentralisation and federalism are often said to mitigate conflict by better meeting the preferences of a heterogeneous population and demands for limited autonomy. But it is argued in this thesis that this perspective does not sufficiently address the ways in which conflict-ridden relations entangle processes across different scales ‒ local, regional as well as national. The aim of this thesis is to explain how it is that while decentralisation may contribute to national stability, it may simultaneously generate local conflict. This problem is analysed through a conflict in Kaduna State in north-central Nigeria where there have been outbreaks of violence between Hausa-Fulani Muslims and Christians of different ethnicities since the 1980s. Christian ethnic groups claim to be excluded from state benefits, while Muslim groups claim that Christians have undue influence over the state bureaucracy. The conflict feeds off ethnic and religious mobilisation. Expanded local political space further fuelled the conflict following the decentralisation that came with the shift from military to civilian rule in 1999. Decentralisation in Nigeria implies that the authorities should be associated with the majority ethnicity or religion in a specific territory. A localisation of politics accordingly raises the stakes in identity-based conflicts, especially as control of local institutions is necessary for inclusion in wider political processes. In Kaduna, this has led to demands for separating the state on a religious and ethnic basis. Actors make use of “scalar politics” to conform to or challenge boundaries set by the state. Social relations are associated with different boundaries. Accordingly, decentralisation triggers conflicts on an identity basis, involving contestation over the hierarchy of scales. While national struggles between ethnic and religious groups may be subdued, conflicts play out locally as decentralisation in Nigeria makes religion and ethnicity a powerful tool for political mobilisation.

At the time of the doctoral defense, the following paper was unpublished and had a status as follows: Paper 2: Manuscript.

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Watson, Ruth. "Chieftaincy politics and civic consciousness in Ibadan history, 1829-1939." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.287518.

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Onomake, Umoloyouvwe Ejiroghene Ovbije. "Elite exchanges : the cultural politics of Chinese business in Nigeria." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2017. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/69510/.

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Brodrick-Okereke, Mabel. "Women's protests in Egi and Warri, Nigeria, 1998 -2009 : the politics of oil, nonviolent resistance, and gender in the Niger Delta." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.607668.

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Clarke, Nikia R. "Of people, politics and profit : the political economy of Chinese industrial zone development in Nigeria." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:194625ba-9a35-408c-851c-9f2078547de5.

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This project approaches ongoing debates over the impact of increased Chinese engagement in African countries through the lens of production and industrialisation. Emerging market FDI into Africa is growing rapidly, and an increasing proportion of this investment is into manufacturing and productive sectors. This trend is led by the commercial expansion of private Chinese manufacturing firms across the continent. The goal of this project is to examine the differentiated impacts on African industrialisation attempts of this phenomenon. It takes as its case study industrial zone development projects in Nigeria, namely, the two official economic and trade cooperation zones being developed as large-scale FDI projects by Chinese firms, with Chinese and Nigerian government support, in Lagos and Ogun states. Analytically, four dimensions of this process are identified for study: the home country context, the host country context, the zone structures and institutions, and the firms themselves. Special attention is paid to the interface between foreign actors and the particular political economy of Nigerian manufacturing, as well as the at times substantial gaps between policy and practice in terms of industrial planning, investment and production. The thesis argues that SEZ projects in general, including the Chinese ETCZs, are industrial policy tools that operate on particular assumptions regarding the organisation of global production. As such, they incentivise the insertion of export-oriented firms into established global networks supplying international markets. However, a closer examination of industrial policy in China, the production environment in Nigeria and the behaviour of internationalising firms reveals that these assumptions are not always accurate. Thus, the SEZ institution as it is currently conceived in Nigeria is ill-suited to lend support to the trend towards Chinese relocation of producer firms, as well as to the reality of Nigerian production—both of which are predicated on domestic and regional markets as the primary driver of African industrialisation and productive sector growth.

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Isima, J. "Demilitarisation Nigeria and South Africa compared." Thesis, Department of Defence Management and Security Analysis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1826/3887.

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In sub-Saharan African countries that have made democratic transition from military rule and military-backed authoritarian regimes, state elites have embarked upon strategies aimed at demilitarising the new democratic political process. Demilitarisation of the state and politics has become an imperative because it is decisive for consolidating democratic politics and for ensuring improvements in public safety and security. Yet the process of such demilitarisation in these countries has often generated a paradox, whereby the reduction of the political influence of state institutions of violence has been associatedw ith rising civil militarism and the prevalenceo f organised violence in the wider society. In these circumstances, taking cognisance of the dangers of civil militarism and other forms of private violence is a priority for designing and implementing demilitarisation strategies and other security reforms in post-authoritarian African states. Reformminded political elites and external supporters need to be sensitive to these dangers or risk perpetuating the shell of electoral democracy that cannot deliver the goal of human security in the region. This dissertation explored how the current approach to demilitarisation is related to the problem of civil militarism by examining the case studies of Nigeria and South Africa. It explains that given the condition of the state in Africa, demilitarisation of politics after transition from military or military-backed authoritarianism contributes to the emergence of civil militarism. Based on this finding, it argues for a comprehensive approach to demilitarisation as a strategy that caters to both state and societal violence in order to mitigate the risks of civil militarism in the process.

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Forjwuor, Bernard A. "Between Democratic Promises and Socio-Political Realities: The Challenges of Political Representation in Ghana and Nigeria." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1244222282.

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Nwajiaku, Kathryn. "Oil politics and identity transformation in Nigeria : the case of the Ijaw of the Niger Delta." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.422517.

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21

Smith, Mark Patrick. "Northern identity and the politics of culture in Nigeria, 1945-1966." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.416356.

