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1
Baderin, Alice. "Political theory, public opinion and real politics." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7fa3ccbe-1a70-4d6f-95ce-54146da83af1.
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If we are interested in questions about how we ought to organize our political lives, what kind of weight, if any, should we give to evidence about what people actually think? The thesis explores this question about the role of public opinion in normative political theory. First, I disentangle a number of distinct justifications for taking account of public opinion. Specifically, the thesis evaluates four views of the status of public opinion: as an epistemic resource; a feasibility constraint; a means of democratizing political theory; or constitutive of moral and political ideals. I defend the epistemic argument, outlining two forms in which popular attitudes represent a valuable epistemic resource. The thesis criticizes the feasibility and democratic accounts of the role of public opinion as these are presented in the existing literature, but suggests more convincing ways of reconstructing these arguments. Finally, I reject the view that public opinion constitutes the ideal of justice, arguing that such an account is subject to a fundamental tension. As well as clarifying the status of popular attitudes, the thesis addresses the methodological difficulties that arise when we seek to bring public opinion to bear on ideas from political theory, whose meaning and status in everyday political thought and discourse is often limited or uncertain. I outline two approaches to integrating normative theory with the investigation of popular attitudes that mitigate the methodological problems that often confront such projects. The second major aim is to situate the question of the role of public opinion in the context of wider debates about the aims and methods of contemporary political theory. In particular, I address recent demands for greater ‘realism’ in political theory, distinguishing two main strands of realist critique and drawing out their contrasting implications for the role of public opinion.
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Silva, Luiz Alfredo Ribeiro da. "EDUCAÇÃO PARA O LAZER CIDADÃO: POLÍTICAS PÚBLICAS PARA A CIDADE DE SÃO LUÍS (MA)." Universidade Federal do Maranhão, 2006. http://tedebc.ufma.br:8080/jspui/handle/tede/94.
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Previous issue date: 2006-04-05<br>This work was developed in the city of capital São Luís of the State of Maranhão
where the public politics of leisure still didn't get if it consolidates as a right of each
citizen. It is a theoretical contribution developed starting from the legal point of view
of the subject that bets the possibility of we use the Education in his/her wider sense
as an I transmit effective for us to conquer the leisure citizen. It was looked for, then
to understand the connection of this politics better, public with the leisure and viceversa,
seeking to overcome the historical binomial of the sport and leisure and to
bring for the center of the debate other possible interfaces, for the superbly of the
inertia in that he/she is the leisure in our reality, as well as it supplies subsidies to
help to understand the leisure in insured fundamental right for law to every Brazilian
citizen. The present study had with hypothesis the following subjects: The current
public politics implanted at the countries of advanced capitalism as in the outlying
countries of capitalism, for they be anchored in the neoliberal conception, they are
not indeed social politics; the inobservance and or ignorance of the existent
legislation in the three extents of power, for they be not articulated have been
hindering the formulation and implementation of effective public politics in the area of
the leisure in our reality. The study also sought appears proposed of suspension of
the current picture, starting from an inclusive action of the population the power
publishes close to in the joint authors' condition of the it recounts that she intend to
change.<br>Este trabalho foi desenvolvido na cidade de São Luís capital do Estado do
Maranhão, onde as políticas públicas de lazer ainda não conseguiram se consolidar
como um direito de cada cidadão. Trata-se de uma contribuição teórica,
desenvolvida a partir do ponto de vista legal do assunto, que aponta a possibilidade
de utilizarmos a Educação no seu sentido mais amplo como um veículo eficaz para
conquistarmos o lazer cidadão. Buscou-se articular alianças entre várias políticas
públicas que devem ser implementadas como propriedades no meio urbano, visando
romper com o binômio do esporte e do lazer no sentido qualifica o debate em torno
da emancipação do lazer enquanto o espaço privilegiado para o exercício da
cidadania.
E, trazer para o centro do debate, outras interfaces possíveis para a superação da
inércia em que se encontra o lazer em nossa realidade, bem como fornecer
subsídios que ajudem a compreender o lazer como direito fundamental assegurado
por lei a todo cidadão brasileiro. O presente estudo teve como hipótese as seguintes
questões: As atuais políticas públicas implantadas nos países de capitalismo
avançado como nos países de capitalismo periféricos, por estarem ancoradas na
concepção neoliberal, não são efetivamente políticas sociais; A inobservância e ou
desconhecimento da legislação existente nos três âmbitos de poder, por não
estarem articuladas, têm dificultado a formulação e implementação de políticas
públicas efetivas na área do lazer em nossa realidade. O estudo também procurou
aponta propostas de suspensão do atual quadro, a partir de uma ação inclusiva da
população junto ao poder público na condição de co-autores da história que se
pretende mudar.
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Poata-Smith, E. S. Te Ahu, and n/a. "The political economy of Maori protest politics, 1968-1995 : a Marxist analysis of the roots of Maori oppression and the politics of resistance." University of Otago. Department of Political Studies, 2002. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070508.153703.
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This thesis provides a Marxist analysis of the political economy of contemporary Maori protest politics in the years from 1968 to 1995. It is argued that Maori protest politics embraces a range of competing political ideologies, which are informed by different assumptions about the causes of Maori inequality in wider society, and in turn, different sets of strategies for ameliorating and transcending that inequality.
Overall, the thesis has two central concerns: firstly, it identifies the critical economic, political and ideological conditions and context that have allowed particular competing political ideologies and strategies to dominate contemporary Maori protest politics. This involves a particular focus on understanding and explaining the rise of identity politics and cultural nationalism as the dominant political strategy within Maori protest politics. This involves a particular focus on understanding and explaining the rise of identity politics and cultural nationalism as the dominant political strategy within Maori protest politics. Secondly, the thesis critically assesses the effectiveness of contemporary Maori struggles against racism and oppression on the basis of whether they involve, or are likely to contribute towards, the transformation of the generative structures that give rise to manifest inequalities between Maori and non-Maori. It is argued that the systematic alienation of land and the inequality that exists between Maori and non-Maori are not simply the result of the underlying cultural values of individual non-Maori but are rather the result of the historical process of capitalist development in Aotearoa and the economic, political and ideological requirements necessary for the generalised commodification of indigenous labour-power.
The thesis explores how the politics and practice of Maori protest has been shaped and influenced to a large extent by the underlying social, economic, political and ideological forces of global capitalism. It is argued that the international collapse of the long boom, the global upturn in class struggle and the emergence of the New Left internationally from the late 1960s had an enormous influence on the political direction of Maori protest in the New Zealand context. The success of the working class offensive and the growing political influence of rank and file Maori workers ensured that Maori protest groups formed part of the progressive social movements of the time. Indeed, although some were explicitly nationalist in their orientation, these movements were consciously part of the Left.
The balance of political forces within the Maori protest movement changed considerably during the late 1970s and early 1980s with the rise of the New Right as a political force internationally together with the rise of employer militancy, the defeat and demoralization of the working class movement internationally, the decline of the social movements and the absence of mass struggle. This had important implications for the influence of the various ideological factions that co-existed uneasily in the Maori political milieu from the early 1970s onwards. The downturn in militant mass struggle saw the rise in the influence of identity politics as cultural nationalist strategies came to dominate Maori protest politics, representing a fundamental retreat from Left-wing ideas. In practice this entailed a rejection of the class politics and mass struggle that had informed the politics and strategies of Maori protest groups from the late 1960s, and its replacement with a politics of cross-class alliances and a personal rejection of �Pakeha society�. In practice this was a recipe for passivity and divisiveness within the Maori protest movement itself.
