Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Politics Personalization'

There is a significant number of politicians around the globe who demonstrate the conventions of personal style in their political agenda. Norway’s Prime Minister, Jens Stoltenberg or United States’ President, Barack Obama is a few examples. Personalization of politics was reflected through their Twitter account in the notion of content, pictures, and language tone. In the Indonesian political context, Ridwan Kamil became visible as a prominent leader and received immense popularity on Twitter. Social media platforms have changed the way politicians and citizens interact. They are a platform where individuals and communities share, co-create, discuss, and modify user-generated content. Especially with Twitter, certain features such reply, retweet, and hashtag are powerful tools to integrate their political value and construct their persona on Twitter.  This research is conducted by using mixed-method methodologies. The results from content analysis and discourse analysis will complete each other. The results of the content analysis have shown that what Kamil shares on his Twitter profile is mostly about his philosophy about good governance; social media has become a shortcut in the bureaucracy process and at the same time he manages to seem ordinary and authentic with sharing his personal preferences about music or popular culture phenomenon. Discourse analysis is complementing these findings by showing how Kamil deploys language to produce a certain identity. Kamil is crafting his social media skills and shifting from formal to informal tone at every occasion and construct his persona as professional, fun, and caring. All of these results are important inquiries to describe the politician’s presence on Twitter. As the effect of truth, the Twitter user can still relate to Kamil as an ordinary human being. Focusing on the extent to which the content and users’ personality re-fashion political marketing, the study propose how politician integrate their political value and construct their persona on Twitter. As social media grows globally, the phenomenon of politics and social media also appears in Indonesian political sphere especially Twitter as a new space to offer political rhetoric, posturing, and presentational techniques for political agendas.

Tradicinė žiniasklaida vis dar yra populiariausia komunikacinė sistema, tačiau pasaulinis interneto voratinklis taip pat tapo plačiai naudojama komunikacine erdve, neatskiriama politinės komunikacijos dalimi. Internetinėje erdvėje svarbiausia yra ne tai, kiek politiniai reklamai išleidžiama lėšų, o politikų idėjos ir nuostatos, partijų ideologija ir argumentai. Vadinasi, politikų galimybės internete tampa lygios. Interneto suteikiama galimybė vykti abipusei komunikacijai tarp politikų ir visuomenės, naudotis daugybe naujų įrankių, naujų informacijos keitimosi būdų keičia politinę komunikaciją. Tinklaraščiai pakeitė politinių požiūrių funkcionavimą viešojoje erdvėje. Joje dominuoja politinis vertybinis kontekstas, neveikia racionalūs argumentai, nes politika – tai vertybinių pozicijų susidūrimas, kur oponentas visada turi būti nugalėtas. Politikų tinklaraščiuose visada pateikiamas atitinkamas politinis požiūris, kuris gali būti paprastų ir visiems suprantamų, į vertybes apeliuojančių tezių rinkinys. Remiantis iškeltomis hipotezėmis, kurios pasitvirtino, darbe prieita prie šių išvadų: 1) Motyvai, skatinantys Lietuvos politikus naudotis tinklaraščiais, yra itin patobulėjusios „virtualiosios“ politinės komunikacijos technologijos, politikų polinkis neatsilikti nuo išsivysčiusių šalių praktikos šioje srityje. 2) Lietuvos politikų poreikis naudotis tinklaraščiais yra daugiau išorinis, veikiau „padiktuotas“ užsienio mados, o ne gilaus vidinio įsitikinimo. Dauguma jų į tinklaraščius... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]
The Internet usage forms in political communication constantly change and improve. One of them is blogs. According to S. Herring, most scholars agree that the blog is the most relevant form of communication using PC. Most researches of the last decade were designated for the research of the impact of political blog on mass media and a blog as a form of political participation. Researches also reflected motives for writing in blogs. Findings of scholars who analyzed political communication demonstrated that the greatest motive for politicians to write in blogs is a possibility to set out their ideas and get into a dialogue with groups of citizens who support them. The first researches of blogs were the blog writers. The most prominent of them are D. W. Drezner, H. Farrell, M. Hindman, R. Blood, D. Burstein and etc. This Master thesis analyzes application of blogs – a new and modern (and becoming more and more modern) means of communication – in communication of the Seimas members with citizens, the approach to importance of the usage of blogs in political communication and importance to formation of political society and public spirit is introduced. Besides the paper tries to analyze possibilities of members of the Seimas to communicate with citizens via the Internet, their attitude towards blogs as a way of political communication and to establish the reasons and peculiarities for usage of new „virtual“ form of communication and assess their motives and actions. The goals set... [to full text]