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Ikiebe, Richard. "The press, national elections, and the politics of belonging in Nigeria." Thesis, University of Westminster, 2017. https://westminsterresearch.westminster.ac.uk/item/q509x/the-press-national-elections-and-the-politics-of-belonging-in-nigeria.

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Nigeria, today, more or less operates under an intricate web of antagonistic ethnic colonies engaged in all-against-all, low-burning feuds everywhere across the land, nurturing puzzling existential questions. This study seeks to validate the notion that the press may have played a significant role in the promotion of the ethno-regional culture that has dominated Nigeria’s post-colonial politics. Studies on the effects of newspaper press have long established the significant role of the press in statecraft; however this study seeks to understand how the newspaper-press became complicit in the forging of a dysfunctional post-colonial political culture that makes identity politics a central electoral feature. In order to provide a historic understanding of ethnicised politics, the study deploys content analysis of nine newspapers over six federal elections from 1959 to 2011. But to unlock the present day construct of belonging, the study uses in-depth elite interviews with leading academics, politicians, and press owners and managers. The study finds that the press did indeed help to construct ethnicised political culture and identities. It directly links strong elite ethno-regional exclusionist politics with the press. However, the press neither acted alone nor was it always a willing accomplice. Press owners sold the soul of the press to service their own political interests, being often in cohort with political elites through common ethnic interests and power pursuit. Data from the study have forced fresh attention on the newspaper-press as an instrumentalised, predominantly urban-based elite-to-elite medium, and not in any measurable way a mass medium. The study proves that, in reality, Nigeria does not have a populist press. The study concludes with a proposition that the forum function of the press could still be deployed, from an agonistic perspective, to counter antagonism and re-imagine a more democratically productive ethno-federalist nation.

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Ukachukwu, Chris Manus. "New Testament Theological Foundations for Christian Contribution to Politics in Nigeria." Bulletin of Ecumenical Theology, 1989. http://digital.library.duq.edu/u?/bet,1417.

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Okorie, Ogbonnya. "The Ethical Implication of Separating Morality From Politics : Taking Cue From Machiavellian Political Ideas and The Nigerian Political Experience." Thesis, Linköping University, Centre for Applied Ethics, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-6776.

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The attention of this paper would be to assess critically the consequences of any conscious effort to separate morality from politics giving that morality constitutes an essential and integral part of any political culture. With this understanding it becomes controversial and worrisome for any one to suggest that morality can be divorced from politics and still make a success out of the entire business of governance. The concept of Machiavellianism presents a very big challenge to this possibility in politics. I would attempt to show the dangers inherent in such a calculated effort using the Nigerian political experience as a case study

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Ibeh, Martin Joe U. "Environmental ethics and politics in the developing countries : case study from Nigeria /." Paderborn : F. Schöningh, 2003. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39048352f.

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Ilu, Musa D. "The politics of knowledge and the discourse on development policy : the intellectuals and the State in Nigeria, 1984-1993 /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9998486.

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Thiele, Sarah. "Social capital and state repression in Nigeria." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=98586.

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This study seeks to explain the relationship between civic associations and attitudinal social capital---norms of trust and reciprocity---within the context of an authoritarian state. In contrast to many post-industrial nations, Nigeria boasts a vibrant civil society but seems to possess little attitudinal social capital. A deeper understanding of this relationship is offered by considering how an association's structure influences members' attitudes and how this relationship is impacted by a repressive regime. These relationships are tested using both statistical data and a qualitative study of three associations. The findings support the hypothesis that certain structural characteristics are more conducive to the fostering of attitudinal social capital but that the presence of state repression undermines this process. Furthermore, it is shown that pro-democracy associations are essential in creating the space necessary for trust and cooperation between citizens, even when they do not foster these norms amongst their own membership.

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Kingsley, Peter Alden. "Life extended : the intimate politics of the antiretroviral era in Northern Nigeria." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/9771.

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For more than thirty years, the HIV pandemic has caused immense harm across sub-Saharan Africa. From the middle of the last decade, however, a treatment revolution has been underway, as effective antiretroviral drugs (ARVs) have become available to millions of ordinary people. This thesis examines the far-reaching consequences of this new reality in Northern Nigeria. It argues that the significance of the ARV era cannot be fully understood simply by monitoring how many patients are receiving treatment, but instead must be explained in terms of the multifaceted changes it has driven in institutions and the lives of HIV positive people. This study uses ethnographic case studies and participatory methods to understand this new historical moment from ‘below’. It provides new empirical perspectives on how the ARV era has profoundly altered the ways in which HIV positive people suffer. The difficulties of daily life when subjected to opportunistic infections, side effects from drugs, and social stigma are compounded by memories of past trauma and fears for an uncertain future. Previous studies have indicated HIV positive people often form new relationships (e.g. Rhine, 2009), but rarely have these post-HIV relationships been described. This study argues that these new relationships, often distant from conventional family supervision, have a unique character, blending traditional forms with ‘modern’ ideas about romance. After a HIV disclosure, incomes and assets (particularly those reliant on family relationships) are often reduced. Along with the cost of treatment (broadly defined to include a range of curative practices), this forces those living with HIV to adapt their livelihood strategies, often using networks of solidarity between positive people. The process of lobbying for improvements in medical care is also explored. Both doctors and NGOs advocate on behalf of HIV positive people, but do so with strikingly different tactics and results. This has important implications for continuing debates about working ‘with the grain’ (Crook and Booth, 2011) for development in patrimonial states. In summary, whilst HIV treatment has saved the lives of millions, inventing drugs and getting them to the people who need them are merely the first steps in alleviating suffering. The thesis traces the most important tasks in securing wellbeing in the ARV era – those pursued by HIV positive people themselves.

