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Journal articles on the topic 'Politics in Nigeria'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 15 February 2022

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1

Pratten, David. "The Politics of Protection: Perspectives on Vigilantism in Nigeria." Africa 78, no. 1 (2008): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0001972008000028.

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Vigilantism has become an endemic feature of the Nigerian social and political landscape. The emergence of night guards and vigilante groups as popular responses to theft and armed robbery has a long and varied history in Nigeria. Since the return to democracy in 1999, however, Nigeria has witnessed a proliferation of vigilantism: vigilante groups have organized at a variety of levels from lineage to ethnic group, in a variety of locations from village ward to city street, and for a variety of reasons from crime fighting to political lobbying. Indeed, vigilantism has captured such a range of l

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2

Adetiba, Toyin Cotties. "Dynamics of Ethnic Politics in Nigeria: An Impediment to its Political System." Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies 11, no. 2(J) (2019): 132–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jebs.v11i2(j).2828.

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Without any form of prejudice, it is a fact that Nigeria is a multi-ethnic state with differences in its socio-political and economic development all of which have resulted in conflicts and counter conflicts. Ethnic politics in Nigeriaâ€™s political system have come to be a tragic and constant in Nigeriaâ€™s political system; where one must belong to the mainstream of ethnic politics for political relevance. It depicts attachments to the sub-national ethnic groups which threaten to undermine national integration and therefore divide the nation. Significantly, ethnicity in Nigeria was orchestra

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3

Umeanolue, Ikenna L. "Religious influences on politics in Nigeria: Implications for national development." OGIRISI: a New Journal of African Studies 15, no. 1 (2020): 139–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/og.v15i1.9s.

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The phenomenon of religious politics in Nigerian is an obvious one. In political aspects such as style of governance, policy formulations and the electoral process in Nigeria, religion has been a strong determining factor. However, the influence of religion on politics in Nigeria could be both positive and negative. In other words, as religion enhances national development, so also it could be counterproductive. This paper critically discusses the influence of religion on Nigerian politics especially in the post-independence Nigeria, with emphasis on the implications for national development.

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Ologbenla, Derin, and Waziri Babatunde Adisa. "Money-Bag Politics, Rent-Seeking And Flawed Elections In Nigeria: A Theoretical Statement." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 2, no. 1 (2012): 188. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v2i1.1682.

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The history of Nigerian politics is replete with money-bag politics. Although, there is hardly any country in the world where instances of bribery or political corruption are not present in their national politics, researches on Africa’s postcolonial history, have however shown that, in Africa, corruption is an institutionalized and a systemic practice affecting not only the postcolonial state itself, but also the majority of the citizenry. Using Nigeria, as a case study, this paper argues that since the 1964/1965 Western Region elections to the 2007 general elections, there has hardly been an

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Suberu, Ibrahim, and Sherif Yusuf. "Nigerian Politics and Politics in Nigeria: A Contemplation of Islamic Political Thought in Nigeria." Al-Milal: Journal of Religion and Thought 2, no. 2 (2020): 17–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.46600/almilal.v2i2.73.

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Democracy in Nigeria is characterised by corruption, irregularities and injustice. The level of political hostility in the country has resulted in loss of lives and properties and as a result, there have been hindrances to peace and national development to prevail in Nigeria. Hence, the ugly political developments have generated a lot of concerns and questions such as what are the causes of the political unrest in Nigeria? Is democracy really paying off as a political system in Nigeria? What has been the result of democracy in Nigeria? Can there be a better political system in Nigeria? If so,

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6

Eze, Malachy Chukwuemeka. "Ethno-Religious Struggle and Human Insecurity in the Fledging Nigerian Democracy since 1999." Society & Sustainability 3, no. 2 (2021): 16–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.38157/society_sustainability.v3i2.321.