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O presente trabalho tem por objetivo discutir a personalizaÃÃo da polÃtica por parte dos representantes ao longo do mandato. Analisa-se como a utilizaÃÃo de media digitais tem participaÃÃo nesse fenÃmeno. Explora-se como agentes do campo acabam se apropriando dessas redes digitais para aumentar sua visibilidade, atravÃs da promoÃÃo da prÃpria imagem, a fim de influenciar favoravelmente a opiniÃo pÃblica. Esses meios sÃo frequentemente encarados com o potencial de aproximar a polÃtica dos cidadÃos, aumentando o engajamento da esfera civil. Examinando os perfis pessoais de dois deputados federais no Twitter â Marco Feliciano (PSC-SP) e Jean Wyllys (PSOL-RJ) â, busca-se estudar o uso ―personalizado‖ dos media digitais por estes agentes polÃticos. Para isso, foram coletados e estudados os tweets publicados nos meses de setembro, outubro e novembro de 2013, a fim de contemplar os perfis dos dois parlamentares de maneira mais contÃnua, sem se restringir a um acontecimento especÃfico, enfatizando-se os perfis dos diÃlogos travados entre os parlamentares e os usuÃrios. Para classificaÃÃo dos tweets, utilizou-se anÃlise de conteÃdo das mensagens na tentativa de dimensionar a gestÃo de imagem dos deputados a partir do que foi publicado em seus perfis. A anÃlise das mensagens revelou uma composiÃÃo de uma imagem pÃblica de dois deputados bastante integrados com as novas tecnologias e que, pelo menos na aparÃncia, estÃo dispostos a manter um diÃlogo direto com os cidadÃos. Ao gerenciarem suas imagens pÃblicas, tÃm-se principalmente os deputados falando sobre as posiÃÃes detidas e realizaÃÃes pessoais, ligando, por vezes, a vÃrias remodelaÃÃes e compromissos que ocorrem no seu cotidiano. Portanto, trata-se de uma informaÃÃo pessoal, mas de natureza profissional e nÃo oferece a seus seguidores um senso do processo polÃtico interno para a tomada de certas decisÃes. PorÃm, Ã inegÃvel que a utilizaÃÃo de ferramentas digitais aproxima representantes e representados e, por consequÃncia, tambÃm aproxima o discurso polÃtico da sociedade, ainda que as trocas sejam limitadas.

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A presente dissertação objetiva buscar e analisar evidências de personalização da política, ou seja, a valorização de características pessoais em detrimento de ideias ou ideologias partidárias, no contexto do parlamentarismo britânico. Apesar de não ser um conceito novo, a personalização se amplia na atualidade, em uma sociedade altamente mediada pelos meios de comunicação. O que vertebra o trabalho é a hipótese de que o parlamentarismo tende a uma “presidencialização”, assumindo, como já comprovado neste sistema de governo, características cada vez mais personalistas, contrariando sua essência de foco nas estruturas e na ordem partidárias. Neste contexto, é seguro dizer que fatores comunicacionais interferem e podem ser determinantes na condução de um processo eleitoral – mesmo no parlamentarismo – com os veículos de comunicação direcionando sua cobertura a elementos personalizados. Assim, os media se comportariam ora como palcos, ora como atores políticos, favorecendo a tendência de americanização das campanhas ao redor do mundo, com a desideologização das disputas e a declínio da identificação partidária como consequências comuns, elementos da chamada “nova ambiência eleitoral”. A metodologia utilizada foi a análise de conteúdo categorial, que englobou 66 publicações dos periódicos britânicos The Times e The Guardian durante a semana anterior às Eleições Gerais ao Parlamento britânico em 2015. As matérias foram classificadas em quatro categorias: ênfase em pessoas, com a personalização sendo evidenciada no lugar de outros conteúdos; ênfase nos partidos, destacando os textos que priorizaram tratar de temáticas partidárias e ideológicas; ênfase em políticas públicas, ressaltando notícias que abordaram tópicos de interesse geral da população, como saúde ou educação; por fim, foram agrupadas as matérias que tiveram ênfase na própria disputa eleitoral, com a publicação de resultados de pesquisas eleitorais ou possibilidades. Conjuntamente adotou-se a metodologia desenvolvida pelo Laboratório de Pesquisa em Comunicação Política e Opinião Pública (Doxa) do atual IESP-UERJ. O modelo leva em consideração a valência, ou seja, a orientação positiva, negativa ou neutra das coberturas jornalísticas, o que permitiu identificar o posicionamento de cada um dos jornais em cada categoria.
This dissertation intends to seek and analyze evidences of personalization of politics, that is, the enhancement of personal characteristics rather than ideas or party ideologies, in the context of the British parliamentary system. Despite of not being a new concept, personalization is extended today in a highly mediated society by the media. What guides the work is the hypothesis that the parliamentary system tends to a "presidentialization", assuming, as already checked in this system of government, increasingly personalistic characteristics, contradicting its core focus on the structures and the party order. In this context, it is safe to say that communication factors interfere and can be decisive in the conduct of an electoral process – even in parliamentarism – with the media coverage targeting personalized elements. Thus, the media would behave sometimes as stages, sometimes as political actors, encouraging the americanization trend in campaigns around the world, with the lack of ideologization of disputes and the decline of party identification as common consequences, elements of the called "new electoral ambience". The methodology applied was the categorical content analysis, which included 66 publications of the British newspapers The Times and The Guardian during the preceding week to the general elections to the British Parliament in 2015. The publications were classified into four categories: emphasis on people, with customization being shown instead of other content; emphasis on the political parties, highlighting the texts that prioritized dealing with partisan and ideological issues; emphasis on public policies, highlighting news that address topics of general interest of the population, such as health or education; finally, the subjects who had an emphasis on the electoral dispute itself, with the publication of results of opinion polls or possibilities, were grouped. At the same time it was adopted the methodology developed by Research Laboratory of Political Communication and Public Opinion (Doxa) of the current IESP-UERJ. The model takes into account the valency, that is, positive, negative or neutral orientation of news coverage, which allowed us to identify the position of each of the newspapers in each category.