The politics of cultural nationalism left Maori ill-equipped to resist the ruling class counter-offensive and the anti-working class policies that successive governments introduced to restore the conditions for profitable capital accumulation. In particular, the rejection of a class analysis of Maori inequality in capitalist society has undermined the capacity of working class Maori to resist the neo-liberal agenda and a Treaty of Waitangi settlement process that has resulted in a substantial shift in resources to those sections of Maori society already wealthy and powerful. Although the settlement process represented an important concession by the state, it has never compensated for the anti-working class policies of governments since 1984, which have widened the social and economic inequalities in New Zealand society. In this way, the emphasis on cultural identity alone as the determining factor in Maori oppression has been counter-productive for working class Maori as successive governments shifted the costs of the economic crisis on to the weakest sections of the community.
As New Zealand entered a new period of economic and social crisis in the 1990s, the commercial interests of Maori tribal executives, Maori corporate enterprises, and the Maori bureaucracy were clearly at odds with the material interests of the vast majority of working class Maori families. This fundamental conflict in class interests was to set the scene for a revival of militancy on scale not seen since the 1970s.
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Goode, Luke. "Politics and the public sphere : the social-political theory of Jurgen Habermas." Thesis, Nottingham Trent University, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.297734.
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Yang, Chihyuan. "Sociotechnical imaginary and rationality : political factuality and public authority in Taiwanese energy politics." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2018. http://eprints.lancs.ac.uk/126163/.
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After the 2011 Fukushima nuclear disaster, an outcry erupted in Taiwanese society demanding a sustainable energy transition. However, the dominant sociotechnical imagination in postwar Taiwan – developmental high modernism – manifests itself in tacit answers to the questions of what a better society should be, how technical choices should be made to achieve that goal, and what the most pragmatic and viable approach is to make the particular dreamed-of future become reality. Using an approach informed by STS/SSK (sociology of scientific knowledge), this thesis explores the exclusion of alternative energy futures brought about by a high modernist imaginary and looks into its nationalist-high modernist rationality in the forms of shared story-lines, created factuality and routinised technical choices within governmental institutions. High modernism in East Asia is characterised by the authoritarian reflex of planning rationality, which gives paramount political weight to a collectivist and unitary idea of the public good which is crafted through performative technicality in constructing the impartiality and objectivity of public authority. I explore this rationality through two case studies: national planning around power shortage and reserve margins, and the setting of feed-in tariffs for renewable energy. By way of contrast, I then explore a third case study: the development of combined PV energy, agriculture and aquaculture initiatives in Linbian and Jiadong. I suggest that can this give us clues about an alternative, grassroots ‘indigenist-reformist rationality’ imaginary for Taiwan which reassembles and enacts an indigenous identity rooted in attachment to land and locality.
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Carr, John Newman. "The political grind : the role of youth identities in the municipal politics of public space /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/5614.
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Bramley, Nicolette Ruth, and Nicolette Bramley@canberra edu au. "Pronouns of politics : the use of pronouns in the construction of 'self' and 'other' in political interviews." The Australian National University. Faculty of Arts, 2001. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20040817.141350.
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Pronouns play a key role in the construction of self and other. They are not merely a way of expressing person, number and gender as is suggested by traditional grammarians nor do they only do referential and deictic work. Rather, they must be thought of in the context of interaction and in terms of the identity work that they accomplish. In this thesis, it is argued that pronouns are used to construct favourable images of themselves, and others.¶ The context of this study is the Australian political media interview. In this study, the pronouns I you we and they are examined individually, then, as they occur in sequence. This investigation reveals that pronouns are used to construct politicians multiple selves and others and that as they occur in sequence, the changing selves of politicians and different others are created. The construction of these multiple selves and others is a version of reality that politicians construct discursively and is not an objective representation of facts.¶ This analysis of pronouns in political interviews also reveals striking and hitherto unresearched uses of pronouns, which can be used to show affiliation or create distance between people where it would not traditionally be expected. Politicians actively exploit the flexibility of pronominal reference to construct the different identities of themselves and other and use them to create different alignments to, and boundaries between, their multiple selves and others. Thus, pronouns are pivotal in the construction of reality a reality that is created and understood in the discourse of the moment.
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McCray-McCall, Denise. "Embodying Politics and Administration: The World of Political Appointee in Municipal Government." Cleveland State University / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=csu1199384965.
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Serizawa, Molly M. "Dialectic of Celebrity Politics: Identifying Public Personalities and Political Performers in Twenty-First Century America." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/254.
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‘Celebrity’ has become a growing field of critical inquiry and cultural interest in twenty-first century society. Celebrities embody a host of meanings and engender larger ideological and discursive practices, in which they articulate expressions of social, cultural and political power that attach meaning to public individuals. Beginning with the late-twentieth century, celebrities have come to occupy spaces that exist beyond popular culture platforms, most notably in politics and international diplomacy. In spite of its typical association with superficial discussions of gossip and cheap entertainment, celebrities have become the site of anxiety in a capitalist society. To come to terms with these growing anxieties concerning celebrity and its accoutrements, this thesis explores the embedded complexities and consequences of the celebrity system within the framework of what has dubiously been called ‘celebrity politics.’ Through a detailed examination of this phenomenon, this thesis explores the coalescing spheres of Hollywood and the White House, where ‘celebrity’ and ‘politician’ have become interchangeable monikers. In addition to examining the historical conditions that have given rise to the phenomenon, this study examines contemporary articulations of the ‘celebrity politician,’ focusing on Angelina Jolie, Sean Penn and President Barack Obama. Discussion of these figures is framed by critical theory and media studies to better understand their location within the contemporary Western landscape.
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Annison, Harry. "Dangerous politics : an interpretive political analysis of the imprisonment for public protection sentence, 2003-2008." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:73c4f0dc-b86f-4d02-a380-0ae97d3974b4.
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The thesis constitutes a detailed historical reconstruction of the creation, contestation and subsequent amendment of the Imprisonment for Public Protection sentence, the principal ‘dangerous offender’ measure of the Criminal Justice Act 2003. Underpinned by an interpretive political analysis of penal politics, the thesis draws on a detailed analysis of relevant documents and 53 interviews with national level, policy-oriented actors. The thesis explores how actors’ conceptions of ‘risk’ and ‘the public’ interwove with the political beliefs and political traditions relied upon by the relevant actors. It is argued that while there was general recognition of a ‘real problem’ existing in relation to dangerous offenders, the central actors in the creation of the IPP sentence crucially lacked a detailed understanding of the state of the art of risk assessment and management (Kemshall, 2003) and failed to appreciate the systemic risks posed by the IPP sentence. The creation of the IPP sentence, as with its subsequent amendment, is argued to highlight the extreme vulnerability felt by many government actors. The efforts of interest groups and other pressure participants to have their concerns addressed regarding the systemic and human damage subsequently caused by the under-resourcing of the IPP sentence is explored, and the challenge of stridently arguing for substantial change while maintaining ‘insider’ status is discussed. As regards senior courts’ efforts to rein in the IPP sentence, it is argued that the increasingly conservative nature of the judgments demonstrate that the judiciary are not immune from the creep of a ‘precautionary logic’ into British penal politics. Regarding the amendment of the IPP sentence, the Ministry of Justice’s navigation between the twin dangers of a systemic crisis and a political crisis are explored. In conclusion, the IPP story is argued to demonstrate a troubling ‘thoughtlessness’ by many of the key policymakers, revealing what is termed the ‘banality of punitiveness.’ The potential for a reliance on political beliefs and traditions to slip into this thoughtless state, and possible ways of ensuring that such policy issues are engaged with in a more inclusive and expansive manner, are discussed.
