Relevant bibliographies by topics / Politics Publish

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Politics Publish'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Politics Publish"

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Isaac, Jeffrey C. "Analyzing Democracy." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 2 (2011): 241–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711000879.

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Perspectives on Politics is a unique political science journal. Approaching its tenth year of existence, its broad mission is to publish excellent political science, and in so doing to contribute to the enlivening of scholarly communication within the discipline and thus to the broader relevance of the discipline in the world. With this in mind, our editorial team decided to “brand” the journal A Political Science Public Sphere. Readers of this journal know that we publish work in a number of formats that mirror the ways that political scientists actually write: self-contained scholarly research articles, more freewheeling and reflective essays, scholarly symposia and critical dialogues, book review essays, and of course the conventional book review.
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Sandelands, Eric. "Which journal? The politics of where to publish." Collection Building 15, no. 1 (1996): 27–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/01604959610105940.

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Smith, Steven Rathgeb. "Executive Director's Report." PS: Political Science & Politics 47, no. 01 (2013): 224–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096513001868.

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This essay is my first report as executive director of APSA. I am honored to be succeeding Michael Brintnall. APSA is one of the leading academic associations in the world. It is more than 110 years old with more than 13,000 members, representing a wide variety of universities and nonacademic settings including think tanks, research institutions, advocacy organizations, and government agencies. Our membership is increasingly international from many different countries. In conjunction with our partner, Cambridge University Press, we publish three highly respected journals, theAmerican Political Science Review,Perspectives on Politics,andPS:Political Science and Politics.
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Cox, Michaelene, and Jaimie M. Kent. "Political Science Student Journals: What Students Publish and Why Student Publishing Matters." PS: Political Science & Politics 51, no. 4 (2018): 804–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096518000057.

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ABSTRACTWhereas there is a substantial body of scholarship assessing the merits of student journals, and an equally sizable amount of how-to-publish advice for students in higher education, there is little empirical research exploring the content of disciplinary student publications. To gain a sense of what political science students are publishing, this study examines articles in three peer-reviewed student journals of politics between 2005 and 2015: The Pi Sigma Alpha Undergraduate Journal of Politics, Critique, and Politikon. Content analysis reveals the nature of published student work by subfield, methodology, and topic, with findings discussed in the context of research trends in the profession and the debate about advantages and disadvantages of student journal publishing.
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Isaac, Jeffrey C. "A Perspective on Perspectives." Perspectives on Politics 10, no. 3 (2012): 561–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592712001612.

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The most important thing any scholarly journal can do is to publish scholarly research and writing that is both excellent and intellectually engaging. Since it hit the ground running in 2002, Perspectives on Politics has been committed to the highest standards of scholarly publication. At the same time, from its inception Perspectives has been a journal with a difference, seeking to combine scholarly excellence with relevance and readability, and to feature a wide range of formats for and perspectives on the serious study of politics. For the past ten years Perspectives has thus served as an important public sphere for political science in general and especially for the American Political Science Association.
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Kasza, Gregory J. "Perestroika and the Journals." PS: Political Science & Politics 43, no. 04 (2010): 733–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096510001186.

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It is fitting to measure Perestroika's impact through the contents of the leading political science association journals. The original Perestroika manifesto railed at theAmerican Political Science Review(APSR), and many subsequent Perestroika protests condemned the skewed contents of theAPSR, theAmerican Journal of Political Science(AJPS), and theJournal of Politics. Large national and regional associations publish and pay for these journals. The position of Perestroika has been that their contents should represent the many types of research that political scientists are doing, which was not the case when the movement began.
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Bozic, Sofija. "Historiografy on the stroke of politics: Case of Antony Farcic." Prilozi za knjizevnost, jezik, istoriju i folklor, no. 83 (2017): 75–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/pkjif1783075b.

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The paper discusses the response of Antoni Farcic to the attempt of Croatian students in the ?Slobodna Dalmacija? newspaper to discard as unscientific and chauvinistic his article Serbs and Navy, previously published in the ?Republic? newspaper (1953). Farcic?s answer, which the press did not publish, denying him the right to defense, contains extensive material that shows that he wrote on the basis of the original material and relevant scientific literature, in no way departing from the principles of historical methodology.
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Metcalfe, Amy Scott. "Thinking in place: Picturing the Knowledge University as a politics of refusal." Research in Education 104, no. 1 (2018): 43–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0034523718806932.