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Religious and ethnic identity clashes laid the structure of the Nigerian state in 1914, which transmogrified into and characterized the struggle for control of power and distribution of national resources. This paper explores the nature and manifestation of these conflicts since 1999. It seeks to find out if ethno-religious struggles led to the emergence of major conflicts in Nigeria since 1999, their impact on human insecurity, and the influence of politics on the conflicts. This inquiry is designed in line with a one-shot case study, while literature survey and ex post facto methods were ado

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7

Ibrahim, Adebayo Rafiu. "The Apprehensions of Traditional Ulama towards Women’s Participation in Politics in Nigeria." Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies 52, no. 2 (2014): 331. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2014.522.331-350.

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<p>Throughout the political history of Islam, women played significant political roles in the affairs of muslim states. This, however, has not been the situation in Nigeria where muslim women are skeptical about their involvement in politics, seeing it as an exclusively male domain. This has been so probably because of the voice of ulama against women’s participation in politics or the general belief that politics is a dirty game which is not meant for women. The big question then is why do Nigerian ulama resist women’s involvement in politics? Further, would muslims not stand the risk o

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8

Oyekunle, Adegboyega O. "Political Corruption and the Future of Nigerian Politics." International Law Research 4, no. 1 (2015): 178. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ilr.v4n1p178.

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The purpose of this paper is to examine the effects of political corruption on the Nigerian society. It examines the future of the political status of Nigeria given the present experiences in the polity. The paper employs the analytic and critical method of philosophy, with a view to showing the influence of Machiavelli’s political philosophy on the Nigerian political elites. The central argument of this paper is that the interpretation of politics in the Machiavellian way, its adoption and practice by Nigerian political elites stand as the root cause of political corruption in the country.

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9

Ogen, Olukoya, and Insa Nolte. "NIGERIAN ACADEMIA AND THE POLITICS OF SECRECY." Africa 86, no. 2 (2016): 339–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972016000085.

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In this issue, Jeremiah Arowosegbe makes a number of valid and important observations about the challenges facing the humanities and social sciences in Nigeria. But while he recognizes the importance of the political sphere by discussing the unequal and asymmetric landscape of global knowledge production, he locates most problems of knowledge production in Nigeria within the academy. Focusing on individual and generational responsibility and morality, Arowosegbe also suggests that recent generations of Nigerian academics have been ‘complacent and nonchalant’ in their engagement with global the

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Ojebode, Ayokunmi O., and Idowu O. Odebode. "Onomastics, Medicine and Politics in Femi Osofisan’s The Engagement." Theory and Practice in Language Studies 9, no. 5 (2019): 494. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/tpls.0905.02.

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Onomastics, medicine and politics in this study are a pragmatic way of depicting the psychosocial condition of Nigeria as an underdeveloped nation. The study explores Femi Osofisan’s The Engagement from a literary onomastic standpoint with the aim of exposing socio-political anomalies in Nigeria. Nigerian leaders commit flaws of egoistical and individualistic interests which often go against the consciences of the led. On this premise, the study explores the characters’ names in The Engagement with a view to gaining insight into Nigeria’s sociocultural and political contexts. Furthermore, Post

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11

Omobowale, Ayokunle Olumuyiwa, and Akinpelu Olanrewaju Olutayo. "Chief Lamidi Adedibu and patronage politics in Nigeria." Journal of Modern African Studies 45, no. 3 (2007): 425–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x07002698.

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ABSTRACTSince the acceptance of multi-party democracy as the most viable alternative to autocracy and military rule in Africa, democratic rule has become the vogue. Nigeria's attempt at democracy was (and is) accompanied by patronage politics, whereby certain personalities exact great influence on the political process. This study spotlights Chief Lamidi Adedibu and his patronage style in Nigerian politics, and shows that Adedibu gained political ‘patronic’ prominence during Nigeria's Third Republic in the 1990s, through the provision of the survival needs of the poor majority who are, mostly,

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12

Ibrahim, Jibrin. "Political Transition, Ethnoregionalism, and the “Power Shift” Debate in Nigeria." Issue 27, no. 1 (1999): 12–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700503047.