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REIS, REINALDO DE LIMA. "PUBLIC APOLOGETIC AND POLITICS." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2009. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=32848@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO<br>O objetivo deste estudo é caracterizar o ato de desculpas públicas realizados por agentes políticos, no exercício de suas funções. A partir de uma perspectiva sociopragmática, pretende-se examinar a especificidade da forma e da função das desculpas públicas e o tipo de ofensa e contexto que motiva o pedido
de desculpas. O corpus é constituído por desculpas públicas, veiculadas pela mídia impressa e eletrônica. Os resultados sugerem que as desculpas públicas têm como alvo não o ofendido, senão a manutenção da própria imagem e que nem sempre as ofensas são da responsabilidade do ofensor ou implicam a expressão de
arrependimento. A análise mostra ainda que a alta frequência das desculpas na contemporaneidade está também relacionada à imposição do princípio do discurso politicamente correto.<br>This study aims at characterizing the public apologetic speech by political agents in the charge of their functions. From a socio-pragmatics perspective will be examined the specific character of a content and function of public apologies, kinds of offenses and context which motivates the apologetic speeches. The
corpus came from the public apologies reported by press and electronic media. The results suggest that the public apologies main target is not the offended party but to keep the image of his own not always are the responsibility of the speaker or mean expression of regret. From the analysis is still elicited that the high
frequencies of apologetic speeches in the modern world go through a politically correct discourse.
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Birks, Jennifer. "Newspaper campaigns, publics and politics." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2009. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/747/.
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This thesis examines the practice of campaigning journalism, where a newspaper seeks political influence and claims to do so on behalf of its readers or a wider public. It is a production and content study of campaign journalism in the Scottish press, examining the journalists’ orientation to their readers, both in terms of social responsibility toward them in facilitating their citizenship, and in terms of accountability or answerability to them as their quasi-representatives. The study also analyses the newspapers’ representation of the substance and legitimacy of public opinion to politicians at the Scottish Parliament, in particular the governing Scottish Executive (now Scottish Government), and the framing of politicians’ obligation to respond to public demands as formulated by the newspapers. In short, it seeks to investigate newspapers’ democratic claims to be the voice of ‘the public’. Existing literature indicates that a key legitimation of campaigning journalism is that the newspaper is acting on behalf of a public or publics. However, it is not clear how these claims are substantiated. Existing mechanisms of accountability and normative conventions of responsibility are based on the liberal model of democracy, whereby the press are responsible for informing voters. In campaigning, the press instead adopt the language of representing group interests or protest politics that would fit with a corporatist or participatory model of democracy. These alternative models presuppose active or at least attentive publics, and newspapers’ interaction with and representation of them in this sense. This would fit with popular notions of Scottish political history as characterised by activism, and the aspirations of the Scottish Parliament. However, the campaigns instead addressed an imagined public that were conceived of as a market, and represented ‘the public’ as a passive and powerless aggregate of interests. Despite campaigning being taken up on behalf of disadvantaged groups, those affected were only given a voice to express their feelings as victims, and political advocacy was largely reserved to the newspaper rather than extended to associations and organisations in civic society. The neo-liberal assumption of private (not political) self-determination and freedom as the defence of property and other personal interests meant that affected individuals were portrayed as passive and vulnerable ‘victims’ whose freedom and agency were oppressed by criminal perpetrators. Where social welfare was addressed it was dissociated from taxation, and portrayed in terms of consumer preferences. Publics were otherwise addressed and portrayed as an aggregate mass of instrumental interests and fearful, defensive feelings, not as associative or discursive.
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Cho, Young Cheon. "The politics of suffering in the public sphere: the body in pain, empathy, and political spectacles." Diss., University of Iowa, 2009. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/936.
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Can private bodily pain be transformed into a communication medium fit for the public sphere? Can the body in pain be utilized as a means for political participation? If so, how? Under what circumstances? By whom? And to what effect? To begin answering these questions, this dissertation concentrates on extralinguistic confrontational practices such as self-immolation suicide protests that are exercised by those who have been marginalized and excluded from political participation. By focusing on hitherto neglected forms of communication that are visual, spectacular, violent, unruly, and physical, the study expands and complicates the current discussions about the public sphere that are usually yoked to speculation on the boundaries of reason and words. Arguing that the body in pain is a theoretically considerable and practically available mode of public participation, the dissertation examines the rhetorical potency as well as fragility of body rhetoric.
Each chapter analyzes different cases of self-immolation, addressing such issues as embodiment in publicity, the gap between private sensation and public discourse, the role of emotion in constituting the public sphere, and the judgments of the audience. The cases offer an opportunity not only to theorize how subaltern people appear out of the darkness of sheltered existence and enter the space of appearance by utilizing their body, but also to rethink the civic art of looking upon suffering. Through the exploration of the place of embodied performance, visual spectacle, and moral stuntsmanship within the larger discussion of democracy, the dissertation endeavors to rehabilitate publicity as a nondialogical political value.
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Krämer, Raimund. "Res Publica : eine Einführung in die Politikwissenschaft. - 3., Aufl." Universität Potsdam, 2011. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2011/5547/.
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Die Frage nach der politischen Ordnung steht im Mittelpunkt des Lehrtextes zur Einführung in die Wissenschaft von der Res Publica. Dieses als Skript konzipierte Lehrbuch dient als Grundlage der Einführungsvorlesung an der Universität Potsdam.
Mit einem nüchternen Blick in die Geschichte, von der Antike über die frühe Neuzeit bis in die Gegenwart – und dies global – wird das Politische aus verschiedenen Perspektiven diskutiert. Es ist vor allem ein Text für jene, die sich mit dem Politischen zu beschäftigen beginnen, jedoch auch für jene lohnenswert, die sich erneut der Grundlagen versichern möchten.
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Baggott, I. R. "The politics of public health : Alcohol, politics and social policy." Thesis, University of Hull, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.384641.
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Panton, James. "Politics, subjectivity and the public/private distinction : the problematisation of the public/private relationship in political thought after World War II." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:cb636385-aa16-44d1-abf5-2e835e62665c.