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In a research context marked by performance evaluation and knowledge commodification, attempts to visualize a future Knowledge University might be understood as a “politics of refusal” in that an emphasis on multimodality (image/text) confronts assumptions about the form of academic critique, calling into question the “publish-ability” of such engagements. This essay asserts a different way of thinking about the Knowledge University in both form and function.
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Steed, Robert P., and Laurence W. Moreland. "Introduction: About This Special Issue (The Continuing Transformation of Southern Politics)." American Review of Politics 23 (July 1, 2002): 89–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2002.23.0.89-91.

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This special issue of The American Review of Politics consists of five papers presented at the 2002 Citadel Symposium on Southern Politics, the thirteenth such conference held in Charleston since 1978. The Symposium, codirected by Robert P. Steed, Laurence W. Moreland, and John C. Kuzenski (all of the political science faculty of The Citadel), has become a vital part of the network of scholars who research, write, and publish in the area of southern politics. Over forty papers were presented and discussed at the 2002 Symposium, and they represented a broad range of topics. Special features of the Symposium included a retrospective look at The Transformation of Southern Politics (published a little more than a quarter century ago), conducted by that important volume’s authors, Jack Bass and Walter DeVries, as well as a luncheon address by Merle Black (Asa G. Candler Professor of Politics at Emory University), who discussed “The Rise of Southern Republicans,” drawing on the recently published volume of the same title coauthored by Merle and his brother Earl Black.
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Laborde, Cécile. "The Danish Cartoon Controversy and the Challenges of Multicultural Politics." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 3 (2011): 603–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711002817.

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Jytte Klausen's The Cartoons That Shook the World offers an interesting political science account of the Danish cartoon controversy and of a broader set of tensions between multiculturalism, civility, and freedom of expression. The book is also a fascinating case study of how political science can itself become the object of dispute, due to Yale University Press' decision to publish the book without any reproductions of the controversial cartoons.We have thus asked a range of political scientists to comment on the Danish cartoon imbroglio, the book's analysis of it, and the controversy over the book itself.—Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Politics Publish"

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Baderin, Alice. "Political theory, public opinion and real politics." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7fa3ccbe-1a70-4d6f-95ce-54146da83af1.

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If we are interested in questions about how we ought to organize our political lives, what kind of weight, if any, should we give to evidence about what people actually think? The thesis explores this question about the role of public opinion in normative political theory. First, I disentangle a number of distinct justifications for taking account of public opinion. Specifically, the thesis evaluates four views of the status of public opinion: as an epistemic resource; a feasibility constraint; a means of democratizing political theory; or constitutive of moral and political ideals. I defend the epistemic argument, outlining two forms in which popular attitudes represent a valuable epistemic resource. The thesis criticizes the feasibility and democratic accounts of the role of public opinion as these are presented in the existing literature, but suggests more convincing ways of reconstructing these arguments. Finally, I reject the view that public opinion constitutes the ideal of justice, arguing that such an account is subject to a fundamental tension. As well as clarifying the status of popular attitudes, the thesis addresses the methodological difficulties that arise when we seek to bring public opinion to bear on ideas from political theory, whose meaning and status in everyday political thought and discourse is often limited or uncertain. I outline two approaches to integrating normative theory with the investigation of popular attitudes that mitigate the methodological problems that often confront such projects. The second major aim is to situate the question of the role of public opinion in the context of wider debates about the aims and methods of contemporary political theory. In particular, I address recent demands for greater ‘realism’ in political theory, distinguishing two main strands of realist critique and drawing out their contrasting implications for the role of public opinion.
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Silva, Luiz Alfredo Ribeiro da. "EDUCAÇÃO PARA O LAZER CIDADÃO: POLÍTICAS PÚBLICAS PARA A CIDADE DE SÃO LUÍS (MA)." Universidade Federal do Maranhão, 2006. http://tedebc.ufma.br:8080/jspui/handle/tede/94.