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The Nigerian military has been engaged in a program of transition to democratic rule since 1985. The country’s military rulers developed “transition politics” into a strategy of transitions without end, a ruse to prevent democratization. Hopefully, Nigeria is now at the crossroads. One of the most important issues posed in the transition has been the ethnoregional one: Would entrenched ethnoregional forces allow political power to shift from the North to the South? It is not a new question in Nigerian transition politics.Two broad issues surface when ethnoregional domination emerges as a polit

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13

Suleiman, Ibrahim. "The Role of Women towards Political Participation in Nigeria." American Economic & Social Review 1, no. 1 (2017): 15–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.46281/aesr.v1i1.146.

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This study investigates the factors that limit women’s participation in Nigeria’s politics using case study period between 1999 and 2015, among these factors are socioeconomic development, the country’s cultural heritage, historical legacies and institutional designs. The study employs secondary source as a method ofdata collection. The study reveals that the patriarchal system and male domination of the society, which relegates women to subordinate role, has created women’s inferiority complex and alienated them from the mainstream politics in Nigeria. The Nigerian political culture of thugge

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Jatula, Victor. "Media Power and Nigeria's Consolidating Democracy." Journal of Development and Communication Studies 7, no. 1-2 (2020): 92–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/jdcs.v7i1-2.9.

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In emerging democracies with weak public institutions, low literacy level, deep-seated ethnic rivalry, and history of centralized, authoritarian rule; to what extent does media agenda-setting influence the political process? The press/politics nexus in consolidating democracies is critical to understanding intricate yet overlapping connexion between politics and development in the Third World. This study examined if media-power shape elections and regime outcomes in Nigeria? Using semi-structured interviews (and incorporating News-Game research tool), findings indicate that Nigeria's two-decad

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15

Omotosho, Babatunde Joshua. "Severing Corruption from Everyday Life." International Journal of Civic Engagement and Social Change 1, no. 3 (2014): 13–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijcesc.2014070102.

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One of the challenging scenarios regarding political landscape in developing countries has to do with corruption and Nigeria is not an exception. Politicians often tow the paths of corrupt practices (while preparing for election and upon assumption of political offices) due to a number of social and economic factors. Attempts have been made by different administrations in this country to severe these twin brothers (corruption and politics) in order to ensure a lasting democracy in Nigeria. In spite of these efforts, the success story is nothing to write home about. The questions therefore are:

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Ogheneruro Okpadah, Stephen. "Queering the Nigerian Cinema and Politics of Gay Culture." Legon Journal of the Humanities 31, no. 2 (2021): 95–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ljh.v31i2.4.

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The advocacy for gayism and lesbianism in Nigeria is informed by transnational cultural processes, transculturalism, interculturalism, multiculturalism and globalisation. Although critical dimensions on Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender (LGBT) are becoming recurrent subjects in Nigerian scholarship, scholarly works on LGBT, sexual identity and Nigerian cinema remain scarce. Perhaps, this is because of indigenous Nigerian cultural processes. While Chimamanda Adichie, a Nigerian novelist cum socio-political activist, campaigns against marginalisation and subjugation of gays and lesbians and

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17

Nweke, Innocent Ogbonna. "Ozo title institution in Igbo land in relation to politics in Nigeria: A comparative analysis." OGIRISI: a New Journal of African Studies 15, no. 1 (2020): 96–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/og.v15i1.6s.

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Politics, they said is a dirty game. One tends to disagree with this assertion because man is a political being and everything man does is all about politics. It depends on the intention, and how each plays his or her own. Ozo title is one of the political institutions in Igbo land. It will be worthy to mention that the Ozo title meant in this paper is the primordial or original Ozo title in Igbo land and not the adulterated Ozo title today. It is one of the institutions that helps in governance, controls different sectors of the Igbo man’s life and equally checkmates the excesses in the land.

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18

Kolawole, Aliyu, M., and Ikedinma Hope Amoge. "Political Elites and Politics of Exclusion as Challenges of Governance in Oyo State, Nigeria." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 11, no. 3 (2021): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v11i3.19005.