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A critical investigation of the public/private distinction as it has been conceived in Anglo-American political thinking in the second half of the 20th century. A broadly held consensus has developed amongst many theorists that public/private does not refer to any single determinate distinction or relationship but rather to an often ambiguous range of related but analytically distinct conceptual oppositions. The argument of this thesis is that if we approach public/private in the search for analytic or conceptual clarity then this consensus is correct. Against this I propose that a number of the most dominant invocations of the distinction can be understood to express public/private as an irreducibly political dialectic that mediates the relationship between the subjective and objective side of social and political life. By locating these conceptually diverse invocations within a broader and more determinate framework of the historical development and contestation of the boundaries which establish the conditions for subjectivity, as the assertion of political agency, on the one hand, and which demarcate, police and defend these particular boundaries, as part of the objectively given character of social life and institutional organisation, on the other hand, then a more determinate character to public/private can be recognized. I then seek to explore the capacity of this model to capture and explain the peculiar post-war problematisation of public/private amongst a number of new left thinkers in Britain and America.
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Hehnke, Jennifer Marie 1978. "The politics of racial integration in the Seattle Public Schools: Discourse, policy, and political change, 1954-1991." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/10550.
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xiii, 302 p. : ill. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number.<br>This study examines the role of narrative in racial integration politics in the Seattle Public Schools between 1954 and 1991. In 1978, the Seattle School District in coalition with civic actors implemented a mandatory student assignment desegregation policy, "The Seattle Plan," without a court order. A decade later, another similar coalition of actors came together to shift desegregation policy towards a "controlled choice" method of student movement. In 1991, with the support of the newly elected Democratic mayor, the foundation of desegregation was dismantled.
In Seattle, the shifts in desegregation conflicts can be explained as the transposition of certain arrangements of ideas into policy and the concurrent shift in the arrangement produced by new alignments of actors able to find enough common ground to coalesce and make policy. This dissertation explores the complexity of ideas about racial equality and the oftentimes-surprising arrangements actors created. I analyze the way elected, elite, and non-elite actors at the local level talked about, interpreted, and re-interpreted questions of racial segregation, equality, and the role of the public schools and explore the amalgamations of ideas about race and schools that explain the unique development of policy in Seattle with a way to account for change relying on micro-political developments. I examine the discursive arrangements generated within these conflicts, the coalitions built around these ideas, and how the ideas were implemented as policy. I analyze a broad range of archival materials, newspaper accounts, and interviews with actors who were involved in these events.<br>Committee in charge: Gerald Berk, Chairperson, Political Science;
Julie Novkov, Member, Political Science;
Joseph Lowndes, Member, Political Science;
James Mohr, Outside Member, History
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Boateng, Joseph. "Complementarity in Politics-Administration Relationship: Interpersonal Trust Between Political Appointees and Career Public Managers in State Government." University of Akron / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=akron1399993559.
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Pereira, José Roberto Gabriel. "Judicial decision in hostile environments : judges, executives, and the public in Argentina (2004-2010)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:77e42a70-016e-466e-b726-4cc300bc9070.
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The central argument of this work is that the level of aggression of judges sitting in vulnerable courts is a function of their attempt to protect the institutional security of such courts. I argue that in contexts characterised by a lack of a culture of judicial independence, by high levels of judicial delegitimisation, and a high level of public visibility of judicial affairs, judges will attempt to simultaneously construct public support and avoid political conflicts with the Government. As a result, judicial decisions are driven by judges’ calculations of both the public’s reaction and the Government’s reaction to their rulings. I claim the level of aggression of judges’ interventions will increase when the Government's tolerance to decisions against its preferences was is higher and the public appears to be more supportive. I empirically test this theory using the case of Argentine Supreme Court Justices between July 2004 and September 2010. The findings confirm the theoretical expectations according to which judges are simultaneously concerned with the construction of public support and the avoidance of conflicts with the Government. In addition, my study shows three relevant patterns in terms of judicial behaviour. First, the Justices increased their level of aggression by using different modes of involvement when the public appeared to be more supportive and the Government’s tolerance higher during the period under study. Second, the decreased level of aggression occurred by altering the features of the same remedy in response to the political conditions in which decisions were issued. Third, existing legal constraints prevented Justices from being more aggressive.
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Pang, Ho Yan Catherina, and 彭可茵. "Public policy and political party: a study ofthe role of the democratic party." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31965039.
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Pinheiro, Aline Freitas Dias. "AvaliaÃÃo da AssistÃncia Estudantil: Possibilidades e Limites e uma PolÃtica PÃblica Educacional." Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2015. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=15871.
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Universidade Federal do CearÃ<br>O presente trabalho realizou uma avaliaÃÃo de impacto no Instituto Federal de EducaÃÃo,
CiÃncia e Tecnologia do Cearà (IFCE), campus Fortaleza, da polÃtica de assistÃncia estudantil.
Com o intuito de compreender como essa polÃtica vem se desenvolvendo junto aos discentes
que a ela recorrem para permanecer na referida instituiÃÃo de ensino, esta pesquisa objetivou
conhecer se tal polÃtica vem se afirmando como um direito do aluno, possibilitando que este
conclua seus estudos, e como os atores sociais que estÃo envolvidos com assistÃncia estudantil
(estudantes, assistentes sociais da CoordenaÃÃo de ServiÃo Social, diretora de assuntos
estudantis e diretora de gestÃo orÃamentÃria) veem-na, conduzem-na e que significados
possuem dessa polÃtica, para identificar suas potencialidades e limites. Para tanto, este
trabalho apresenta algumas discussÃes sobre o contexto em que nasceu a assistÃncia estudantil
no Brasil, o entendimento desta como polÃtica pÃblica educacional voltada para a manutenÃÃo
do aluno nas instituiÃÃes federais de ensino e, especificamente, sua implantaÃÃo no IFCE,
campus Fortaleza. Para chegar aos objetivos propostos, foram realizadas entrevistas
semiestruturadas, bem como observaÃÃo participante e registros em diÃrio de campo.<br>The present work made an impact evaluation at Instituto Federal de EducaÃÃo, CiÃncia e
Tecnologia do Cearà (IFCE), Fortaleza campus, of studentsâ politics and assistance. As an
aim to understand how this politics have been developing along with the learners that fall
back upon it to remain in the referred learning institution, this research aimed to know if this
politics has been reaffirming itself as a studentâs right, enabling them to complete their
studies, and also how social actors, that are involved with students assistance (students, social
assistants of Social Services Coordination, director of students matters and financial
management directory), see it, lead it and what meanings they have about this politics to
identify its potentialities and limits. For this purpose, this work shows some discussions
about the context where studentsâ assistance has risen, the understanding of it as educational
public politics turned to the maintenance of the students in the learning federal institutions,
and specifically its implantation in IFCE, Fortaleza campus. Some semi-structured interviews
have been conducted in order to get to the proposed aims, as well as participant observations
and daily field records.
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Vegas, Maria Luz. "Actores politicos, funcionarias y activistas| El desarrollo de las politicas de genero en el municipio de moron." Thesis, Georgetown University, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10636437.