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Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-17T13:54:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luiz Alfredo Ribeiro da Silva.pdf: 2572146 bytes, checksum: 7ceeedccdace0fee5f06ddccd8d666c8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-04-05<br>This work was developed in the city of capital São Luís of the State of Maranhão where the public politics of leisure still didn't get if it consolidates as a right of each citizen. It is a theoretical contribution developed starting from the legal point of view of the subject that bets the possibility of we use the Education in his/her wider sense as an I transmit effective for us to conquer the leisure citizen. It was looked for, then to understand the connection of this politics better, public with the leisure and viceversa, seeking to overcome the historical binomial of the sport and leisure and to bring for the center of the debate other possible interfaces, for the superbly of the inertia in that he/she is the leisure in our reality, as well as it supplies subsidies to help to understand the leisure in insured fundamental right for law to every Brazilian citizen. The present study had with hypothesis the following subjects: The current public politics implanted at the countries of advanced capitalism as in the outlying countries of capitalism, for they be anchored in the neoliberal conception, they are not indeed social politics; the inobservance and or ignorance of the existent legislation in the three extents of power, for they be not articulated have been hindering the formulation and implementation of effective public politics in the area of the leisure in our reality. The study also sought appears proposed of suspension of the current picture, starting from an inclusive action of the population the power publishes close to in the joint authors' condition of the it recounts that she intend to change.<br>Este trabalho foi desenvolvido na cidade de São Luís capital do Estado do Maranhão, onde as políticas públicas de lazer ainda não conseguiram se consolidar como um direito de cada cidadão. Trata-se de uma contribuição teórica, desenvolvida a partir do ponto de vista legal do assunto, que aponta a possibilidade de utilizarmos a Educação no seu sentido mais amplo como um veículo eficaz para conquistarmos o lazer cidadão. Buscou-se articular alianças entre várias políticas públicas que devem ser implementadas como propriedades no meio urbano, visando romper com o binômio do esporte e do lazer no sentido qualifica o debate em torno da emancipação do lazer enquanto o espaço privilegiado para o exercício da cidadania. E, trazer para o centro do debate, outras interfaces possíveis para a superação da inércia em que se encontra o lazer em nossa realidade, bem como fornecer subsídios que ajudem a compreender o lazer como direito fundamental assegurado por lei a todo cidadão brasileiro. O presente estudo teve como hipótese as seguintes questões: As atuais políticas públicas implantadas nos países de capitalismo avançado como nos países de capitalismo periféricos, por estarem ancoradas na concepção neoliberal, não são efetivamente políticas sociais; A inobservância e ou desconhecimento da legislação existente nos três âmbitos de poder, por não estarem articuladas, têm dificultado a formulação e implementação de políticas públicas efetivas na área do lazer em nossa realidade. O estudo também procurou aponta propostas de suspensão do atual quadro, a partir de uma ação inclusiva da população junto ao poder público na condição de co-autores da história que se pretende mudar.
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Poata-Smith, E. S. Te Ahu, and n/a. "The political economy of Maori protest politics, 1968-1995 : a Marxist analysis of the roots of Maori oppression and the politics of resistance." University of Otago. Department of Political Studies, 2002. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070508.153703.

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This thesis provides a Marxist analysis of the political economy of contemporary Maori protest politics in the years from 1968 to 1995. It is argued that Maori protest politics embraces a range of competing political ideologies, which are informed by different assumptions about the causes of Maori inequality in wider society, and in turn, different sets of strategies for ameliorating and transcending that inequality. Overall, the thesis has two central concerns: firstly, it identifies the critical economic, political and ideological conditions and context that have allowed particular competing political ideologies and strategies to dominate contemporary Maori protest politics. This involves a particular focus on understanding and explaining the rise of identity politics and cultural nationalism as the dominant political strategy within Maori protest politics. This involves a particular focus on understanding and explaining the rise of identity politics and cultural nationalism as the dominant political strategy within Maori protest politics. Secondly, the thesis critically assesses the effectiveness of contemporary Maori struggles against racism and oppression on the basis of whether they involve, or are likely to contribute towards, the transformation of the generative structures that give rise to manifest inequalities between Maori and non-Maori. It is argued that the systematic alienation of land and the inequality that exists between Maori and non-Maori are not simply the result of the underlying cultural values of individual non-Maori but are rather the result of the historical process of capitalist development in Aotearoa and the economic, political and ideological requirements necessary for the generalised commodification of indigenous labour-power. The thesis explores how the politics and practice of Maori protest has been shaped and influenced to a large extent by the underlying social, economic, political and ideological forces of global capitalism. It is argued that the international collapse of the long boom, the global upturn in class struggle and the emergence of the New Left internationally from the late 1960s had an enormous influence on the political direction of Maori protest in the New Zealand context. The success of the working class offensive and the growing political influence of rank and file Maori workers ensured that Maori protest groups formed part of the progressive social movements of the time. Indeed, although some were explicitly nationalist in their orientation, these movements were consciously part of the Left. The balance of political forces within the Maori protest movement changed considerably during the late 1970s and early 1980s with the rise of the New Right as a political force internationally together with the rise of employer militancy, the defeat and demoralization of the working class movement internationally, the decline of the social movements and the absence of mass struggle. This had important implications for the influence of the various ideological factions that co-existed uneasily in the Maori political milieu from the early 1970s onwards. The downturn in militant mass struggle saw the rise in the influence of identity politics as cultural nationalist strategies came to dominate Maori protest politics, representing a fundamental retreat from Left-wing ideas. In practice this entailed a rejection of the class politics and mass struggle that had informed the politics and strategies of Maori protest groups from the late 1960s, and its replacement with a politics of cross-class alliances and a personal rejection of �Pakeha society�. In practice this was a recipe for passivity and divisiveness within the Maori protest movement itself. The politics of cultural nationalism left Maori ill-equipped to resist the ruling class counter-offensive and the anti-working class policies that successive governments introduced to restore the conditions for profitable capital accumulation. In particular, the rejection of a class analysis of Maori inequality in capitalist society has undermined the capacity of working class Maori to resist the neo-liberal agenda and a Treaty of Waitangi settlement process that has resulted in a substantial shift in resources to those sections of Maori society already wealthy and powerful. Although the settlement process represented an important concession by the state, it has never compensated for the anti-working class policies of governments since 1984, which have widened the social and economic inequalities in New Zealand society. In this way, the emphasis on cultural identity alone as the determining factor in Maori oppression has been counter-productive for working class Maori as successive governments shifted the costs of the economic crisis on to the weakest sections of the community. As New Zealand entered a new period of economic and social crisis in the 1990s, the commercial interests of Maori tribal executives, Maori corporate enterprises, and the Maori bureaucracy were clearly at odds with the material interests of the vast majority of working class Maori families. This fundamental conflict in class interests was to set the scene for a revival of militancy on scale not seen since the 1970s.
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Goode, Luke. "Politics and the public sphere : the social-political theory of Jurgen Habermas." Thesis, Nottingham Trent University, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.297734.