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Emelifeonwu, David C. "Anatomy of a failed democratic transition : the case of Nigeria, 1985-1993." Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36587.

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This study is about the vicissitudes of democratisation in the context of neo-patrimonialism. It examines the aborted transition to democracy in Nigeria (1985--1993) by critically adopting the arguments proffered in the 'new institutionalism' literature. The key insight of the 'new institutionalism' approaches is that they neither privilege structures nor human agency. Instead they seek to explicate how pre-existing institutions and rules shape the choices of political actors. To this end, the 'new institutionalism' approaches lend themselves to a more comprehensive understanding of the processes of regime change.
The annulment of 1993, and the country's continuous failure to establish a viable democratic regime, can be attributed to the underlying political process in Nigeria, which puts an emphasis on capturing power for personal and sectional gains. Given this situation, political competition becomes a struggle of the survival of the fittest between those with power and those without. Thus, this study contends that the constitutive rules of a polity, while not determining the outcome of regime transitions, shapes actors' behavior towards specific goals and interests. The breakdown of the Babangida-initiated transition programme is an interesting example of this dynamic. The challenge to regime transitions therefore is understanding how inherited rules and institutions structure the political actors' choices. To meet this challenge an integrative approach is required for the study of regime transitions.

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Erhueh, Anthony O. "THE CONTRIBUTION OF CHRISTIANITY TO POLITICS IN NIGERIA A HISTORICO-THEOLOGICAL OVERVIEW." Bulletin of Ecumenical Theology, 1989. http://digital.library.duq.edu/u?/bet,1335.

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Mbagwu, Joy Oluoma Ezeji. "Globalisation and news media : the impact of the global news media on Nigeria." Thesis, Staffordshire University, 2011. http://eprints.staffs.ac.uk/1890/.

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The focus of this thesis is the impact of the global news media on Nigeria, and the extent to which it has affected Nigeria’s development and international relations. The unprecedented impact of the global news media in recent decades has been conceptualised as perpetuating underdevelopment and inequality in the developing countries. This study develops the idea that the kind of global news that flows into and out of Nigeria, coupled with the access Nigerians and the world have to the news, as well as the way it is packaged, shaped, represented and interpreted, have profound effects on Nigeria. The study integrates both quantitative and qualitative methodological approaches. It refers to and selects from various theories of International Relations (IR) and Mass Communication. It is apparent that there is a growing perception that the global news media have influenced Nigerian society. The study suggests that the effects of the global media on Nigeria are psychological, sociological, economic, cultural and political. The global news media are believed to be the best instruments for the purpose of stimulating global and transnational economic development and international relations. However, the benefits of media globalisation are unevenly shared and its costs are unevenly distributed, the main beneficiaries being the developed nations, while the developing nations (such as Nigeria) are disadvantaged. The study recommends the promotion and strengthening of the local media in Nigeria.

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Sandve, Oyvind. "Ethnic militias in Nigeria and their impact on democratic consolidation." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2441.

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Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2009.
As the ethnic militias increased in strength after the transition to democracy, voices were raised whether they could pose a threat to the consolidation of democracy. In order to understand the problems that ethnic militias pose for the consolidation of democracy we try to show how they were established and how they have influenced the consolidation of democracy in Nigeria. Further, we ask if the ethnic militias have outplayed their role in Nigerian society. The main results show that the ethnic militias arose because of necessity, in an environment where ethno-nationalism was prevalent because of a repressive state’s inability to take care of its own people. The violent activities of the ethnic militias was not good for democracy in the short run, but as a counterweight to the state the ethnic militias played an important role in what can be described as civil society taken up arms. This militarising of society seems to have forced the state to take the ethnic militias more seriously. Hence, it can be claimed that the ethnic militias served as a midwife to the current Nigerian transitional democracy. However, as the state recognised the ethnic militias as a part of the political realm, and not just violent groups, the legitimacy for the ethnic militias eroded. The Oodua People’s Congress (OPC), which was the most influential ethnic militias in Nigeria, has now changed its agenda, and has not gone back to being the socio-cultural organisation as they were formed as. There is an important role for the OPC and the Niger Delta ethnic militias as a counterweight to the state, but dialogue should be the main way of communication, as violence will only foster violence. It seems clear that the state needs to take the first step in order to make this happen. The conclusion is that ethnic militias have had, and still have an effect on the consolidation of democracy by holding the state responsible for its actions, and by punishing the state when it does not act according to its people’s wishes. It can be claimed that they forced out democracy by highlighting the flaws of the Nigerian state even if the way they operated, was not democratic. By highlighting corruption, lack of law enforcement and unnecessary use of force, they were able to bring down the authoritarian rule and make way for the transition to democracy. However, they do not seem to pose a threat to consolidation in the short term, rather they can have a positive effect, as they can act a counterweight to the ruling elite and other forces obstructing democracy. As we show, ethnic militias are and have been a part of civil society, and the focus of the future should be how to incorporate them into civil society, especially the Niger Delta ethnic militias as they are still active. Ethnic militias (except for some ones in the Niger Delta) were a brief phenomena in Nigerian history, and the focus should be on understanding the reason for them coming into being, in order to avoid it happening again. This thesis tries to give a holistic view of the Nigerian political situation. This thesis fills a gap in the literature concerning ethnic militias, by incorporating the most important factors into a framework. This makes it easier to make an accurate conclusion on how they have affected democracy, and questions the opinion that militias were only harmful to Nigerian development. It is the author’s opinion that this thesis will give scholars a more nuanced perspective of the ethnic militias, and lead to more accurate research in the future.

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Agboaye, Izilin Christiana. "Nigerian Military Government and Problems of Agricultural Development." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1985. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc504109/.