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<p> Gender equality is part of the public policy agenda in Latin America. During the last twenty years, there have been several discussions on the scope of equality policies between women and men, their content and possibilities of action. In Latin America, important progresses have been made, mainly in the legal field but also in different government areas. Many subnational levels of government have their own gender offices and have developed local experiences in promoting equality measures. Argentina registers some outstanding experiences in incorporating the gender perspective at the local level. The decentralization processes reconfigured the capacities and responsibilities of subnational governments and presented potential elements for gender mainstreaming. In addition, the closeness to citizenship and the possibility of articulating demands offered by this scale are important for the promotion of gender policies. </p><p> Morón is one of the 135 Municipalities of Buenos Aires Province, Argentina. Between 1999 and 2015 the political party Nuevo Encuentro ran the Municipality. The administration encouraged citizen participation and transparency in management, proposing new forms of linkage between the State and society. In this context, more horizontal management structures were framed and they opened up the possibility of promoting equal opportunities and gender equality in Morón. This thesis examines the evolution of the gender equality policy under the management of <i>Nuevo Encuentro</i> in the Municipality of Morón. It aimed at characterizing gender policy and its sustainability over time. Also, it seeks to analyze the role of social and political actors in the implementation of this policy, as well as in its development and expansion. For these purposes, a case study was conducted and the research involved fieldwork based on interviews with different government agents and civil society’s members. </p><p> The results obtained demonstrate that gender equality policies in Morón have progressively evolved from the rise of the issue in the public agenda in 1999 to the end of <i>Nuevo Encuentro’s</i> administration in 2015. The increasing maturation of the gender equality policy in Morón’s local government and its sustainability was due to the convergence of the four key elements: political commitment, presence of a network of women politicians sensitized with gender issues, articulation of local government with social organizations committed to women’s rights and international cooperation with resources and interests in supporting local initiatives on gender policies. </p><p>
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Höen, Bustos Emma. "When women opt out of politics : Exploring gendered barriers to political candidacy." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-312933.
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This study aims to explore women’s perceived barriers to enter politics investigated through a Colombian case study. The Colombian case highlights a paradox common in Latin America where representation levels of women in legislatures are low, but representation in other professions is high. Research on gender and candidate selection has so far mainly focused on applying a macro, top-down perspective and describing objectively defined barriers to women’s political representation. This study changes the perspective and focuses on applying a bottom-up approach, focusing on individual women and their subjective views on barriers to enter politics. The material was collected during an 8-week field study in various locations in Colombia between July and August 2016. The findings suggest that the intersection between socioeconomic factors and gender play a large role in defining barriers to enter politics. Personal as well as systemic factors interoperate to lower both the “supply” and “demand” of candidates. The results also suggest that some professional groups are more likely to reject institutional participation, focusing political efforts on activism, and that families and political parties both serve as “gatekeepers” enabling or disabling political representation. Key words: Gendered barriers to enter politics, political participation and representation, candidate selection, Colombia, clientelism, formal and informal institutions.
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Marconsin, Adauto Fernandes. "Politica publica de economia solidaria : uma politica em construção." [s.n.], 2008. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/252006.
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Orientador : Newton Antonio Paciulli Bryan<br>Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-11T04:57:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
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Previous issue date: 2008<br>Resumo: Esta tese de doutorado, usando uma metodologia qualitativa e conceitos de economia solidária, de política pública e Estado, burocracia, poder político e tomada de decisões, investiga a implantação de política pública de economia solidária no Governo Federal (2003-2006), Governo do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul (1999-2002), Municípios de São Paulo (2001-2004), Santo André (1989-2004), Osasco (2005-2007) e no município de Campinas (2001-2007). Busco, a partir dos marcos legais e das intencionalidades da política, estabelecer nexos dessa construção e, a partir daí categorizá-la como política pública em construção através dos indicadores propostos. Em particular no município de Campinas (2001-2007), utilizando a metodologia do estudo de caso, a partir de um duplo papel de pesquisador e gestor da política, apresento a construção dessa política a partir de seu marco legal, detalhando a ação da burocracia pública na análise das proposições construtivas da política no fomento aos empreendimentos solidários. Utilizo os espaços de construção da política, definidos entre os sujeitos constitutivos da política, para estabelecer os nexos entre o conceito de economia solidária e da política pública de economia solidária. Através de entrevistas envolvendo os gestores públicos e os sujeitos constitutivos dos empreendimentos solidários na experiência de Campinas e resgatando a análise dos textos relativos às experiências dos demais municípios, Estado do Rio Grande do Sul e Governo Federal, finalizo a análise da política pública, caracterizando-a como em construção<br>Abstract: This doctoral thesis, using a qualitative methodology and concepts of solidary economy, public policy and state, bureaucracy, political power and decision-making, investigates the deployment of public policy for solidary economy in the Federal Government (2003-2006), Government of State of Rio Grande do Sul (1999-2002), Municipality of São Paulo (2001-2004), Santo André (1989-2004), Osasco (2005-2007) and in the city of Campinas (2001-2007). Search, from the legal milestones in intentionalities policy, establish links of this building and from there categorizá it as public policy in progress through the indicators. In particular in the city of Campinas (2001-2007), using the methodology of the case study, from a dual role of investigator and manager of the policy, presenting the construction of this policy from its legal framework, detailing the action of bureaucracy public in the analysis of proposals constructive policy on encouraging enterprises to solidarity. Use the spaces for the construction of the policy, defined between subjects constituting the policy, to establish the links between the concept of economic solidarity and the public policy of economic solidarity. Through interviews involving the public and managers of the subjects constituting empreendimetos solidarity in the experience of Campinas in rescuing the analysis of texts relating to the experiences of other municipalities, state of Rio Grande do Sul and the Federal Government, end the analysis of public policy, featuring as under construction<br>Doutorado<br>Politicas de Educação e Sistemas Educativos<br>Doutor em Educação
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Teevens, Alexa. "Arizona House Bill 2281 and the Politics of Knowledge in Public Schools." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/469.
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This paper will explore the implications of Arizona 2010 House Bill 2281, a vaguely worded piece of legislation which has been identified as an attempt to eliminate ethnic studies programs from Arizona public schools, and particularly the Mexican-American Studies program of the Tucson Unified School District. Specifically, this analysis is concerned with the implications of this law on debates surrounding the legitimacy of ethnic studies, and more broadly, on the purpose of public education in the United States today. While both supporters and opponents of the bill believe that it is inappropriate to indoctrinate students in public school with a singular political agenda, an unraveling of this story makes clear that it is impossible to avoid such a quandary when curriculum insists that an objectivity of knowledge exists. As such, I advocate for a more fundamentally postmodern rethinking of social science curricula in which no single narrative is granted validity at the expense of all others.
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Steven, Martin H. M. "The political influence of the Church of Scotland, post-devolution : public policy-making and religion in Scottish politics." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2003. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2047/.
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The research is an in-depth, empirical study of the political behaviour of the Church of Scotland; it is primarily intended as a contribution to the territorial field of Scottish politics. The most important aim of the thesis is to assess the overall effectiveness of the Church of Scotland when it takes part in political activities. More generally, the research has three key themes: first, it examines the place of religion in politics by analysing churches as political pressure groups rather than simply looking at voting behaviour; second, it looks at the development of the new Scottish political system, post-devolution; third, it explicitly compares the political behaviour of the Church of Scotland with the Scottish Catholic Church. Chapter two focuses on the political behaviour of the Church and Nation Committee of the Church of Scotland and concludes that its effectiveness is limited, primarily due to a shift in societal values. Chapter three focuses on the political behaviour of the Board of Social Responsibility of the Church of Scotland and concludes that is possesses more potential for influence than the Committee, due to the nature of the issues it is concerned with. Chapter four compares and contrasts the political behaviour of the Church of Scotland with the Scottish Catholic Church, and concludes that the latter is often more effective than the former when they act as political pressure groups. Chapter five analyses the results of the elite survey questionnaires and interviews; one of its main conclusions is that while most Scottish politicians believe the Church of Scotland to be influential, they do not perceive themselves to be personally influenced. The thesis argues that the political influence of the Church of Scotland is varied, depending on which area of policy is being addressed, and the place of religion generally in Scottish politics is becoming increasingly peripheral.