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Yang, Chihyuan. "Sociotechnical imaginary and rationality : political factuality and public authority in Taiwanese energy politics." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2018. http://eprints.lancs.ac.uk/126163/.

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After the 2011 Fukushima nuclear disaster, an outcry erupted in Taiwanese society demanding a sustainable energy transition. However, the dominant sociotechnical imagination in postwar Taiwan – developmental high modernism – manifests itself in tacit answers to the questions of what a better society should be, how technical choices should be made to achieve that goal, and what the most pragmatic and viable approach is to make the particular dreamed-of future become reality. Using an approach informed by STS/SSK (sociology of scientific knowledge), this thesis explores the exclusion of alternative energy futures brought about by a high modernist imaginary and looks into its nationalist-high modernist rationality in the forms of shared story-lines, created factuality and routinised technical choices within governmental institutions. High modernism in East Asia is characterised by the authoritarian reflex of planning rationality, which gives paramount political weight to a collectivist and unitary idea of the public good which is crafted through performative technicality in constructing the impartiality and objectivity of public authority. I explore this rationality through two case studies: national planning around power shortage and reserve margins, and the setting of feed-in tariffs for renewable energy. By way of contrast, I then explore a third case study: the development of combined PV energy, agriculture and aquaculture initiatives in Linbian and Jiadong. I suggest that can this give us clues about an alternative, grassroots ‘indigenist-reformist rationality’ imaginary for Taiwan which reassembles and enacts an indigenous identity rooted in attachment to land and locality.
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Carr, John Newman. "The political grind : the role of youth identities in the municipal politics of public space /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/5614.

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Bramley, Nicolette Ruth, and Nicolette Bramley@canberra edu au. "Pronouns of politics : the use of pronouns in the construction of 'self' and 'other' in political interviews." The Australian National University. Faculty of Arts, 2001. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20040817.141350.

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Pronouns play a key role in the construction of ‘self’ and ‘other’. They are not merely a way of expressing person, number and gender as is suggested by traditional grammarians nor do they only do referential and deictic work. Rather, they must be thought of in the context of interaction and in terms of the ‘identity work’ that they accomplish. In this thesis, it is argued that pronouns are used to construct favourable images of themselves, and ‘others’.¶ The context of this study is the Australian political media interview. In this study, the pronouns ‘I’ ‘you’ ‘we’ and ‘they’ are examined individually, then, as they occur in sequence. This investigation reveals that pronouns are used to construct politicians’ multiple ‘selves’ and ‘others’ and that as they occur in sequence, the changing ‘selves’ of politicians and different ‘others’ are created. The construction of these multiple ‘selves’ and ‘others’ is a version of reality that politicians construct discursively and is not an objective representation of facts.¶ This analysis of pronouns in political interviews also reveals striking and hitherto unresearched uses of pronouns, which can be used to show affiliation or create distance between people where it would not traditionally be expected. Politicians actively exploit the flexibility of pronominal reference to construct the different identities of themselves and ‘other’ and use them to create different alignments to, and boundaries between, their multiple ‘selves’ and ‘others’. Thus, pronouns are pivotal in the construction of reality – a reality that is created and understood in the discourse of the moment.
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McCray-McCall, Denise. "Embodying Politics and Administration: The World of Political Appointee in Municipal Government." Cleveland State University / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=csu1199384965.