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This thesis attempts to analyze the military government's role in solving the country's agricultural problems. This analysis is essential because it was during the military's stay in power that Nigeria's potential as a selfsufficient and food exporting nation declined. Materials collected to analyze the above problems reveal that the military government's lack of adequate personnel to supervise and implement decisions taken on agriculture, unplanned schemes, and unresearched projects were partly responsible for the government's inability to solve Nigeria's agricultural problems. While it may be necessary to blame the military government for not being able to completely solve the country's numerous agricultural problems, the presence of global political and economic decisions seriously hampered measures taken by the military government.

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Chukwuorji, Perpetual Chinelo. "Contribution to a Study on Women Political Participation in Nigeria." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/21830.

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Dissertação de Mestrado em Estudos Africanos
Dissertation for obtaining a Master's degree in African Studies
Women political participation in Nigeria politics has been an issue of concern in the Nigerian society at large because women are poorly represented in both elective and appointment positions in the political system. The level of women’s involvement in their nation’s political activities is a topic that most academic researchers tend to discuss with rapt attention and concern. This Paper examined and analysed the efforts and challenges Nigerian women are experiencing in the political space. It went further to look into the participation of women in the pre-colonial, postcolonial and contemporary Nigerian politics. It also discussed the low participation of these women in politics and the social, political, cultural and financial challenges they encounter in their quest to participate or contest in leadership positions. Consequently, the quest to participate in political activities ought to be a voluntary act and not gender based. Citizens of every country, irrespective of their gender, social class or tribe should be able to exercise their civic rights without facing discrimination or being relegated to the background, especially in a democratic country like Nigeria where political participating is believed to be ‘‘ free zoned ’’ for all qualified citizens regardless of their gender. However, the reverse seems to be the case in Nigerian political system. It also discussed the gender inequality in the country’s political system which could be linked to certain cultural and traditional practices that have systematically conditioned and treated women as being inferior to their male counterparts. These ‘‘ practices ’’ could as well be perceived as some of the major factors obstructing the women folks from effectively participating in Nigerian politics. Finally, the paper pointed out some factors that hinder Nigerian women from actively participating in politics, hence provided some recommendations and measures that could be adopted to enhance the re-integration of women in the Nigerian political system.
A participação de mulheres na política da Nigéria tem sido questionada por setores socais, porque as mulheres estão mal representadas em cargos eletivos e nomeados no sistema político nigeriano. Portanto, o nível de envolvimento das mulheres em atividades políticas na Nigéria é um tópico que a maioria de pesquisadores acadêmicos tende a discutir com muita atenção e preocupação. No presente estudo trata-se de uma análise e uma reflexão acerca dos esforços e desafios que as mulheres nigerianas estão enfrentando no espaço político, bem como, interessa-se examinar a presença de mulheres na política nigeriana pré-colonial, pós-colonial e contemporânea. Discute-se, ainda, a baixa participação das mulheres nigerianas na política e os desafios sociais, políticos, culturais e financeiros que elas encontram ao pretenderem disputar cargos de liderança. Desta forma, a busca pela participação em atividades políticas deve ser um ato voluntário e não de gênero. Cidadãos de todos os países, independentemente do gênero, classe social ou tribo, devem exercer seus direitos cívicos sem sofrem quaisquer discriminações ou estarem relegados a segundo plano. Entretanto, parece suceder o oposto no sistema político nigeriano, pois apesar de ser uma democracia em que a participação política é considerada “free zoned” e todos possuem a qualidade de cidadãos. A desigualdade de gênero no sistema político nigeriano pode estar ligada a certas práticas culturais e tradicionais que sistematicamente condicionaram e trataram as mulheres como inferiores aos homens. Estas ‘‘práticas’’ também podem ser percebidas como alguns dos principais fatores que impedem as mulheres de participarem efetivamente da política nigeriana. Finalmente, o estudo aponta alguns fatores que impedem as mulheres nigerianas de participarem ativamente da política e além de fornecer recomendações e medidas que podem ser adotadas no sentindo de melhorar a reintegração das mulheres no sistema político daquele país.
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Jessen, Lone. "Corruption as a political risk factor for investors in the oil and gas industry, with specific emphasis on Nigeria : identification, analysis and measurement." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/20296.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The central research question of this study concerns how corruption as a political risk factor should be measured in order to provide an accurate assessment of the risk factor within the oil and gas industry. The aim is to answer this question with the aid and support of two sub-questions that have been identified as crucial in pursuing this research. The first sub-question conceptualizes corruption as a political risk factor specifically within the oil and gas industry. The second sub-question addresses the oil and gas industry-specific indicators of corruption as a political risk factor. The research embarks upon seven industry-specific indicators, by isolating the relevant national political structural and institutional framework, which has proved essential in identifying the level of corruption as a risk to the oil and gas investor. The indicators are regarded as the most salient variables that can measure the level of corruption as a political risk in a realistic and practical approach. The indicators are subsequently systemised into a matrix that is constructed with the aim of using it as a general measurement tool for oil and gas investors. The study argues that this measurement tool can be of use to the oil and gas investor as it contributes to businesses recognition and anticipation of corruption. The matrix is furthermore applied to the oil and gas industry in Nigeria, in an attempt to test the matrix, and in order to establish how and to what level corruption constitutes as a political risk factor for the oil and gas industry in this country. The result of the indicators demonstrates that the political risk of encountering corruption for the oil and gas investor in Nigeria is of a high level. This study provides a valid basis of constituting how corruption manifests as a risk for the oil and gas investor. Furthermore, the applicability of the matrix provides a practical utility and constructive assessment. This thesis provides a firm foundation for future research in this field.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die sentrale navorsingsvraag van hierdie studie handel oor hoe korrupsie as 'n politieke risiko faktor gemeet moet word om 'n akkurate bepaling van die risiko faktor binne die oilie- en gas industrie te maak. Die doel is om hierdie vraag te beantwoord met die hulp van twee sub-navorsingsvrae wat geïdentifiseer is essensieël on hierdie navorsing te voltooi. Die eerste sub-navorsingvraag konseptualiseer korrupsie as 'n politieke risiko faktor, spesifiek binne die olie en gas industrie. Die tweede sub-navorsingsvraag handel oor die industrie-spesifieke indikatore van korrupsie as 'n politieke risiko faktor. Die navorsing is gevestig op sewe industrie-spesifieke indikatore, wat geïsoleer word vanaf relevante nasionale politieke strukture en institusionele raamwerke, wat essensieël is in die identifikasie van die vlak van korrupsie as 'n risiko vir die olie en gas belegger. Die indikatore word beskou as die mees prominente veranderlikes wat die vlak van korrupsie as n politieke risiko kan meet, as 'n realistiese en praktiese benadering. Die indikatore word gevolglik geplaas binne 'n raamwerk wat gebou is met die doel om dit te bebruik as 'n algemene maatstaf vir die belegger in die olie-en gas industrie. Hierdie studie argumenteer dat die maatstaf gebruik kan word in die olie-en gas industrie, siende dat dit bydrae tot besighede se erkenning en antisipasie van korrupsie. Die maatstaf word verder toegepas op die geval van die olie-en gas industrie in Nigerië, met die doel om dit te toets en ook om vas te stel tot watter vlak korrupsie as 'n politieke risiko faktor vir die olie-en gas industrie teenwoordig is in hierdie land. Die resultaat van die indikatore dui daarop dat daar 'n hoë vlak van politieke risiko vir die olie-en gas industrie in Nigerië bestaan. Die studie verskaf 'n geldige basis om vas te stel hoe korrupsie in die olie-en gas industrie manifesteer. Verder, die toepaslikheid van die maatstaf verskaf praktiese bruikbaarheid en konstruktiewe meeting. Die tesis verskaf 'n stewige basis vir toekomstige navrsing in die veld.