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Camargo, Keila Bonin Reis de [UNESP]. "Estudo do turismo na perspectiva geográfica no município de Presidente Epitácio." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/95701.
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camargo_kbr_me_rcla.pdf: 2386573 bytes, checksum: 5b9791c8b1c48d0013f2d66886241af2 (MD5)<br>Este trabalho tem como objeto de pesquisa o Município de Presidente Epitácio e se propõe a fazer uma análise do processo de produção do espaço urbano, num momento em que a atividade turística desponta como alternativa econômica para seu crescimento, principalmente após as modificações territoriais ocorridas em função da Construção da Usina Hidrelétrica “Engenheiro Sérgio Motta”, que promoveu o alagamento de áreas importantes da cidade. Partimos do pressuposto de que a atividade turística é uma prática social e econômica inerente ao processo de produção capitalista, inserida na ideologia do consumo e que reproduz a lógica do capital. A apropriação do território para o uso turístico promove a normatização, funcionalização e mercantilização do espaço modificando sua forma e função, o que resulta na perda das relações de vizinhança e da identidade que dá sentido aos lugares, causando a fragmentação do território e a segregação sócio-espacial. Entretanto a pesquisa não se restringe apenas ao estudo do desenvolvimento do turismo, mas pretende uma análise mais ampla quanto ao processo histórico de crescimento desta e das demais atividades que vêem promovendo a expansão urbana e a transformação de seu território, destacando criticamente suas implicações no modo de ser local e abordando a importância das Políticas Públicas e o papel do Estado neste processo de mudanças.<br>This work has as research object the Municipal district of President Epitácio and intends to do an analysis of the process of production of the urban space, in one moment in that the tourist activity blunts as economical alternative to growth, mainly after the territorial modifications happened in function of the Construction of the Hydroelectric power station Engineer Sérgio Motta, that it promoted the flooding of important areas of the city. We left of the presupposition that the tourist activity is a social and economical practice inherent to the process of capitalist production, inserted in the ideology of the consumption and that it reproduces the logic of the capital. The appropriation of the territory for the tourist use promotes the standardization, functions and merchandise of the space modifying the form and function, what results in the loss of the neighborhood relationships and of the identity that gives sense to the places, causing the fragmentation of the territory and the partner-space segregation. However the research doesn't just limit to the study of the development of the tourism, but it intends a wider analysis as for the historical process to growth of this and of the other activities that see promoting the urban expansion and the transformation of territory, detaching their implications critically in the way of being local and approaching the importance of the Public Politics and the paper of the State in this process of changes.
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Antonini, David Robert. "HANNAH ARENDT AND POLITICAL MODERNITY: THE CONCEPT OF THE PUBLIC SPACE." OpenSIUC, 2018. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/1547.
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This dissertation takes as its founding premise that modern subjects interpret and experience the political as somehow alienating or other—as a form of experience that is not fundamental but is only significant as a means to some further end. It is common in late modern societies to think of the political as subservient to economic and social ends, and to make it so. In light of this, my dissertation addresses two major problems: the erosion of distinctly political experience in modernity and the attempt to show how such experience can be recovered. By erosion I mean both the deterioration of the “public space,” a political concept that comes from Hannah Arendt, and the general impoverishment of political discourse. I argue, with Arendt, that political experience is recoverable through articulating a concept of the public space in which the need of creating and maintaining it for the sake of political experience as an experience in which freedom can arise. The dissertation is therefore an interpretation and extension of Arendt’s political thought, with a major objective being to seek a path forward in combating the alienation and instrumentality that, I argue, characterizes contemporary citizens’ experience of the political.
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Trent, Dietra Y. "Public Policy Preferences and Political Attitudes: Exploring the Generational Divide among African Americans." VCU Scholars Compass, 2007. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/976.
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Since the Civil Rights era, African Americans have come a long way. In the years since the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the 1965 Voting Rights Act, there have been dramatic increases in education, political representation, business ownership, and occupational position. Yet, for all of the economic, social and political advances made in the African American community, many young people are still subjected to inferior schools, housing and depressed communities where crime, drugs, police brutality and HIV/AIDS run rampant. As a result, there is a growing tension among the community over the root causes of their predicament and the most adequate way of dealing with them. Based on the generational political theory, this dissertation examines generational effects within the African American community since 1964. From this period, three distinct cohorts are analyzed: the Civil Rights, Integration, and Hip Hop generations. The objective is to determine if different experiences over this period have modified political values, attitudes, and behaviors from one generation to the next. Using data from the 1996 National Black Elections Study (NBES), I examine public policy preferences and political attitudes of African Americans. I use bivariate and multivariate analysis to show generational gaps in attitudes about issues related to major party performance. I draw three major conclusions from this analysis. First, racial group interests remain powerfully important across all cohorts. Next, the Hip Hop generation tends to hold more conservative attitudes than either the Civil Rights or the Integration generations. Finally, I conclude that at the very core of black politics, political values have not changed. However, there is a tension among the Hip Hop cohort between the impending attitudinal changes and the more traditional values of the Civil Rights cohort. The proposed dissertation contributes to the body of research by analyzing generational politics and behavior to better understand the future of black politics in the 21st century.
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Mentoor, John W. "Public participation in public policy making." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/855.
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Thesis (MA (Public and Development Management))-- University of Stellenbosch, 1995.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study assesses public participation in public policy making by way of a case study approach. The Regional Education Boards and the Regional Services Council form part of the case study evaluation of public participation in public policy making. In essence, a structural-functionalist analysis of the two cases is given. From this approach this study points out what the
activities of the two institutions are, what services they render and the policy measures with which they are engaged in. This is
imperative because by way of an analysis, the extent to which
the public is allowed to participate in the policy making
process, with reference to the two institutions, is determined.
Before the assessment of the two cases a conceptual framework
pertaining to public participation in public policy making is given. In this conceptual framework the different typologies, policy levels, participants and the modes of public participation in public policy making are highlighted.