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Serizawa, Molly M. "Dialectic of Celebrity Politics: Identifying Public Personalities and Political Performers in Twenty-First Century America." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/254.

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‘Celebrity’ has become a growing field of critical inquiry and cultural interest in twenty-first century society. Celebrities embody a host of meanings and engender larger ideological and discursive practices, in which they articulate expressions of social, cultural and political power that attach meaning to public individuals. Beginning with the late-twentieth century, celebrities have come to occupy spaces that exist beyond popular culture platforms, most notably in politics and international diplomacy. In spite of its typical association with superficial discussions of gossip and cheap entertainment, celebrities have become the site of anxiety in a capitalist society. To come to terms with these growing anxieties concerning celebrity and its accoutrements, this thesis explores the embedded complexities and consequences of the celebrity system within the framework of what has dubiously been called ‘celebrity politics.’ Through a detailed examination of this phenomenon, this thesis explores the coalescing spheres of Hollywood and the White House, where ‘celebrity’ and ‘politician’ have become interchangeable monikers. In addition to examining the historical conditions that have given rise to the phenomenon, this study examines contemporary articulations of the ‘celebrity politician,’ focusing on Angelina Jolie, Sean Penn and President Barack Obama. Discussion of these figures is framed by critical theory and media studies to better understand their location within the contemporary Western landscape.
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Annison, Harry. "Dangerous politics : an interpretive political analysis of the imprisonment for public protection sentence, 2003-2008." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:73c4f0dc-b86f-4d02-a380-0ae97d3974b4.

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The thesis constitutes a detailed historical reconstruction of the creation, contestation and subsequent amendment of the Imprisonment for Public Protection sentence, the principal ‘dangerous offender’ measure of the Criminal Justice Act 2003. Underpinned by an interpretive political analysis of penal politics, the thesis draws on a detailed analysis of relevant documents and 53 interviews with national level, policy-oriented actors. The thesis explores how actors’ conceptions of ‘risk’ and ‘the public’ interwove with the political beliefs and political traditions relied upon by the relevant actors. It is argued that while there was general recognition of a ‘real problem’ existing in relation to dangerous offenders, the central actors in the creation of the IPP sentence crucially lacked a detailed understanding of the state of the art of risk assessment and management (Kemshall, 2003) and failed to appreciate the systemic risks posed by the IPP sentence. The creation of the IPP sentence, as with its subsequent amendment, is argued to highlight the extreme vulnerability felt by many government actors. The efforts of interest groups and other pressure participants to have their concerns addressed regarding the systemic and human damage subsequently caused by the under-resourcing of the IPP sentence is explored, and the challenge of stridently arguing for substantial change while maintaining ‘insider’ status is discussed. As regards senior courts’ efforts to rein in the IPP sentence, it is argued that the increasingly conservative nature of the judgments demonstrate that the judiciary are not immune from the creep of a ‘precautionary logic’ into British penal politics. Regarding the amendment of the IPP sentence, the Ministry of Justice’s navigation between the twin dangers of a systemic crisis and a political crisis are explored. In conclusion, the IPP story is argued to demonstrate a troubling ‘thoughtlessness’ by many of the key policymakers, revealing what is termed the ‘banality of punitiveness.’ The potential for a reliance on political beliefs and traditions to slip into this thoughtless state, and possible ways of ensuring that such policy issues are engaged with in a more inclusive and expansive manner, are discussed.
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Books on the topic "Politics Publish"

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Bjørkdahl, Kristian, and Benedicte Carlsen, eds. Pandemics, Publics, and Politics. Springer Singapore, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-2802-2.

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Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina, and Sorin Ioniță. Politici publice: Teorie și practică. Polirom, 2002.

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Bitz, Ferdinand, and Manfred Speck. Im Mittelpunkt Res publica. Olzog, 2002.

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Coman, Ramona, and Ana Maria Dobre. Politici publice românești: O abordare europeană. Institutul European, 2007.

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Gomes, Tupa Correa. Opiniao Publica os Bastidores da Acao Politica. Global Editora e Distribuidora Ltda.,1985., 1985.