SILVA, Fernando Wisse Oliveira. Personalização da representação política: um estudo sobre as estratégias de comunicação dos deputados Marco Feliciano e Jean Wyllys no twitter. 2015. 283f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Comunicação Social, Fortaleza (CE), 2015.
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O presente trabalho tem por objetivo discutir a personalização da política por parte dos representantes ao longo do mandato. Analisa-se como a utilização de media digitais tem participação nesse fenômeno. Explora-se como agentes do campo acabam se apropriando dessas redes digitais para aumentar sua visibilidade, através da promoção da própria imagem, a fim de influenciar favoravelmente a opinião pública. Esses meios são frequentemente encarados com o potencial de aproximar a política dos cidadãos, aumentando o engajamento da esfera civil. Examinando os perfis pessoais de dois deputados federais no Twitter – Marco Feliciano (PSC-SP) e Jean Wyllys (PSOL-RJ) –, busca-se estudar o uso ―personalizado‖ dos media digitais por estes agentes políticos. Para isso, foram coletados e estudados os tweets publicados nos meses de setembro, outubro e novembro de 2013, a fim de contemplar os perfis dos dois parlamentares de maneira mais contínua, sem se restringir a um acontecimento específico, enfatizando-se os perfis dos diálogos travados entre os parlamentares e os usuários. Para classificação dos tweets, utilizou-se análise de conteúdo das mensagens na tentativa de dimensionar a gestão de imagem dos deputados a partir do que foi publicado em seus perfis. A análise das mensagens revelou uma composição de uma imagem pública de dois deputados bastante integrados com as novas tecnologias e que, pelo menos na aparência, estão dispostos a manter um diálogo direto com os cidadãos. Ao gerenciarem suas imagens públicas, têm-se principalmente os deputados falando sobre as posições detidas e realizações pessoais, ligando, por vezes, a várias remodelações e compromissos que ocorrem no seu cotidiano. Portanto, trata-se de uma informação pessoal, mas de natureza profissional e não oferece a seus seguidores um senso do processo político interno para a tomada de certas decisões. Porém, é inegável que a utilização de ferramentas digitais aproxima representantes e representados e, por consequência, também aproxima o discurso político da sociedade, ainda que as trocas sejam limitadas.

There has been a digital transformation of the political public sphere. The political conversation is now taking place on multiple social media platforms and information is filtered through a new kind of gatekeeper, the influencer. The aim of this thesis is to describe how the public political conversation is framed in the Youtube-series Partitempen, and if deliberative discussion is taking place in the comment section. And whether the deliberative discussion is derived from the conversation in Partitempen or not. To answer the research questions two methods are used. A deductive qualiative tematic analysis, which applies the theory personlization of politics on the conversation between party leader and influencer in Partitempen. As well a content analysis based on the concept of deliberative discussion is used to research the comment section. To conclude, the conversation in Partitempen is framed around the themes in described in personalization of politics. New dimensions between themes appear by using the qualitative resarch approach. One of them is ’the role of the party leader’ which focuses on the change of private life when beeing a party leader. The other is that the ’private life is used as a benchmark for the party leaders’ own political stand. The result from the content analysis show that deliberative discussion is taking place in the comment section. The most common topic is substansive questions reagarding politics, and that those often derives from the conversation in Partitempen.