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This paper examined how political elites have excluded a number of people from partisan politics, and discussed the effect of the domineering role of political elites on good governance in Oyo state, Nigeria. The paper also examined the challenges that politics of exclusion pose on good governance in the study area. The study adopted primary and secondary data. For the primary data, in-depth interviews were conducted with ten purposively chosen respondents which comprised of former and serving lawmakers, party chairman, local government chairman, a labour leader, member of a social cultural gr

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19

Mimiko, Femi. "Census in Nigeria: The Politics and the Imperative of Depoliticization." African and Asian Studies 5, no. 1 (2006): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920906775768273.

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AbstractThis paper demonstrates that the persistent (mis)management of census is a key variable in the pattern of political instability and diminishing capacity that have defined the Nigerian State since it attained relative political independence in 1960. With roots in the highly exploitative and manipulative colonial enterprise, the crises of census in Nigeria continue to be sustained in contemporary times by the inherited contradictions that define the nation's political economy. Thus every past census in Nigeria has been a victim of intense elite contestation for power and resources, and t

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20

Dikwal-Bot, Diretnan. "Redistribution and recognition: An analysis of gender in/equality discourse on Nigerian female blogs." International Journal of Media & Cultural Politics 16, no. 2 (2020): 213–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/macp_00025_1.

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This article examines the dynamics of representation between cultural and economic forms of gender inequality on Nigerian female blogs. Through a thematic analysis of 253 comments retrieved from five female-authored blogs, I draw on prominent cases of gender inequality in Nigeria, such as ‘President Muhammadu Buhari’s position on his wife’ and the ‘rejection of the Gender and Equal Opportunities Bill’. The analysis showed that blog discussions among females in Nigeria suggest extensive intolerance to cultural change, especially in comparison to the more positive attitude towards redistribution

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21

Omisore, Bernard Oladosu. "Money, Politics and Corruption in Nigeria." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 3, no. 1 (2013): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v3i1.3157.

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Politics cannot be effectively played or carried out without money. Even in those ancient days when politics started, some form of money was involved. At least, money or forms of it, was used in moving from one place to the other. In fact, people involved in moving from place to place playing politics, spent money to buy food in places outside their places of abode. Again, money breeds corruption. The result of corruption is always money or money’s worth. There is no corruption anywhere in the world without some benefit to someone. And this benefit can usually be quantified in monetary terms.

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22

Oladipo Ojo, Emmanuel, and Olusanya Faboyede. "Theophilus Owolabi Shobowale Benson and the Making of Modern Nigeria." American Research Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 7, no. 1 (2021): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.21694/2378-7031.21011.

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Theophilus Owolabi Shobowale Benson, popularly known as TOS Benson, a prince from the Lasunwon Royal Family of Ikorodu, was one of the architects of modern Nigeria. A spirited nationalist, a pan–Nigerian nation builder, an inveterate antagonist of ethnic jingoism and a relentless crusader for the under–dog and the less privileged; TOS Benson made imperishable contributions to the growth and development of Nigerian politics and judiciary (law). This paper assesses the contribution of TOS Benson to the making of the Nigerian state right from September 1947 when he returned to the country from Lo

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23

Amiara, Amiara, Solomon, Dr Paul Uroku Omeje, and Dr Kennth Igbomaka Nwoikie. "Ethnic Politics and the Agitation for Restructuring Nigeria: Implication for National Development and Dialogue Initiative." Archives of Business Research 7, no. 10 (2019): 51–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/abr.710.7142.

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The evolution of NIgerian State is shrouded in cultural complexities that are built on linquistc variations and ethno-religious discontents. Asa a product of the British imperialism, the 1914 amaglmation of the northern and southern protectorates saw the emergence of what became an independent NigerianState on October 1, 1960. Thus, the activities of these imperialists led to the birth of Nigeria's naionalism which was couched in ethnic nationalism rather than true pan Nigerianism. This ethnocentrism has advertently deepened Nigeria's problems and led to the evolution of several regime system

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PhD, Patrick Oromareghake,, and Oluka, Nduka Lucas. "Youth in Contemporary Politics: Roles and Benefits in Nigeria." International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development Volume-3, Issue-2 (2019): 882–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31142/ijtsrd21518.