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History of participatory media: Politics and publics, 1750-2000. Routledge, 2010.

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Res publica e shkrimtarit: Ese, trajtesa. Klubi i Shkrimtarëve "Vorea Ujko", 2008.

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Buzhala, Prend. Res publica e shkrimtarit: Ese, trajtesa. Klubi i Shkrimtarëve "Vorea Ujko", 2008.

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Cicero, Marcus Tullius. De re publica: Selections. Cambridge University Press, 1995.

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Mische, Ann. Partisan publics: Communication and contention across Brazilian youth activist networks. Princeton University Press, 2008.

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Book chapters on the topic "Politics Publish"

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Flanders, Chad. "Public Reason and Animal Rights." In Political Animals and Animal Politics. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-68308-6_4.

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Taylor, Monica M. "Political Economy in the Era of Trump Politics." In SpringerBriefs in Public Health. Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-73537-5_4.

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Noordegraaf, Mirko. "Managing Politics." In Public Management. Macmillan Education UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-49644-7_6.

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McBrayer, Markie. "Local Politics." In Global Encyclopedia of Public Administration, Public Policy, and Governance. Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-31816-5_1431-1.

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Flink, Carla M. "Budgetary Politics." In Global Encyclopedia of Public Administration, Public Policy, and Governance. Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-31816-5_1440-1.

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Kirazli, Sadik. "Sectarian Politics." In Global Encyclopedia of Public Administration, Public Policy, and Governance. Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-31816-5_2810-1.

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Aoki, Andrew L. "Ethnoracial Politics." In Global Encyclopedia of Public Administration, Public Policy, and Governance. Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-31816-5_2529-1.

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Krylova, Yulia. "Bureaucratic Politics." In Global Encyclopedia of Public Administration, Public Policy, and Governance. Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-31816-5_681-1.

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McBrayer, Markie. "Local Politics." In Global Encyclopedia of Public Administration, Public Policy, and Governance. Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-20928-9_1431.

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Flink, Carla M. "Budgetary Politics." In Global Encyclopedia of Public Administration, Public Policy, and Governance. Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-20928-9_1440.

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Conference papers on the topic "Politics Publish"

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Possoly da Silva Alves, Daianne, Franciele Therezinha Magno Calidoni, Mariana Sales de Oliveira, et al. "The psychosocial impacts of remote education on black youth: an intersectional debate on the COVID-19 pandemic, gender, race and class." In 7th International Congress on Scientific Knowledge. Perspectivas Online: Humanas e Sociais Aplicadas, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25242/8876113220212452.

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The Covid-19 pandemic has moved scientists from different areas of knowledge worldwide to bring reflections on the impacts caused by it, whose scope goes beyond human health in its physical and psychological aspects and affects the economy, politics, social relations at work, the educational system, etc. Therefore, this project, promoted by the Laboratory for the Study of Stigmatization Processes (LEPE) in partnership with the Racism Studies Line (LER) of the Psychology Course of the Higher Education Institutes at CENSA -ISECENSA, aims to promote the debate on the psychosocial effects of remote education on black youth, through an intersectional analysis between Covid-19 pandemic, gender, race and class. The objective of this research is to understand the ways in which black youth was affected in the psychosocial dimension with the establishment of remote education in the public state network with the Covid-19 pandemic. This is an exploratory research, in which a bibliographic review will be carried out to support the researchers' views on the proposed theme, using books and scientific articles on social psychology, remote education in the Covid-19 pandemic, racism and intersectionality. Besides field research, using the semi-structured interview technique. We intend to conduct group interviews, through Google Meet, with black students graduating from Liceu de Humanidades de Campos high school and from other public schools.. We hope to foster the discussion on structural racism that affects the Brazilian society focusing on the psychosocial vulnerability of black youth in the face of remote education established by the Covid-19 pandemic, and, finally, to publish two scientific articles in “Revista Perspectivas Online” with the obtained results
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Antanoviča, Agnija. "Sabiedrības viedokļa ietekme uz sieviešu politisko pārstāvniecību: Latvijas gadījums pasaules situācijas kontekstā." In LU Studentu zinātniskā konference "Mundus et". LU Akadēmiskais apgāds, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/lu.szk.2.rk.01.