In earlier years public participation in public policy making was simply seen as being confined to voting turn-out. As the study of public policy making expanded the operational definition of public participation was broaden to include activities such as campaigning, handing petitions to members of parliament,
attending political meetings, writing letters to communication
media, written representations submitted to a minister and
protest action. Thus, as the study of public policy making expanded it became clear that separate participation modes exist because the activities which emanates from the implementation of public policy differ systematically in the requirements it place on the citizens. What is significant of this thesis is that it proposed a nine-point criteriological model for effective participation in
public policy making. Each criterium is analyzed in depth and it is indicated how important it is for effective public
participation in public policy making.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie bepaal publieke deelname in openbare beleidmaking by wyse van 'n setwerklike benadering. Die Onderwysstreekrade en die Streekdiensterade vorm deel van hierdie evaluering van publieke deelname in openbare beleidmaking. Vir hierdie benadering word 'n strukturieel - funksionele uiteensetting van die werkswyse en beleidsmaatreëls van die twee instansies gegee. Hierdie uiteensetting is belangrik omrede, deur middel van 'n analise, daar bepaal word tot watter mate die publiek deel uitmaak van die beleidmakingsproses ten opsigte van die twee instansies. Voor die uiteensetting van die setwerklike benadering word 'n raamwerk met betrekking tot die konsepte wat van toepassing is op publieke deelname in openbare beleidmaking, gegee. In hierdie raamwerk word die verskillende tipologieë, beleidsvlakke, deelnemers en die verskillende maniere van publieke deelname in die openbare beleidmakingsproses, uitgebeeld. In vroeër jare was publieke deelname in openbare beleid gesien as bloot deelname aan verkiesings. Namate die studie van openbare beleid uitgebrei het, het die operasionele definisie van
publieke deelname groter geword om aktiwiteite soos petisies aan
parlementslede, bywoning van politieke vergaderings, briewe aan
kommunikasiemedia, geskrewe voorleggings aan ministers en
protesaksies in te sluit. Dit het derhalwe duidelik geword dat daar verskillende maniere is betreffende publieke deelname omrede die aktiwiteite wat vloei uit die implementering van openbare beleid in verskillende gemeenskappe, verskillend is.
Wat die studie merkwaardig maak is dat dit 'n nege-punt
kriteriologiese model vir effektiewe publieke deelname in die
openbare beleidmakingsproses voorstel. Elke kriteria word in
diepte geanaliseer en dit word uitgewys hoe belangrik dit vir
effektiewe publieke deelname in die openbare beleidmakingsproses
is.
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Einstein, Katherine. "Divided Regions: Race, Political Segregation, and the Fragmentation of American Metropolitan Policy." Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10123.
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Since the 1980s, the American federal government has devolved a wide array of crucial policy decisions - from transportation to welfare initiatives - to the state and local levels. With a decrease in federal aid and an increase in the number of tools available to lower tiers of government, scholars of American urban politics have suggested that cooperation among metropolitan jurisdictions could help address critical political and policy challenges, including inequities in municipal resources and unfettered suburban sprawl. This dissertation argues that metropolitan political segregation|that is, geographically-based political divisions - represents a serious obstacle to these partnerships and remains poorly understood. This project thus has two goals: to explain variations in metropolitan political segregation and explore their consequences for regional coalition-building. I first present a theory connecting America's unique racial geography to political segregation. I contend that racially segregated metropolitan areas with large minority population concentrations will experience more political segregation than their more homogenous peers. These political divisions will in turn hinder coalition-building surrounding critical metropolitan policies. Marshaling 1988 and 2000 precinct-level electoral data for every metropolitan area in the country, I find that racial demographics almost exclusively explain variations in political segregation, with more racially segregated, heavily black and Latino metropolitan areas exhibiting greater geographic political divisions. These rifts in turn have a potent impact on metropolitan policy outcomes. Taking advantage of an array of qualitative and quantitative data on mass transportation and affordable housing policy-making, I discover that greater political segregation constrains metropolitan coalition-building and spurs more fragmented policy outcomes. These findings have a disturbing implication: those regions with concentrated pockets of poverty - places most in need of metropolitan cooperation in the contemporary, heavily localized political climate - are the least able to forge partnerships around shared local policy goals.
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Harris, James J. "Body Politics: A History of Public Health and Politics in Britain, 1885-1922." The Ohio State University, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1510659104333359.
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Azar, Dufrechou Paola. "Public education spending: efficiency, productivity and politics." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/457195.
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Existe un amplio consenso, tanto entre académicos como entre decisores políticos, sobre el cúmulo de beneficios derivados de la educación. Mejorar el nivel educativo de la población se ha identificado como un factor clave para el crecimiento económico y el desarrollo; pero también para el avance de la democracia, la movilidad social y la realización individual. La potencia de estas ventajas suele ser recogida en los discursos políticos, que consideran el progreso educativo un objetivo esencial para el desarrollo. Sin embargo, la amplitud de este consenso parece tornarse más difuso a la hora de asignar recursos públicos. Entonces, objetivos macroeconómicos y técnicos, presiones de las elites sociales o intereses políticos de los partidos gobernantes terminan configurando las opciones de política.
Esta tesis analiza el gasto público en educación y sus resultados. Adopta una doble perspectiva: considera grupos de países y su dinámica en el tiempo. Sus tres capítulos exploran diferentes aspectos del tema y buscan respuestas a preguntas como las siguientes: ¿cómo y por qué los recursos públicos se traducen en resultados educativos valiosos? ¿Por qué algunos países obtienen mayores beneficios del gasto en educación que otros? ¿Qué motivación impulsa a los políticos a dar prioridad al gasto en educación?
El primer estudio aborda la eficiencia del gasto en educación: provee evidencia sobre su evolución y posibles determinantes. Sostiene que en entornos de baja inversión pública, el mero aumento de la eficiencia del gasto en educación no resulta suficiente para mejorar los resultados. En el segundo capítulo se evalúa el impacto de la educación terciaria sobre la productividad. El trabajo muestra que los retornos sociales de este nivel educativo están condicionados por el monto de recursos que concentra a expensas de los niveles masivos de educación y por la proporción de estudiantes matriculados en áreas de conocimiento vinculadas a las matemáticas, física y ciencias de la vida. Por último, en el tercer capítulo se realiza un análisis de historia económica. Se investiga en qué medida la decisión sobre el monto de recursos fiscales destinados a la expansión de la educación primaria en Uruguay ha estado marcada por intereses y tácticas políticas. La conclusión apunta a que, efectivamente, al distribuir fondos para la educación primaria en el territorio, los partidos de gobierno han ponderado su fortaleza política en las diferentes regiones.
A través de los diferentes capítulos se ha prestado especial atención al desempeño de países de América Latina (AL). En particular, los dos primeros capítulos examinan las economías de ingreso medio alto de la región en comparación con otros países en desarrollo y desarrollados durante el período 1970-2010. Por su parte, el último capítulo se centra en el caso de Uruguay durante la primera mitad del siglo XX.<br>The numerous benefits arising from education have become a consensual issue among scholars and policy-makers. Education has been recognized as a key factor of economic growth and development; and also of democracy, social mobility and individual fulfillment. The strength of these advantages has reached the political discourses, which have often seen education upgrading as a crucial development goal. However, this widespread agreement becomes hazy when it comes to the decisions about the allocation of public resources. Then, macroeconomic and technical objectives, pressures of social elites or political interests of governing parties seem to end up shaping policy choices.
This dissertation examines public education spending and educational outcomes across countries and over time. Its three chapters explore different aspects of the topic and delve into questions like: how (and why) public resources are translated into valued educational outputs? Why do some countries obtain more benefits from education spending than others? What drives policy makers to prioritize education spending?
Hence, a first study on the efficiency of public education outlays provides empirical evidence about its evolution and determinant factors. It argues that in low spending settings the mere efficiency increase would not be enough to lead to better educational outcomes. The second chapter performs an evaluation of the productivity impacts of higher education focusing on the structure of education spending among levels and on the skill profile of tertiary students. The analysis shows that the benefits from higher education are conditioned by the range of fiscal resources it captures at the expense of primary schooling and the share of students trained at the fields of mathematics, physics and life sciences. Finally, the last chapter adopts an economic history perspective. It analyses whether the extent of the government fiscal commitment to expand primary education in Uruguay has been explained by the interests of tactically motivated politicians. It concludes that, when distributing basic education funds, the ruling party weighted its political strengths across the country regions.