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25

Kirk-Greene, A. H. M. "Politics and administration in Nigeria." International Affairs 62, no. 4 (1986): 702–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2618623.

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26

WISEMAN, JOHN A. "Politics and Administration in Nigeria." African Affairs 86, no. 344 (1987): 442–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a097934.

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27

Ibelema, Minabere. "Nigeria: The Politics of Marginalization." Current History 99, no. 637 (2000): 211–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2000.99.637.211.

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Jostling for power by Nigeria's myriad ethnic groups has, for better and for worse, driven the country's political development since before independence from Britain in 1960. What is new is a rhetoric of the impossible: the marginalization of everyone.

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28

Smyth, Dion. "Politics and palliative care: Nigeria." International Journal of Palliative Nursing 22, no. 10 (2016): 518. http://dx.doi.org/10.12968/ijpn.2016.22.10.518.

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29

Oluwatosin, Olaniru, Olatunji s. Olusoji, Ayandele Olusola, and Olugbenga A. Popoola. "The influence of media on political knowledge amongst undergraduate students in Ibadan, Nigeria." Global Journal of Social Sciences 19 (March 27, 2020): 13–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/gjss.v19i1.2.

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Knowledge about politics and government activities increases due to the socialization and enlightenment functions of the mass media. Youths and students are the largest bloc of voters in Nigeria but seemingly least political informed. This study examines the frequency of the forms of media accessed and level of political knowledge among Nigerian students. It also assessed the relationships between political knowledge and access to radio, television, newspaper, and social media. Moreover, it investigated the predictive influence of the frequency of media access on Nigerian students’ political k

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30

Pratten, David. "‘The Thief Eats His Shame’: Practice and Power in Nigerian Vigilantism." Africa 78, no. 1 (2008): 64–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0001972008000053.

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Contemporary Nigerian vigilantism concerns a range of local and global dynamics beyond informal justice. It is a lens on the politics of post-colonial Africa, on the current political economy of Nigeria, and on its most intractable issues – the politics of democracy, ethnicity and religion. The legitimation of vigilante activity has extended beyond dissatisfaction with current levels of law and order and the failings of the Nigeria Police. To understand the local legitimacy of vigilantism in post-colonial Nigeria, indeed, it is also necessary to recognize its internal imperatives. Vigilantism

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31

Endong, Floribert, and Patrick Calvain. "Christian Resistance to Gay-Proselytism in a Secular Nigeria: Anathema or Social Heroism?" European Review Of Applied Sociology 8, no. 11 (2015): 6–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/eras-2015-0006.

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Abstract The criminalization of homosexuality in Nigeria has partially been inspired and acclaimed by a number of religious schools of thought, including Christian opinion leaders. Such an influence of religion on politics has been seriously questioned. Using observations and literary sources, this paper underlines the unconstitutionality of Christian antigay proselytism at the political sphere of the Nigerian State, anchoring its claim on the constitutional provision stipulating the secular character of Nigeria. It however interprets such a move (the “influential” Christian anti-gay proselyti

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Awotokun, Kunle, and Olu Okotoni. "Governance and the Executive – Legislative Relations since Nigeria’s Fourth Republic (1999 – 2019) and Beyond." Public Administration Research 9, no. 2 (2020): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/par.v9n2p28.

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The Year 2019 is very significant in the history of party politics in Nigeria. It marked a two decade of uninterrupted democratic regimes culminating in violent-free transition of political power from the defeated ruling political party, the People&rsquo;s Democratic Party (PDP) to the opposition Party-All Progressive Congress (APC). The cut-throat rivalries among the political parties, as represented in the Executive and legislature, have been responsible for the political instability of the previous republics. What has been responsible for the relative calm in the political space of Nige

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Anadi, PhD, Sunday K. M. "Politics and Religion vs. Law and Order in Nigeria: Implications for National and Regional Security." International Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Invention 5, no. 3 (2018): 4474–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.18535/ijsshi/v5i3.02.