This study explores the phenomenon of personalization within the political sphere. More specifically, it aims at exploring the strategical personalization of Swedish party leaders during the national election campaign of 2018. A further aim is to generate theoretical contributions to the area of personalization. As empirical material, the social media updates of three party leaders are analyzed under the period of 13 weeks before the election day, using a mixed methodological approach for an in-depth qualitative study. Regarding methodologies, grounded theory and coding is employed along with a rhetorical analysis that enable a systematic analysis of visual messages. The result indicates that the studied party leaders portrayed themselves as an integrated part of society, mediating a sense of presence and acknowledgement of the voters. In addition to this, the party leaders presented themselves as ordinary people and unified with the voters. The result also points to the practice of mediating a sense of social and cultural status, involving influencers in the communication and stepping into roles outside of the explicitly political arena. In terms of theoretical contributions, the generated theory contributes in the sense that it offers additional dimensions to the notion of "self-presentation", which is recognized as a common theme among prior theories. According to prior theories, individual politicians presents themselves as professional politicians and ordinary human beings. While the generated theory supports this perspective, it also highlights the aspect of intentionally integrating the voters into the self-presentations of individual politicians. Moreover, the generated theory emphasizes the perspective of social and cultural significance when regarding self-presentations of representatives.

The current study set out to shed light on the performances that 2016 US presidential candidates used during their interventions on the late-night comedy shows. Following the methodologies ofCritical Discourse Analysis, the aim of the thesis was to uncover and, therefore, analyze, the type of discourses that candidates used in the shows and how they combined them. There was establisheda special focus on the rhetorical styles used by each candidate, as well as the emotional content ofthe discourses, unexpected situations and comedy performances, with the aim to find the elements which lead to virality. This study reveals the rhetorical strategies used by politicians through ananalysis of the political and personal discourses they used in late-nigh comedy shows. According tothe results, the political discourse is most prevalent during the interview than the personal, which isused to start conversations and evoke personalized emotions. The study provides insights upon the elements found in politicians’ discourses on the late-night circuit that lead to achieve virality on social media.

Dissertação de Mestrado em Ciência Política
A comunicação política e, principalmente, a comunicação eleitoral evoluíram substancialmente desde 1975 quando decorreram, em Portugal, as primeiras eleições democráticas da Terceira República. Pretendemos caracterizar precisamente a evolução da comunicação eleitoral em campanhas eleitorais para as eleições legislativas tendo por base a avaliação dos cartazes eleitorais dos quatro principais partidos políticos. Avaliaremos o impacto que a personalização, a ideologia e o tipo de argumentos a que os partidos recorreram, assumiram no processo de comunicação dos principais partidos e dos principais candidatos a primeiro-ministro. Pretendendo saber se, em Portugal, neste suporte de comunicação, se confirma a tendência geral de perda da componente ideológica, a par com uma crescente personalização.
The political communication and, in particularly, electoral communication have developed a lot since 1975 when occurred, in Portugal, the first democratic elections of the Third Republic. We pretend to characterize, precisely, the evolution of the electoral communication in electoral campaigns based on the outdoors of the main four political parties. We will evaluate the impact of the personalization, the ideology and the type of arguments that the parties used, trough the process of communication of the principal parties and the main candidates to prime-minister. We also want to measure if, in Portugal, trough the outdoors we confirm the general tendency of decreasing of the ideological component in the communication, as well as, an increasing growth of the effect of personalization.

El objetivo principal del estudio es analizar la construcción de la marca de outsider del candidato a la presidencia del Perú Julio Guzmán como estrategia para consolidar la imagen de un líder político. Los líderes políticos deben tener en cuenta que la imagen personal no solo transmite mensajes, sino que también influye en las emociones del público. Este artículo se propone explicar la importancia de la creación de una marca como una estrategia dentro de los escenarios de la comunicación política. Asimismo, la presente investigación resalta el valor de la marca personal de un líder político y demuestra que ésta puede generar una identificación con el público, siendo capaz de transmitir ideas y emociones que ayudan a influir en el electorado. Con ayuda de un análisis cualitativo esta investigación se propuso demostrar la existencia de una relación entre la marca personal de outsider creada por Julio Guzmán y su plan comunicacional a través de la comunicación no verbal a la hora de transmitir su mensaje político.
The main objective of the study is to analyze the construction of the brand outside the candidate for the presidency of Peru Julio Guzmán as a strategy to consolidate the image of a political leader. Political leaders must keep in mind that the personal image not only transmits messages, but also influences the emotions of the public. This article aims to explain the importance of creating a brand as a strategy within the scenarios of political communication. Likewise, this research highlights the value of the personal brand of a political leader and demonstrates that it can generate an identification with the public, being able to convey ideas and emotions that help influence the electorate. With the help of a qualitative analysis, this research aimed to demonstrate the existence of a relationship between the personal brand outside created by Julio Guzmán and his communication plan through non-verbal communication when transmitting his political message.
Tesis