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Dinneya, Godson Eze. "An analysis of the impact of democratization on debt-led growth : the Nigerian experience, 1970-2000." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007807.

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The debt-for democracy hypothesis is that undemocratic governments were largely responsible for not only the accumulation but also poor management of externally sourced capital resources. External borrowing had therefore failed to lead to growth of the economies of debtor countries under undemocratic political leadership. Despite this explanation of the debt problem conventional empirical analyses of the debt-growth relationship did not include political institutional variables. This study investigates the relationship between democratization and debt-led growth, using Nigeria, a typical debtor country whose politics was dominated by 'undemocratic ' governance, as a case study. Two broad research questions are investigated namely, whether available data support a negative or positive contribution of debt to the growth of the Nigeria economy during the period 1970-2000; and ifso was there any link between the levels of democratization in Nigeria and debt-led growth. Using a census of major political events in Nigeria around four dimensions of democratization, four primary indices of democratization and one composite index were constructed for the period. Using the Taylor (1983) marginal conditions to gauge the contribution of external debt to the growth of the Nigerian economy, the study found that external debt is capable of playing a double edged sword on the performance of the economy. Positive contributions coincided with the periods when Nigeria's oil dominated foreign exchange revenues were robust, and/ or when debt management strategies were better articulated and vice versa. The analyses of the link between democratization and debt-led growth using both correlation and regression techniques, yielded different results in two definitional contexts of debt-led growth. When defined purely in terms of the Taylor marginal conditions for a positive contribution of debt to the economy of a borrowing nation, the results support the pessimist view that democratization impeded growth. On the contrary, when debt-led growth was defined in a broader sense to incorporate variables such as domestic savings and investment, foreign direct investments, public and private consumption and debt burden, there was strong evidence that debt-led growth performed beller at higher levels of democratization than other wise. The result using the narrow definition was found to be a direct consequence of the overriding influence of export performance in the Taylor conditions. With Nigeria's exports almost entirely dominated by extractive industry the result derived using the narrow definition confirmed the theoretical links between natural resource endowment and regime type on the one hand, and external capital and the nature of the host country 's industry on the other. In the first resource dependence allowed the political leadership to be more detached and less accountable to the electorate since they did not need to levy taxes. Secondly foreign investors concerned with security of their sunk investments in the extractive oil induslly in particular favoured continuity of powerfol regimes with less democratic content. In both findings one thing was common: democratization was associated more with those factors whose decreases affect growth positively than with those whose increases improve growth. The conclusion from this is that the impact of democratization is stronger with negative than with positive growth factors. In other words, while democratization may be supportive of growth its greater impact appears to be in limiting the factors that themselves limit growth. To benefit from the favourable impact of democratisation on debt-led growth therefore the study suggests that improvements in the democratisation process in Nigeria is needed It identifies political education as central to this improvement. A model is developed to show how improvements in the political institutional framework may trickle down, through an enabling environment that is capable of engendering growth-enhancing domestic and international responses to lead in the direction of debt-led growth.

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Bersselaar, Dmitri van den. "In search of Igbo identity : language, culture and politics in Nigeria, 1900-1966 /." Leiden, 1998. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40124972c.

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Uche, Chibuike Ugochukwu. "Banking developments in pre-independence Nigeria : a study in regulation, control and politics." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1997. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1470/.