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Women’s political representation is influenced by a number of different factors, including those belonging to political, socio-economic and cultural realms. The study analyses one of these factors – public opinion, which researchers classify into a group of cultural factors. While almost half of the world’s population believes that men are better political leaders than women, the median proportion of women in national parliaments in August 2020 on average is 25%. This suggests that women’s political representation may be related to low public support for women in politics. At the same time, although Latvian society in long-term prefers men in politics, there has been a rapid increase in the proportion of women in Latvian Parliament since elections of the 13th Saeima. The aim of the study is to establish whether the situation in Latvia resembles the general global and European Union tendencies, and if not, to identify the factors influencing the increase in the proportion of women in the Saeima. The study concludes that in the context of the world and the European Union, there is a correlation between public opinion on women in politics and the proportion of women in national parliaments. The case of Latvia could be considered a deviation from the norm. The rapid increase in the proportion of women in the 13th Saeima can be attributed to factors like the election of new political forces and a party representing the leftist values, as well as the increase in women’s activity in the labour market.
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HUDEC, Martin. "Pork barrel politics in context of Action Plan - Support of Least Developed Districts." In Current Trends in Public Sector Research. Masaryk University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p210-9646-2020-3.

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The aim of the paper Pork barrel politics in context of Action Plan Support of Least Developed Districts is to find out and describe if and by which means the attributes of Pork barrel politics were present in redistribution of funds from Regional grants, which were part of Action Plan – Support of Least Developed Districts. Secondary aim is to see how receiving of this grant could have helped in reelection of incumbent in next election. An Index of political patronage was assembled to measure the level of pork barreling. Based on party affiliation, mayors with connections to government were not highly favored when receiving grant, not even in the case of affiliation with party, which redistributed the grants. Neither there were no significant differences in the odds of reelection based on whether the incumbent received a grant or not, that is an unexpected result relative to other research in the field
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Cottey, Andrew. "Linking academia and the ‘real world’ in International Relations." In Learning Connections 2019: Spaces, People, Practice. University College Cork||National Forum for the Enhancement of Teaching and Learning in Higher Education, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.33178/lc2019.31.

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This talk will reflect on the challenges of linking academic programmes and teaching, on the one hand, with the policy-makers and practitioners, on the other, with particular reference to the discipline of international relations (which focuses on relations between states, international organisations and global political and socio-economic dynamics). The talk will draw on experience from University College Cork’s Department of Government and Politics, which has an extensive, market-leading work placement programme, and from UCC’s MSc International Public Policy and Diplomacy, which is a new model of international relations masters seeking to bridge academia and the world of policy. Our experience shows that it is possible to link academia and the world of policy and practitioners, but that it is not easy, even in an apparently very policy-oriented discipline, and that it involves significant challenges. The talk will highlight a number of challenges involved in linking the academic study of international relations with the ‘real world’ of international politics: bridging academia and policy/practitioners is not easy in the disciplines of political science and international relations – the two have different needs and, often, different languages; the development and maintenance of work placements and other elements of engagement with policymakers and practitioners involves very significant workload and needs to be properly supported in terms of staffing and infrastructure; and in politics and international relations, the skill sets which policy-makers and practitioners need often differ from those that universities normally provide. Finding the ‘right’ balance between academic disciplinary requirements/standards and the needs of employers is a difficult task.
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Orhan Nalbantoglu, Ezgi. "Transition in Spaces of Power: An analysis on public buildings in Ankara, Turkey." In 24th ISUF 2017 - City and Territory in the Globalization Age. Universitat Politècnica València, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/isuf2017.2017.5067.

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Ankara, the capital of Turkey, experienced a fundamental spatial structuring process after the proclamation of the Republic. The vision of modernity and protective economic structure of the Early Republican era determined the spatial configuration of the city and produced public buildings as the icons of the young regime. City planning and architecture had been used as the instruments of the new regime in making itself visible, concrete, and symbolized. The buildings and urban plans transmitting the foundation ideals of Republic together with modernity have contributed to the creation of national sovereignty and a modern society. After the span of eighty years, the new politic-economic climate of Turkey redesigned the urban regime of Ankara and its symbols. One of the most concrete transformations is observed in the public offices which convey the political and economic intents of each period through their spatial and architectural organizations, and symbolic meanings. This study examines the change in the urban symbols with an emphasis on public offices; their spatial organization, their archistar buildings, and their messages conveyed to public with respect to the change in political and economic systems. This article concludes that public offices and their relations with urban space and public are considered as the icons in representing the dominant political power in both the early republican period and post-2000s; the former period benefited them as the visual representations of national sovereignty while the latter used them as the landmarks of the authoritarian and neoliberal political power over the nation.
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Čemez, Alexander. "Regional leader as the public actor in the context of political communication of public politics in the Trenčín self-government region." In XIX. mezinárodní kolokvium o regionálních vědách. Sborník příspěvků. Masaryk university, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p210-8273-2016-105.