Den här uppsatsen är en studie om hur politiker ser på bloggen som ett politiskt verktyg. I dagens samhälle har tekniken öppnat upp för nya kommunikationskanaler och internet har blivit en plattform för interaktion. Bloggen har skapat nya möjligheter för politikern att sprida budskap till medborgarna och medierna eftersom den ger politikern kontroll över det egna ordet. Syftet är att undersöka på vilket sätt politiker i Kungsbacka kommun på lokal-, regional- och riksnivåanvänder sig av bloggar, och hur de ser på bloggen som verktyg för att sprida budskap, skapa opinion och ha kontroll över ordet. Studiens frågeställningar är: Hur ser innehållet på bloggarna ut, vad är politikerns syfte med bloggen, och hur ser interaktionen med medborgarna ut på bloggarna. I studien har vi använt flera teorier som ligger inom medie- ochkommunikationsvetenskap med fokusering på politisk kommunikation. Dessa teorier är kommunikationsteorin, politisk kommunikation, professionalisering, personifiering, medialisering, dagordningsteorin, opinionsbildning och gatekeepingteorin. Undersökningen bygger på kvalitativa samtalsintervjuer med politiker i Kungsbacka kommun. Vi har även gjorten kvantitativ innehållsanalys av dessa politikers bloggar. Studien visar att samtliga politiker serbloggen som ett verktyg att sprida sina budskap med. De beskrev bloggen som enenvägskommunikation som används för att direkt påverka medborgarna eller för att påverka mediers dagordning, och på så sätt påverka medborgarna indirekt. Interaktionen med medborgarna genom bloggen förekom sällan.

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A adaptação do campo político à lógica da mídia trouxe implicações graves à representação democrática. Autores como Schwartzenberg (1977), Leal (2002) e Gomes (2004) argumentam que, ao construir uma imagem pública de si, os agentes políticos assumem personagens em prejuízo das questões programáticas dos partidos e das pautas urgentes da sociedade. Ao considerarmos que estamos inseridos em uma sociedade midiatizada em que há um desencanto dos eleitores com os representantes, e que a política caminha a uma personalização, interessa-nos saber, neste trabalho, como isto ocorre no ambiente das Redes Sociais na Internet (RSIs). Para tanto, investigamos as fanpages do Facebook Dilma Rousseff (oficial) e Dilma Bolada (fictícia) no decorrer da Copa do Mundo do Brasil em 2014. A hipótese levantada é que ambas desempenharam um papel importante, numa relação de complementariedade, no processo de construção simbólica de uma imagem positiva de Dilma (não apenas na dimensão política, mas também em relação às supostas qualidades pessoais). Por meio da análise de conteúdo de Bardin (1977) atualizamos as categorias das personagens políticas de Schwartzenberg (1977) com o intuito de identificar qual a principal imagem pública de Dilma Rousseff na Copa. A pesquisa nos permite concluir que as fanpages se articularam durante a competição na construção de uma personagem que acompanhou a mandatária até o processo que culminou no impeachment.
The adaptation of the political field to the logic of the media has had serious implications for democratic representation. Authors such as Schwartzenberg (1977), Leal (2002) and Gomes (2004) argue that in constructing a public image of themselves, political actors assume characters to the detriment of party programmatic issues and urgent societal agenda. When we consider that we are part of a mediated society in which there is a disenchantment of voters with representatives, and that politics is a personalization, we are interested in knowing, in this work, how this occurs in the environment of Internet Social Networks (RSIs). To do so, we investigated the fanpages of Facebook Dilma Rousseff (official) and Dilma Bolada (fictitious) during the World Cup in Brazil in 2014. The hypothesis raised is that both played an important role, in a complementary relationship, in the construction process Symbolic of a positive image of Dilma (not only in the political dimension but also in relation to the supposed personal qualities). Through the content analysis of Bardin (1977) we have updated the categories of the political characters of Schwartzenberg (1977) in order to identify the main public image of Dilma Rousseff in the Cup. The research allows us to conclude that the fanpages were articulated during the competition in the construction of a character that accompanied the agent until the process that culminated in the impeachment.

Diploma Thesis "Analysis of Czech dailies' content in relation to political parties during election campaign before municipal elections in Prague" presupposes that media and politics influence each other very strongly. In the theoretical part it first presents the media's role in society and describes the journalists' role evolution. Using the concept of mediatization it explains the media and political logic(s) inter-relation. In the next chapter it presents the historical development of political communication with regards to its ongoing transformation. After that it explains several concepts that are used when describing this process. Particularly it presents the concept of personalization and describes its two forms followed by definitions and critical evaluation of the concepts. In the empirical part it first presents the parties, dailies and municipal elections in the Czech Republic. Using the research method of quantitative content analysis it tries to find out the amount of attention/space that parties and candidates got in the newspapers during eleven weeks before the municipal elections in Prague in 2010. As a second step it tries to find out the level of personalization and its pre-defined forms. In the final part it presents the results and suggests possible extensions of the research.