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This research is exploratory and is intended to help us understand the diverse interests and forces that helped shape various developments in the Nigerian banking industry, during the pre-independence era. The study investigates the activities of colonial banks in British Nigeria. Emphasis is placed on the dealings between these colonial banks and the Africans and the claim, by the Africans, that these foreign institutions were unhelpful to them. The motives and activities of the indigenous banks, subsequently established by the Africans, are also examined. Furthermore, the study investigates the different modes of bank regulation while Nigeria was a British Colony, studying the extent to which bank regulation in Nigeria has been influenced by that in other countries, and examining the complex role of banking sector regulation in a developing economy where banks have often been used overtly as instruments of political policy. Special emphasis is placed on the forces that helped shape the law and enforcement of banking regulation and the structure of the emergent regulatory institution. This research makes a contribution in a number of areas: (1) to our understanding of how banking regulation operates in a highly politicised environment (2) to our knowledge of the diffusion of banking practices and ideas and the significance of political control and social contact to the diffusion process and (3) to our appreciation of the forces shaping banking regulation over a long period.

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Anyanwu, Ogechi Emmanuel. "THE POLICIES AND POLITICS OF MASSIFICATION OF UNIVERSITY EDUCATION IN NIGERIA, 1952-2000." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1159589539.

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Coetzee, Wayne Stephen. "The role of the environment in conflict : complex realities in post-civil war Nigeria." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/20013.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Nigeria is a country that has witnessed ongoing – albeit sporadic – violent conflict since its independence in 1960 from Britain. A brutal civil war, known as the Biafra war, lasting from 1967 to 1970, was not to end social tensions in this ethnically diverse country. Violent conflict has been an ongoing reality since the end of the Biafra war in 1970. In addition, Nigeria has exhibited substantial environmental degradation and resource scarcity during this time. Hence, this study assesses whether environmental degradation and resource scarcity are independent causes of domestic violent conflict in Nigeria since the end of the Biafra war. Additionally, rich reserves of natural non-renewable resources – in particular the prevalence of oil – are analysed vis-à-vis the degradation and growing scarcity of renewable resources in order to consider the impact both these aspects have on post civil war conflict in Nigeria. In order to achieve this, this study concerns itself primarily with causation. It considers two aspects in this regard. Firstly, it evaluates the assertion that the environment is an independent cause of conflict. That is to say, it investigates the notion that the environment impacts independently on human behaviour. Secondly, it examines the components of the social structure that create conditions that manipulate the environment in such a way that conflict is the ultimate outcome. This study asserts that the agency-structure composite is important to understand in order to examine violent conflict and its relationship with the environment in Nigeria. This relationship-structure-cause premise is examined by using a complex theory framework. Consequently, importance is placed on the causal relationship between violent conflict, environmental degradation and scarcity, natural non-renewable resource dependency and the social, economic and political milieu in which this transpires. This study ascertains that severe environmental change can only be considered a cause of conflict when its impact is considered with other important factors such as economic and political anonymity, which – for the most part – create the milieu in which subsequent violent conflict is the outcome.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Nigerië is 'n land wat deurlopend kan getuig, alhoewel sporadies, dat daar sedert sy onafhanklikheid van Brittanje in 1960, geweldadige konflik was. 'n Brutale burgelike oorlog wat geduur het vanaf 1967 to 1970, het geensins die sosiale spanning ge-eindig vir hierdie etniese diverse land nie. Gewelddadige konflik is 'n deurlopende werklikheid sedert die einde van die burgeroorlog in 1970. Daarbenewens het Nigerië uitgestaan vir hul aansienlike agteruitgang van die omgewing en hulpbron-skaarste gedurende hierdie tyd. Vandaar hierdie studie om te bepaal of die omgewing se agteruitgang en hulpbron-skaarste 'n onafhanklike oorsaak is van binnelandse geweldadige konflik in Nigerië, sedert die einde van die burgeroorlog. Daarby, ryk reserwes van natuurlike nie-hernubare hulpbronne, in die besonder die voorkoms van olie wat betref die agteruitgang en die toenemende skaarsheid van hernubare hulpbronne, word ontleed ten einde die impak van hierdie twee aspekte op post-burgeroorlog konflik in Nigerië te oorweeg. Ten einde dit te bereik, gebruik hierdie studie oorsaaklikheidsleer. Daar is twee aspekte in hierdie verband wat in aanmerking geneem word. Eerstens is die bewering dat die omgewing die onafhanklike oorsaak is van konflik. Dit wil sê, dit ondersoek die idée dat die omgewing 'n onafhanklike impak het op menslike gedrag. Dit ondersoek, tweedens, die komponente van die sosiale struktuur wat die omstandighede skep wat die omgewing op so 'n wyse manipuleer, dat konflik die uiteindelike uitkoms is. Hierdie studie beweer dat die agent-struktuur verhouding belangrik is om te verstaan ten einde geweldadige konflik en die verhouding met die omgewing in Nigerië te ondersoek. Hierdie verhouding-struktuur-oorsaak uitgangspunt is ondersoek deur gebruik te maak van 'n komplekse teorie raamwerk. Gevolglik word die belangrikheid geplaas op die oorsaaklike verband tussen gewelddadige konflik, die agteruitgang van die omgewing en skaarsheid, nie-hernubare afhanklikheid en die sosiale, ekonomiese en politieke milieu waarin dit voorkom. Hierdie studie stel vas dat ernstige omgewingsverandering slegs oorweeg kan word as 'n oorsaak van konflik as die impak daarvan oorweeg word met ander belangrike faktore soos ekonomiese en politieke anonimiteit, wat, vir die grootste deel, die omgewing skep waarin die daaropvolgende geweldadige konflik die uitkoms is.

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Igbogbo, Iyere. "Western paternalism in Africa - A Comparative Case Study of Nigeria and The Republic of Niger on Gay Rights." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21170.