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Kim, Dongsei. "Politics of Space and its Shadows." In 2018 ACSA International Conference. ACSA Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.intl.2018.19.

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This paper examines what the public, architects, urban designers, and city officials can learn about significant public spaces from emergent technologies and data generated from growing social media. Interrogating this analytical method aids us to recognize social media’s potentials, such as gaining a deeper understanding of the relationship between how public spaces are “represented” and how they are “physically experienced” through the means of technology. This investigation combines emerging image recognizing algorithms— Semantic Segmentation—with location-tagged images from Instagram to investigate the newly opened Seoullo 7017 walkway in Seoul. It argues that we should recognize these newly generated “big data” as a form of “collective intelligence” that can stimulate proactive engagement with our everyday interactions with public space. Equally, the findings of this investigation reveal to our society how to cautiously engage these “collective intelligence” with counterbalancing values.
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Scelsa, Jonathan A. "Atrium Politic / The Lost Models of Oversight in Semi-Public Space of Roman Antiquity." In 2018 ACSA International Conference. ACSA Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.intl.2018.17.

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The agency of the edge condition of public and private space, can be felt strongly in its ability to create personal, programmatic and spatial ambiguity. It is for this reason that semi-public space, during times of political and social shift, is the most precarious and vulnerable. Providing a means of oversight that our state-craft has lost, the atrium’s role as a juridical space was implemented within the work-life heart of the various members of public service, from senators, to religious and cult practices. While the atrium’s notoriety has been in its section, its politic is embedded in the plan relationship of its walls informing a technology of power and a smooth gradient threshold between the potentially abusive power of private domain and the all-seeing realm of the street.
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Patriadi, Himawan Bayu. "The Linkage between Decentralization and Governance: Bring Politics Back In?" In 2016 International Conference on Public Management. Atlantis Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icpm-16.2016.92.

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"Public Relations Practices in Democracy: Case of Kurdistan." In International Conference on Accounting, Business, Economics and Politics. Ishik University, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23918/icabep2019p34.

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Reports on the topic "Politics Publish"

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Egorov, Georgy, and Bård Harstad. Private Politics and Public Regulation. National Bureau of Economic Research, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w19737.

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Persson, Torsten, and Guido Tabellini. Political Economics and Public Finance. National Bureau of Economic Research, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w7097.

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Munshi, Kaivan, and Mark Rosenzweig. Insiders and Outsiders: Local Ethnic Politics and Public Goods Provision. National Bureau of Economic Research, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w21720.

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Oliveira, Ivone de Lourdes. Presentación: Relaciones Públicas en Política / Presentation: Public Relations in Politics. Chair Ana-Belen Fernandez-Souto. Revista Internacional de Relaciones Publicas, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5783/rirp-18-2019-01-01-04.

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Fernandez-Souto, Ana-Belen, and Ivone de Lourdes Oliveira. Presentación: Relaciones Públicas en Política / Presentation: Public Relations in Politics. Revista Internacional de Relaciones Publicas, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5783/rirp/18-2019-01-01-04.

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Prats, Joan, Helen Harris, and Juan Andrés Pérez. Political Determinants of Public-Private Partnerships. Inter-American Development Bank, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0003619.

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During the last three decades, Public Private Partnerships (PPPs) have emerged as a new contractual arrangement to provide infrastructure investment and services. Examining the evolution of PPPs contracts in emerging countries, this paper analyses the role played by political institutions and partisanship showing that: (i) PPPs are more used when governmental and legislative transaction costs increase; and (ii) political partisanship does not explain the use and consolidation of PPPs as a contractual arrangement. The paper also confirms the relevance of macroeconomic and institutional quality variability variables found in previous literature and sheds new light regarding the political economy of PPPs, especially on how political governance structures shape incentives for using PPPs as a contractual mechanism.
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Grossman, Herschel, and Suk Jae Noh. Proprietary Public Finance, Political Competition, and Reputation. National Bureau of Economic Research, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w2696.

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Mulligan, Casey, and Kevin Tsui. Political Entry, Public Policies, and the Economy. National Bureau of Economic Research, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w13830.

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Research Institute (IFPRI), International Food Policy. Power, politics, and performance: community participation in South African public works programs. International Food Policy Research Institute, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.2499/0896291472rr143.

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Casella, Alessandra. Games for Central Bankers: Markets v/s Politics in Public Policy Decisions. National Bureau of Economic Research, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w8026.

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