This thesis titled The Media Images of Political Leaders - 2010 Elections focuses on descriptions and depictions of Czech political leaders, Vojtěch Filip, Jiří Paroubek, Petr Nečas, Radek John and Karel Schwarzenberg in printed press. The thesis contains an introduction of the leaders and the parties which they led during the 2010 parliamentary elections. The thesis shows the differing images of the leaders in various media. It contains a quantitative content analysis of MF Dnes, Lidové noviny, Hospodářské noviny, Právo and Blesk daily newspapers in the pre-election period between 1 April and 27 May 2010, examining the frequency of informing about the leaders, differences in their presentation and attention given to each of them. The content and tone of individual articles has been examined as well. The thesis also analyses the ratios between informing about the individual leaders and other topics in each newspaper. The theoretical concept of the thesis is media communication in relation to politics. Political communication is examined from the view of the theory of political parallelism and the influence of media on politics.

No decurso da evolução tecnológica, na comunicação política, verifica-se a incorporação de práticas da cultura digital para a política. As selfies de e com políticos constituem-se como canais de comunicação não mediada entre políticos-cidadãos-media, utilizados em vários contextos como uma estratégia política e associada a fenómenos de personalização. Esta investigação pretende contribuir para o debate teórico sobre a comunicação política online e a normalização de práticas associadas à cultura online, tendo por base um estudo de caso do fenómeno das selfies com o atual Presidente da República - Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa - e parte da análise de conteúdo das notícias online, posts de blogs e redes sociais produzidas neste âmbito durante os últimos dois anos de mandato (março 2018 a março 2020). Os resultados observados constatam um fenómeno de personalização pouco intenso – sobretudo no que diz respeito à personalização do poder e personalização comportamental – e uma evolução comunicacional do termo associado ao fenómeno, que se integra na cultura politico-mediática portuguesa criando novos usos, significados e contextos para este tema.
In the course of technological change in political communication, digital culture practices have been incorporated into politics. The selfies of and with politicians constitute channels of non-mediated communication between policy-citizens and media, used in various contexts as a political strategy and associated with personalisation phenomena. This research aims to contribute to the theoretical debate on online political communication and the normalization of practices associated with online culture, based on a case study of the phenomenon of selfies with the current President of the Republic of Portugal - Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa - and the content analysis of online news, blog and social media post produced in this context during the last two years of mandate (March 2018 to March 2020). The results observed show a low-intensity personalisation phenomenon - especially in relation to the personalisation of power and behavioural personalisation - and a communicational evolution of the term associated with the Marcelfie, which is integrated in the Portuguese political-media culture creating new uses, meanings and contexts for this subject.

A política e os media relacionam-se intimamente e cada vez mais na sociedade atual. Os meios de comunicação são o palco da política, é neles que ela ocorre e decorre. É através deles que os cidadãos têm acesso a representações da realidade, que têm contacto com a política quase de forma exclusiva. Estar presente nos "media" é existir para os cidadãos e é através dos "media" que se conquista o eleitorado. Como tal, torna-se interessante analisar o caso de Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa enquanto candidato às presidenciais de 2016; um candidato que desde o início da campanha já era dado como favorito e vencedor, muito devido ao facto de ter tido uma presença assídua no quotidiano dos portugueses enquanto comentador político televisivo, o que lhe conferiu um perfil de um candidato atípico na forma como foi representado pelos "media" durante o período de campanha eleitoral.
Politics and media are intimate and even more in nowadays society. Mass media are the politics stage, where it occurs and proceeds. It is through them that citizens have access to reality representations, that they get in touch with politics in an almost exclusive way. Being present in the media means existing to citiziens and it is through them that you win voters. Then, it is interesting to analize Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa’s case as a presidential candidate in 2016’s elections; a candidate that since the beggining of the campaign was told to be the favorite and the winner, all because of the fact of being present in the everyday life of the portuguese people as a political pundit, which has given him an atypical profile in the way he was represented by the media during the electoral campaign.

Comparison of Selected Topics of Political Communication of political parties in the Czech Republic: Professionalization, Personalization, Negativeness ROZMAJZL, Lukáš. Srovnání vybraných jevů politické komunikace u politických stran v ČR: profesionalizace, personalizace a negativita. Praha: Univerzita Karlova v Praze, Fakulta sociálních věd, Institut komunikačních studií a žurnalistiky, 2011. 140 s. Vedoucí diplomové práce PhDr. Jan Křeček, Ph.D. This Diploma Thesis deals with three selected topics of political communication (Professionalization, Personalization, Negativeness) which are related to the transform of modern to postmodern political campaigns. Each of the topic is described on the theoretical base, then the historical development of using this technic by political parties is mentioned, and finally relevant criticism of this concept (related to the problems of the definition of the concept, or to the normative reflections on democratic political systém) is noticed. Comparative analysis of political communication made by Czech political parties in 2010 elections is made to identify the level of using each of three concepts mentioned above. The result is explicit that political parties in the Czech Republic differ one to another in using different technics of political communication towards...