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Since independence in 1960, Nigeria has grappled with the ominous challenge of building a sustainable bridge between its ever increasing populations divided not only along distinct multi-ethnic groups but also between two major diametrically opposed faiths [in content, structure, and tactics]- Christianity and Islam. The study was exploratory in nature, which adopted descriptive adequacy in articulating and examining the underlying alternatives factors that propel national politics and religious violence in Nigeria, thus producing a more comprehensive and total picture of the dynamics of the p

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Anyanwu, Ogechi E. "Crime and Justice in Postcolonial Nigeria: The Justifications and Challenges of Islamic Law of Shari'ah." Journal of Law and Religion 21, no. 2 (2006): 315–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0748081400005646.

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Nowhere, in recent times, has the question of the Islamic Law of Shari’ah produced such a crescendo of concern, posed such a challenge to the prevailing justice system, as in Nigeria. In "modern" societies, the criminal justice system not only produces social solidarity by reaffirming the society's bond and its adherence to certain norms, but also serves to legitimize the political authority of the state. In the postcolonial pluralistic society of Nigeria, the criminal justice system has been fundamentally influenced by the ascendancy of Western penology. During the era of European colonizatio

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Olubela, Afolabi, Olufunmilayo Iyunade, and Adeola Ogunsanya. "Youth Engagement in Nigerian Politics: Age and Gender Differentials (as Perceived by Ijebu-Ode Community)." RUDN Journal of Political Science 21, no. 3 (2019): 421–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2019-21-3-421-429.

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The importance of youth involvement in political and developmental processes of society can hardly be exaggerated. However, despite the large percentage of young people in Nigeria and the historical importance of intergenerational continuity with an emphasis on national identity, very little is really known about the degree of youth engagement in the country’s politics. Therefore, this study, in the form of a descriptive survey, analyzes gender and age differentials of youth participation in Nigerian politics. A random sampling technique was used in selecting 200 youths from 5 political wards

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Anzalone, Christopher. "Salafism in Nigeria: Islam, Preaching, and Politics." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 35, no. 3 (2018): 98–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v35i3.489.

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The global spread of Salafism, though it began in the 1960s and 1970s, only started to attract significant attention from scholars and analysts outside of Islamic studies as well as journalists, politicians, and the general public following the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks perpetrated by Al-Qaeda Central. After the attacks, Salafism—or, as it was pejoratively labeled by its critics inside and outside of the Islamic tradition, “Wahhabism”—was accused of being the ideological basis of all expressions of Sunni militancy from North America and Europe to West and East Africa, the Arab world

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Nwankwo, Cletus Famous. "Determinants of voter turnout in Nsukka Council of Enugu State, South Eastern Nigeria." Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series 45, no. 45 (2019): 109–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bog-2019-0027.

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AbstractVoting is becoming of significance in Nigeria, as in many other countries in Africa. Although Nigerian electoral politics has attracted full attention from scholars, there is little research on the factors that determine voter turnout in the country at the local level, especially the South-East geopolitical zone (GPZ). This paper is a stepwise logistic regression analysis of the determinants of voting in Nsukka council in Enugu State, South-East GPZ of Nigeria. The results show that age (0.230), education (0.532), marital status (1.355), political trust (1.309) and partisanship (˗0.570

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Schler, Lynn. "Seamen and the Nigerianization of Shipping in the Postcolonial Era." International Labor and Working-Class History 86 (2014): 124–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547914000131.

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AbstractThis article examines the impact that indigenization policies had on labor and on the cultures of work in postcolonial Nigeria. Scholars have studied indigenization in the context of nationalist politics, statecraft, and development in postcolonial Africa. However, we have little knowledge of how working classes experienced and interpreted indigenization schemes. Focusing on the indigenization of shipping, this article discusses both how Nigerian seamen anticipated the establishment of the Nigerian National Shipping Line and the actual impact of Nigerianization on their working lives.