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This thesis examined the influence of Western paternalism on the adoption of gay rights by Nigeria and the Republic of Niger. It seeks to provide an answer to the research question: How has Western paternalism determined Nigeria and the Republic of Niger's positions on the adoption of gay rights? The opposition of gay rights is widespread among African countries, and existing research is yet to provide an encompassing explanation for the trend. This study used the Linkage and leverage theory of Levitsky and Way (2010) to expand on research gaps found in previous literature. This thesis argues that the position of African nations on gay rights depended on their Western Linkage and Leverage from Western and non-Western external powers. A comparative, qualitative analysis of Nigeria and the Republic of Niger showed that both countries have strong Western Linkage and Leverage from Western countries. However, Nigeria has been able to resist the pressure to adopt gay rights because of its alternative leverage with non-Western countries like China and its vast oil reserve. The findings also provide further theoretical insights into the linkage and leverage concept, and it makes recommendations for further studies.

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Lundmark, Emmy. "The Political Power of Women in Helon Habila's Waiting for an Angel." Thesis, Högskolan Kristianstad, Sektionen för lärande och miljö, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hkr:diva-10358.

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Ozoeze, Victor Anthony. "Ethnicity and Politics of Exclusion in Nigeria : Employing Rawls'Theory of Justice in Plural Societies." Thesis, Linköping University, Centre for Applied Ethics, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-2913.

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With an estimated 250 ethnic groups, Nigeria, no doubt, has been grappling with the problem of pluralism of ethnic nationalities. It is not news in Nigeria that extreme ethnic consciousness of its citizens has led to the victimization of one ethnic group by another. This victimization has come in the form of exclusions in the distribution of both wealth and power in the country.

Amidst all the exclusions, the unity of the country has been ironically regarded as sacrosanct, and should not be negotiated. It is often said that fate brought all the ethnic nationalities in order to form one great country. I subscribe to this belief that fate brought us together for the above purpose, especially now that several countries around the world are merging in one way or the other to form a formidable force to reckon with both politically and economically. Hence, “(ethnic integration) is the integration of capabilities. It develops the capabilities of the workforce… it offers opportunities for better synergy of skills”. However, it would be ethically unhealthy for the unity of the country not to be compromised under the present dispensation, which has been compromising in turn the basic moral principle of social justice. There cannot be any moral basis for the continued existence of a country like Nigeria, which as it were, has thrown equality of all citizens to the dogs.

Should the country remain united, it must do so by imbibing the culture of regarding all citizens, as well as, all ethnic nationalities as equal, and none should have more privileges than the others. Therefore, how can a plural society like Nigeria remain united as one indivisible country?

Rawls has offered some solutions to the problem of stability engendered by the pluralism of ethnic groups in Nigeria. His idea of ‘overlapping consensus of reasonable comprehensive doctrines’ in his Political Liberalism is capable of bringing back the country to the state of stability. There will be stability, if all forms of exclusion seize to exist in the Nigerian polity.

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Best, S. G. "Religion, politics and conflict in northern Nigeria : an historical analysis with two case studies." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.499864.

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Ferreira, Femi Francisco. "The politics of regionalism: An analysis of national integration problems in Nigeria (1979-1988)." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1991. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/AAI9310167.

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This dissertation examines the problems of national integration in Nigeria from 1979 to 1988. It is aimed at analyzing variables that may be responsible for the failures of national integration. In fulfilling this task, the researcher employed pluralism as the theoretical framework most appropriate in analyzing this study. The study was carried out through the use of both primary and secondary sources. To test our hypothesis, questionnaires were administered in Nigeria which yielded some demographic and attitudinal data. The respondents were regarded as knowledgeable on the issue of national integration in Nigeria. A discussion of the political history and an outline of Nigeria's ethnic rivalry provide the background for the study. Our findings revealed that the following variables impede national integration: Neocolonialism, Religion, Traditionalism, Colonial Legacy, Political parties, and Language. These findings support our hypothesis. The study also revealed the reluctance of the political leaders to work for unity in diversity. The study offered extensive recommendations in the areas of education, political organization and revenue allocation. The recommendation stressed the need for effective leadership in building a strong integrated nation. The researcher also recommended that further research be conducted seeking to find how the problems of national integration in Africa can be resolved.

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Kappo-Abidemi, Christiana Omolayo. "South African and Nigerian workers' perceptions of their trade union federations : a comparative analysis of the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC)." Thesis, Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11838/2085.

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Thesis (MTech (Human Resource Management))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2012.
South Africa and Nigeria are both African countries, while the former is located in the southern region of the continent, the latter can be found in the western region. The Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) is the largest trade union federation in South Africa with twenty-nine affiliate unions. The trade union federation entered into an alliance with the ruling African National Congress (ANC) government owing to their long-standing involvement in the struggle for freedom during the Apartheid era in South Africa. Conversely, the Nigeria labour Congress (NLC) is the only trade union federation in Nigeria with forty-two affiliates. Their political alliance is with the have the Labour Party. The study examines and compares the two trade union federations' administrative and leadership styles. Also, economic, political and social involvements of the unions are examined and members' perceptions with regards to these two union federations promote the interest of their members are compared. Quantitatively designed close-ended questionnaires were distributed to members of (COSATU) and NLC affiliates. The members were drawn from South Africa Municipality Workers Union (SAMWU), South Africa Democratic Teachers Union (SADTU), Nigeria Union of local Government Employees (NULGE) and Nigeria Union of Teachers (NUT). Various questions were asked about the trade unions federation's performances regarding some union-specific areas. Participants were required to grade the unions' performance based on their opinions with regard to assessment of their functions. This study also, discusses the unions' performances in the past, and relates it with their present activities, as well as areas, which union members hope to improve. Results from the questionnaire were coded, cleaned and cross-tabulated by using SPSS. A chi-square test of association was used to determine significant levels of association. Levels of significant differences were determined at p≥ 0.05. The overall result shows that workers still believe in trade unions activities and representation.