Cette thèse porte sur les représentations sociales. Fruit d’un bricolage conceptuel, ces représentations s’inspirent en partie des travaux de Serge Moscovici et de certains auteurs plus contemporains qui s’inscrivent dans son prolongement, dits de l’école française des représentations sociales, ainsi que d’auteurs anglo-saxons qui travaillent à partir de ce concept. Les écrits d’autres chercheurs, dont Stuart Hall, Richard Dyer et Jean-Michel Berthelot, qui adoptent dans des perspectives plus particulièrement liées aux Cultural Studies et à la sociologie ont également aidé à préciser notre façon d’envisager les représentations sociales et d’appréhender leur fonctionnement. Plus précisément, à la suite de Jodelet (1989), nous envisageons les représentations comme des « formes de connaissances socialement élaborées et partagées, ayant une visée pratique et concourant à la construction d’une réalité commune à un ensemble social » (p. 36). Ces représentations possèdent également d’autres particularités. Elles sont, d’après nous, constitutives ainsi que formées par des procédés langagiers qui rendent possibles des opérations. Ce concept nous permet d’étudier les représentations du point de vue de leur effectivité, soit de leur capacité à influencer les significations, à apporter un changement dans la manière d’interpréter une situation et, ce faisant, d’affecter les pratiques et d’induire une différence dans le monde. Ce questionnement au sujet des représentations se déploie sur un terrain qui nous semblait particulièrement riche pour en étudier le fonctionnement, soit celui de la politique qui, par ailleurs, se déroule actuellement dans un contexte de spectacularisation. Présenté comme un brouillage des genres entre divertissement et politique, ce phénomène est également lié à l’avènement de la celebrity politics, à la personnalisation et à l’évaluation, à l’importance prise par le style en politique ainsi qu’à la dramatisation, la fragmentation et la normalisation. Plus précisément, nous étudions les représentations dans un contexte de spectacularisation à partir de trois corpus documentant des événements aussi distincts que les fusions municipales en 2001, la montée en popularité de Mario Dumont et de l’ADQ en 2002 et 2003 ainsi que la série Bunker, le cirque, diffusée à la télévision de Radio-Canada à l’automne 2002. Ces corpus regroupent des textes de sources et de format variés, des textes de loi aux éditoriaux en passant par des dramatiques télévisuelles et des forums électroniques. Nous y avons effectué une analyse itérative et transversale des discours afin de mieux comprendre le fonctionnement des représentations dans un contexte de spectacularisation. Nos analyses ont démontré la variété des procédés et des opérations, telles que l’incontestabilisation, la projection, la localisation, l’amplification, la réduction et l’évaluation, qui permettent de modifier le sens et les enjeux des événements discutés. Les analyses ont également permis d’illustrer que les procédés et les opérations qu’ils rendent possibles balisent les frontières de l’objet et offrent un système classificateur.
This doctoral dissertation deals with social representations. Resulting from a conceptual bricolage, these representations are inspired, among others, by the work of Serge Moscovici and a number of more contemporary followers, also known as the French school of social representations, as well as some English authors exploring the same concept. The writings of other researchers, such as Stuart Hall, Richard Dyer and Jean-Michel Berthelot, which are rooted in a perspective related to Cultural Studies and to sociology, have also helped us define our own approach to social representations, and understand how they operate. More specifically, we consider representations, based on Jodelet (1989), as “socially constructed and shared forms of knowledge, having a practical goal and contributing to the production of a common reality for a social group” (p. 36). These representations also possess other characteristics. They are, according to us, constitutive, as well as shaped by language processes, which make possible a number of operations. This concept allows us to study representations from the perspective of their effectivity, meaning their capacity of influencing significations, of changing the way in which a situation is interpreted and, ultimately, of modifying practices and making a difference in the world. These questions with regards to representations unfold in a research field, politics in a context of spectacularization, which appeared to us especially rich for studying how they work. Presented as a confusion of genre between entertainment and politics, this phenomenon is also related to the advent of celebrity politics, to personalization and to assessment, to the growing place taken by style in politics, as well as to dramatization, fragmentation and normalization. More specifically, we have studied those representations in a context of spectacularization based on three corpuses documenting events as different from each other as city amalgamations in Quebec in 2001, the rise of Mario Dumont and the ADQ in 2002 and 2003, and the show Bunker, le cirque broadcasted on Radio-Canada television in the fall of 2002. These corpuses include texts of different formats coming from various sources, such as Acts, editorials, TV dramas and websites. We have conducted an iterative, inductive and cross-corpuses discourse analysis in order to better understand how representations work in a context of spectacularization. This analysis has demonstrated the variety of processes and operations, such as incontestabilization, projection, localization, amplification, reduction and assessment, which modify the meaning and stakes of the events selected. The analysis allowed us to illustrate that processes and operations made by representations define the limits of an object and offer a system of classification.