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Dapo-Asaju, Harriet Seun, and Oludayo John Bamgbose. "The Quest for Restructuring the Nigerian Nation: Myth or Reality? The Role of Libraries in Amplifying the Debate." International Journal of Legal Information 47, no. 1 (2019): 13–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jli.2019.9.

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AbstractThe primary duty of library and information professionals is to render information services to their patrons. Although the information provided often shapes public opinion and could help in making informed decisions, librarians and other information professionals often steer clear of politics and the processes that lead to emergence of leaders, even though their activities could be greatly affected by the nature of those who emerge as political leaders. It is against this background that this research sought to take a look at the issue of political restructuring, which has been a burni

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Okunoye, Job Oluremi. "Effective Christian Religious Education in Nigerian Secondary Schools as a Mechanism for Sustaining Democracy in Nigeria." Christian Education Journal: Research on Educational Ministry 16, no. 2 (2019): 241–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0739891319833695.

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Nigeria is a nation that is morally and spiritually sick and her democracy is bedeviled with moral, social and political disorders. This article examines the role of Christian religious education in Nigerian secondary schools for the sustenance of democracy. There is a need to emphasize Christian religious education which upholds the principles of peace, non-violence and fair play in politics and elections into offices.

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Ajala, Aderemi Suleiman, and Olarinmoye Adeyinka Wulemat. "FROM KITCHEN TO CORRIDOR OF POWER: YORUBA WOMEN BREAKING THROUGH PATRIARCHAL POLITICS IN SOUTH-WESTERN NIGERIA." Gender Questions 1, no. 1 (2016): 58–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2412-8457/1545.

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Since the 1990s, a number of socio-cultural agencies have played a significant role in the rise of Yoruba women in civil politics. Amongst these are the increasing value of monogamy and womenâ€™s greater access to Western education; the culture of first ladies in government; and female socio-economic empowerment through paid labour. Despite their increasing participation, women are still marginalised in elective politics. Using the ethnographic methods of key informant interviews, observation and focus group discussions and a theoretical analysis of patriarchy, this article examines gender rel

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Ejembi, C. L., E. P. Renne, and H. A. Adamu. "The politics of the 1996 cerebrospinal meningitis epidemic in Nigeria." Africa 68, no. 1 (1998): 118–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161150.

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The 1996 cerebrospinal meningitis epidemic in Nigeria exemplified a medical situation that was linked with political concerns at the local, national, and international levels. It is argued that these political aspects must be understood, as they have implications for the treatment of future outbreaks. This article examines local attempts to stem the epidemic, on the basis of participant observation and epidemiological data collected from the north of Kaduna State. The epidemic is then considered in the national context: general deterioration of the health care system associated with economic d

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Okeke, Remi Chukwudi. "Politics, Music and Social Mobilization in Africa: The Nigeria Narrative and Extant Tendencies." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 86 (March 2019): 28–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.86.28.

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The impact of music on politics in Africa has seemingly remained dominant. But the overall sway of the African political processes has also become bewildering. The panacea to the disconcerting results of these political procedures in Africa is the adequate levels of social mobilization, while music ostensibly mobilizes massively. This chapter thus examines the linkages among politics, music and social mobilization in Nigeria (the most populous African country). Framed on the hypothesis that the relationship among politics, music and social mobilization in Nigeria (Africa) is now downbeat and u

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Enemuo, John-Paul Chinedu. "John Locke’s concept of state: A panacea for the challenges of Nigeria democracy." OGIRISI: a New Journal of African Studies 15, no. 1 (2020): 214–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/og.v15i1.14s.

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Nigerian form and practice of democracy is very faulty, ranging from the foundation to the very level of the actual practice of democracy. Most political office holders in Nigeria arrive at the corridors of power through avenues devoid of generally accepted standard of democratic principle, it is in Nigeria that one gets to hear and see that power is actually taken and not given as is provided by the principles of democracy. John Locke in his political theory presented consent as the bedrock of democracy and went further to outline the aims of civil government. Consequently, any civil governme

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Nolte, Insa. "Chieftaincy and the State in Abacha's Nigeria: Kingship, Political Rivalry and Competing Histories in Abeokuta During the 1990s." Africa 72, no. 3 (2002): 368–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2002.72.3.368.