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Anigwe, Annette. "Perceptions of Women in Political Leadership Positions in Nigeria." ScholarWorks, 2014. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/28.

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Researchers have demonstrated that the Nigerian government has failed to protect women's rights and advance gender equality in political leadership; consequently, women's political participation in Nigeria remains low. Although international laws grant women political participation rights, little is known about the struggles and experiences Nigerian women face in their quest to participate in the political life of Nigeria. The purpose of this basic interpretative qualitative study was to explore and describe the perceptions and experiences of Nigerian women on gender equality and other issues affecting their political leadership. The theoretical framework used was Eagly's social role theory and Ayman and Korabik's leadership categorization theory. The research questions focused on how women describe their participation in the political sector and their obstacles. Ten purposefully selected Nigerian women in Nigerian political leadership were interviewed. Data analysis included coding, categorizing, and analyzing themes. The resulting 7 themes were underrepresentation, gender inequality, male dominance, women's empowerment, spousal support/approval, financial support, and legislation reform. The findings indicated that women were still underrepresented in the political sector of government and lacked full political power as they strived for equality to become political leaders. The implications for positive social change are to educate the public, inform policy makers, and create legislative initiatives to support an equitable society in Nigeria in which women can participate fully in the political process.

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Yusufu, Ali Simon Bagaji. "State building and constitutional politics in a multi-ethnic society : the Nigerian experience." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/4051.

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In response to competing group claims and the challenge to achieve pre-set triple national goals - recognising and accommodating ethnic diversity, achieving national unity and political stability, successive Nigerian governments from the colonial era to the present, have at various periods negotiated, constitutionalised and/or decreed state building strategies. This thesis offers detailed discussion and evaluation of some of these competing group claims and strategies using principles derived from the theoretical arguments of Michal Walzer, Charles Taylor and Will Kymlicka, and prescriptions based on the empirical arguments of Crawford Young, Eric Nordlinger, Donald Horowitz and Donald Rothchild. The thesis argues that some of the strategies adopted in response to the competing group claims were defensible in the very circumstances in which they were introduced, but were either not deep enough to offer an adequate political inclusion, or lacked the appropriate instruments that would have minimised recurrence of ethno-political conflicts and institutional instabilities. There were some strategies that either generated tension among groups, or were purely driven by strategic considerations for national unity, but were defensible. There were other strategies that were pragmatic at the very period they were adopted, but not defensible. The core theoretical finding of the thesis is that, the normative and empirical prescriptions validate the country’s various strategies for coping with diversity. However, application of some elements of the prescriptions in the Nigerian multicultural society has the potential to generate tensions leading to ethno-political conflicts and institutional instabilities. The important empirical finding of the thesis is regarding the role the inherent tensions between the triple national goals and the state building strategies play in the generation and recurrence of ethno-political conflict and institutional instabilities. The thesis argues that the underlying factors responsible for the prevalence of ethno-political conflict and institutional instabilities in the country include among others, the ascension of the military to power and its costly dominance of the political scene for about thirty five years, the immediate post-civil war period which coincided with the era of petroleum boom that created a deepening crisis of corruption, the perpetuation of large scale electoral and financial corruption, and manipulation of ethnic loyalties. Given the above underlying factors, this work observes that state building and Constitutional politics in Nigeria’s multi-ethnic society is a difficult task, especially taking into account the ethno-political conflicts and institutional instabilities associated with the Armed Forces over the years. On the basis of a detailed and interdisciplinary analysis, the thesis recommends constitutional and institutional safeguards for mitigating ethno-political conflicts and institutional instabilities in the course of future political development of Nigeria.

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Tenshak, Juliet. "Bearing witness to an era : contemporary Nigerian fiction and the return to the recent past." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/27349.

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The body of writing collectively referred to as third generation or contemporary Nigerian literature emerged on the international literary scene from about the year 2000. This writing is marked by attempts to negotiate contemporary identities, and it engages with various developments in the Nigerian nation: Nigeria’s past and current political and socio-economic state, different kinds of cultural hybridization as well as the writers increasing transnational awareness. This study argues that contemporary Nigerian fiction obsessively returns to the period from 1985-1998 as a historical site for narrating the individual and collective Nigerian experience of the trauma of military dictatorship, which has shaped the contemporary reality of the nation. The study builds on existing critical work on contemporary Nigerian fiction, in order to highlight patterns and ideas that have hitherto been neglected in scholarly work in this field. The study seeks to address this gap in the existing critical literature by examining third-generation Nigerian writing’s representation of this era in a select corpus of work spanning from 2000-06: Okey Ndibe’s Arrows of Rain (2000), Helon Habila’s Waiting for an Angel (2002), Sefi Atta’s Everything Good will Come (2005), and Chimamanda Adichie’s Purple Hibiscus (2006). The four novels chosen were written in response to military rule and dictatorship in the 80s and 90s, and they all feature representations of state violence. This study finds that, despite variations in the novels aesthetic modes, violence, control, silencing, dictatorship, alienation, the trauma of everyday life and resistance recur in realist modes. Above all, the study argues that contemporary Nigerian fiction’s insistent representation of the violent past of military rule in Nigeria is a means of navigating the complex psychological and political processes involved in dealing with post-colonial trauma by employing writing as a form of resistance.

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Shettima, Kole Ahmed. "Participation, gender and politics in institutions of rural reform, a comparative study in northern Nigeria." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1996. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/NQ41577.pdf.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Politics in Nigeria'

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