Le présent texte porte sur l’état de la démocratie au Sénégal depuis l’alternance politique survenue en 2000. Adoptant une définition minimale de la démocratie – respect des libertés civiles et politiques, et tenue d’élections libres et justes – à laquelle il ajoute le principe de séparation des pouvoirs, son principal objectif est de répondre à la question suivante : pourquoi le fonctionnement de la démocratie est-il entravé au Sénégal? L’hypothèse avancée pour répondre à cette interrogation est la présence du néo-patrimonialisme. Celui-ci, par l’intermédiaire de la personnalisation du pouvoir et le clientélisme, sape le respect des règles démocratiques dans ce pays d’Afrique de l’Ouest. Pour analyser l’impact du néo-patrimonialisme sur la démocratie au Sénégal, ce mémoire privilégie le néo-institutionnalisme sociologique comme cadre théorique. Cette approche définit les institutions de façon large : celles-ci peuvent englober non seulement des normes formelles mais également des règles informelles. En vertu de cette approche, le néo-patrimonialisme et la démocratie représentent des institutions puisque le premier englobe un ensemble de règles informelles et le second un ensemble de normes et procédures formelles. Ces deux institutions structurent et façonnent le comportement des individus. Dans cette confrontation institutionnelle, les règles néo-patrimoniales influencent davantage l’action des élites politiques sénégalaises – notamment le chef de l’État – que les normes démocratiques. La vérification de l’hypothèse s’appuie sur des études sur la démocratie et le néo-patrimonialisme aussi bien au Sénégal qu’en Afrique. Elle se base également sur l’actualité et les faits politiques saillants depuis l’alternance. L’analyse est essentiellement qualitative et se divise en deux chapitres empiriques. Le premier de ceux-ci (chapitre II dans le texte) concerne la séparation des pouvoirs. Le but de ce chapitre est d’observer la manière dont l’actuel président de la République, Abdoulaye Wade, contrôle le parlement et la justice. Le second chapitre empirique (chapitre III dans le texte) se divise en deux sections. La première s’intéresse aux libertés civiles et politiques qui subissent des restrictions dues au penchant autoritaire de Wade. La seconde section porte sur les élections dont le déroulement est entaché par de nombreuses irrégularités : violence électorale, manque de ressources de l’autorité électorale, instabilité du calendrier électoral, partialité de la justice. L’étude confirme l’hypothèse, ce qui est très problématique pour la plupart des États africains. En effet, le néo-patrimonialisme est une caractéristique fondamentale de la gouvernance en Afrique. Ainsi, beaucoup de régimes du continent noir qui enclenchent ou enclencheront un processus de démocratisation comme le Sénégal, risquent de connaître les mêmes difficultés liées à la persistance des pratiques néo-patrimoniales.
This text is about state of democracy in Senegal since the political changeover in 2000. Using a minimal definition of democracy – respect of political and civil liberties, free and fair elections – completed by the separation of state powers, it aims to answer to the following question : why is the functioning of democracy hampered in Senegal? The hypothesis is that neopatrimonialism, through personalization of power and clientelism, hinders the respect of democratic rules in this West African country. To analyze the impact of neopatrimonialism on democracy in Senegal, this text draws from the sociological institutionalism as theory. This approach provides a broad definition of institutions which includes formal norms as well as informal rules. In this perspective, neopatrimonialism and democracy embody institutions because the former has a set of informal rules and the later a set of formal norms and procedures. These two institutions structure and shape the individual behaviour. In this institutional confrontation, the neopatrimonial rules have a deeper impact on the action of Senegalese elites, particularly the president. To verify the hypothesis, one refers to studies that analyze the link between democracy and neopatrimonialism in Senegal and in Africa. This text also takes into account current events and striking political facts since 2000. The analysis is essentially qualitative and divided in two empirical chapters. The first one (chapter II in the text) studies the separation of powers and how the Senegalese president, Abdoulaye Wade, control the parliement and courts. The second empirical chapter (chapter III in the text) is subdivided in two sections. The first section examines how civil and political liberties are restricted by Wade’s inclination to authoritarianism. The second section analyses the numerous irregular situations that characterize senegalese elections : violence, lack of ressources for the electoral authority, frequent change of electoral timetable, partiality of the justice. On the whole, the hypothesis is confirmed, which is problematic to most of subsaharian African states. Neopatrimonialism is a fundamental feature of African politics. Its persistence could constitute a source of difficulty for African regimes that begin or will begin democratization like Senegal did.