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AbstractThis article investigates the relationship between chieftaincy and the state in modern Nigeria. It focuses on politics and the mythical history of kings in the city of Abeokuta and argues that, particularly during the 1990s, the royal politics of the town drew heavily on different versions of mythical history. The reasons are twofold. They concern, first, the traditional political discourse of Yoruba kingship, in which a king's legitimacy can be discussed in terms of the attributes of the royalpersonahe embodies. In this context, legitimacy and status are often discussed as the first k

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A.C.C. Ezeabasili, N. U. Dim, C.A.C Ezeabasili, and J. J. Obiefuna. "The Identification of Risks and its Criticality in the Nigeria Construction Industry." International Journal of Engineering and Management Research 11, no. 1 (2021): 58–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31033/ijemr.11.1.9.

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Failure in project delivering can be attributed to many risk events in the Nigerian Construction Industry. This risk could be as a result of the dynamic, sensitivity, and complexity of the construction Industry towards its environment, socio-political, economic, technology, and cultural variables in Nigeria. Nevertheless, the low level of Risk Management in Nigeria construction Industry, and the little understanding and knowledge of the subject by Project Stakeholders prompt this study. A quantitative method of research was carried out, and among the sixty (60) questionnaires administere

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Nwagbara, Uzoechi. "Earth in the Balance The Commodification of the Environment in and." Matatu 40, no. 1 (2012): 61–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-040001005.

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Tanure Ojaide and Niyi Òsundare are among the foremost politically committed Nigerian poets at present. The overriding concern in virtually all their literary works is commenting on the politics of the season. In Òsundare's words, poetry is “man meaning to man.” For Ojaide, a creative writer is not “an airplant” that is not situated in a place. Both writers envision literature should have political message. Thus, in Òsundare's collection (1986) and Tanure Ojaide's (1998) the major aesthetic focus is eco-poetry, which interrogates the politics behind oil exploration in Nigeria as well as its co

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Chukwuemeka, Emma, and Sunday C.Eze. "Democratization and Women’s Political Space in Nigeria: A Critical Appraisal." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 1, no. 1 (2011): 219. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v1i1.746.

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The study investigates the extent women participate in politics in Nigeria. Abia and Imo states were closely studied. Two hypotheses were formulated. The instruments used for data collection were questionnaire, interview and focus group discussion. A total of 354 copies of questionnaire were distributed, out of this number, 349 copies were completed and returned by the respondents. Z-test statistical tool was used to analyze the data, Based on the analysis, the major findings revealed that violence against women deter women from getting actively involved in politics in Nigeria. Also culture an

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Daly, Samuel Fury Childs. "Policing and the Limits of the Political Imagination in Postcolonial Nigeria." Radical History Review 2020, no. 137 (2020): 193–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-8092858.

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Abstract Nigeria’s police forces are famously ineffective and unpopular. Police agencies carry the dual stigma of having colonial origins and close connections to the military dictatorships that ruled Nigeria in its first forty years of independence. Despite their poor reputation, there is little political will to reform policing and virtually none to abolish it. This piece traces how the police are embedded in Nigerian society and politics, in order to understand why widespread dislike of a police force does not necessarily lead to calls for its dissolution.

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Bin Othman, Muhammad Fuad, Osman Binti Nazariah, and Isah Shehu Mohammed. "Restructuring Nigeria: The Dilemma and Critical Issues." Journal of Business and Social Review in Emerging Economies 5, no. 1 (2019): 79–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.26710/jbsee.v5i1.567.

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Objective: The main objectives of this paper are to explore the critical issues in the agitations/calls for restructuring Nigeria. A conceptual model is used and critical issues identified as influenced by many factors and interests with a special reflections on the background history, geography, heterogeneity and politics of the Nigerian state. Methodology: Secondary sources of data were used to and historical documentation method of data analysis was also used to analyse the data. Results: There are severally identified issues which are critical to and must be squarely addressed

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