All chapters pay special attention to the performance of Latin American countries (LACs). The first two chapters examine upper-middle LACs in the context of a set of developed and developing economies for the period 1970-2010. In turn, the last chapter focuses on the case of Uruguay during the first half of the 20th century.
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Lebel, Udi. "Private versus public heroes : politics of commemoration." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2002. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/private-versus-public-heroes--politics-of-commemoration(4fcdfc90-0e70-4f93-bb59-71a14b199137).html.
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Georgiou, Danielle. "The Politics Of State Public Arts Funding." Arlington, TX : University of Texas at Arlington, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10106/973.
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Franko, William Walter. "The policy consequences of unequal participation." Diss., University of Iowa, 2012. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/3295.
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As many political observers have pointed out, political participants in the United States are particularly unrepresentative of the population as a whole. Citizens who are politically active tend to be those on the upper end of the socioeconomic scale, for example, the wealthy and highly educated. This dissertation examines the ways in which inequalities in political participation lead to differences in the behavior of elected officials and their subsequent actions related to policy making. That is, politicians have the ability, and under certain circumstances the incentive, to vary how they govern and who they govern for, depending on how political influence is distributed throughout the citizenry.
I argue that considering the economic status of various groups in society is an important and often overlooked aspect of representation. Economic status is linked closely with economic need, which is especially important for the disadvantaged and may be difficult to measure by relying on issue positions or priorities gathered from opinion surveys. Income affects the types of government programs people are influenced by and rely on; for example, welfare, health care, and public housing policies are more likely to directly influence the poor while those with higher economic status are unlikely to encounter any of these programs. This suggests that different levels of political activity by various groups in society can have an influence on lawmakers' decisions regarding how to address certain issues.
To assess the influence of unequal participation on public policy I examine various stages of the policy process, including policy outcomes and issue agenda setting in the states. Few studies have assessed the effect of inequalities in participation on the public policy, and research assessing the link between inequality and policy has almost entirely overlooked the potential effects of unequal participation on agenda setting. This research explores whether states with higher economic inequalities in political participation have policies that are less likely to be beneficial to disadvantaged groups. Both policy outcomes and issue agendas are examined to fully understand the consequences of political inequality in the American states.
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Bulkeley, Harriet Ann. "Valuing the global environment : publics, politics and participation." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1999. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/265435.
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The pursuit of sustainability represents a considerable challenge. It demands on the one hand that cross-media, trans-boundary, inter-generational issues should be addressed while on the other hand suggests that any solutions and actions should be community driven and locally based. However, much of the literature addressing the environmental problematique has tended to separate global and local dimensions. Thus, the human dimensions of the global environment remain contained within the sphere of international relations, while interest in �public participation focuses on local environments. This thesis rejects any such global-local dichotomy and brings into focus the multiple scales through which social and political processes constitute, construct and mitigate global environmental issues. To this end it examines policy and public responses to the greenhouse issue in Australia. Given the controversial stance adopted by Australia in the international climate negotiations this casestudy is empirically significant. Moreover, it provides a context in which to examine theoretical developments within the social sciences linking contemporary environmental concerns to deeper changes within modernity. The thesis develops a conceptual framework that draws on Beck's (1992) Risk Society and emphasises the importance of considering the socially and institutionally embedded processes through which global environmental issues are constituted and contested. The methodologies were selected in the light of this framework. A network approach is adopted with respect to the policy process, and assessment is made through the analysis of documents, media, speeches and interviews with actors involved. Simultaneously, a survey questionnaire and focus groups were conducted with parents and students in order to explore some public responses to greenhouse in Newcastle, NSW. Through the iterative engagement of the conceptual framework with empirical findings three key themes were selected by which the analysis of the thesis is structured: knowledge, values and responsibility. The thesis assesses the extent to which public and policy responses to the greenhouse issue represent the institutionalisation of ecological modernisation, and considers whether this accords with the types of reflection on the reflexivity of modernity that Beck (1992) suggests is necessary for environmental solutions. While progressive concepts of knowledge, values and responsibilities are mooted within the policy process with respect to greenhouse they are mainly constrained within the temporal and spatial referents of modernity which pose impenetrable boundaries for greenhouse solutions. Despite emphasis on the need for precautionary action, greenhouse policy responses have largely been determined with respect to the economic concerns of key resource and energy interests. Public understandings of greenhouse issues drew on scientific storylines, local knowledges, values and moral responsibilities expressed for future and distant environments and societies. However, actions taken by individuals, although morally sanctioned, were seen as largely ineffective in a context of inertia by influential institutions in which little trust was invested. In some areas of the policy network such inertia is being overcome through the realignment of institutions and actors as greenhouse interests are redefined. Energy efficiency and renewable energy schemes have been kick-started by greenhouse concerns through New South Wales Government, Newcastle City Council, and energy companies. However, these remain small-scale, and there has been no attempt to incorporate public concerns through the kind of community participation seen as vital in other parts of the sustainability agenda and theoretically championed by a number of commentators. Such participation is dismissed on the grounds of both the global scale of the problem and the need for expertise in decision-making. Until there is a stronger recognition of the local dimensions of greenhouse, the networks through which the issue is being engaged and acted upon, ancl the extent of public understanding of the issue, such participation is unlikely to be forthcoming. Possibilities for the unproblematic pursuit and attainment of global (and local) sustainability therefore seem slim. This thesis points to the need to give further consideration to the conflicts inherent within the sustainability agenda and why, and how, certain aspects of sustainability are prioritised whilst others remain sidelined.
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Tsuda, Márcia Satomi [UNESP]. "Política Pública de Creche: entre as leis e a realidade." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/92392.
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tsuda_ms_me_prud.pdf: 1125956 bytes, checksum: e4df0aceff577dfa1ddbf912ddbebbd1 (MD5)<br>O presente trabalho está vinculado à linha de pesquisa “Políticas Públicas, Organização Escolar e Formação de Professores”. As mudanças ocorridas na Educação Infantil, a partir do reconhecimento do direito da criança de 0 a 6 anos à educação, promulgado na Constituição Brasileira de 1988, representaram um marco na vida das crianças, principalmente daquelas que ficavam à margem desse atendimento. Para o reconhecimento desse direito, foi aprovada a Lei de Diretrizes e Bases da Educação Nacional (LDBEN 9394/96), que organizou o atendimento da criança pequena no sistema de ensino, diferenciando a creche e a pré-escola apenas com o critério universal da idade e exigindo que as crianças fossem assumidas por um professor com formação especifica. A lei atribuiu também ao Município a responsabilidade de oferecêla. Desse modo, a Educação Infantil esta passando por momentos de adequação nos sistemas municipais de ensino, fato que requer, dos gestores municipais, estudo, reflexão e revisão das ações ao elaborarem as políticas públicas desta etapa educacional. Esta pesquisa investigou, assim, a maneira como essas decisões da Política Nacional de Educação Infantil têm refletido na organização do atendimento público municipal à criança de 0 a 3 anos, no município de Presidente Prudente-SP. Para obtermos as respostas, a pesquisa foi definida como estudo de caso com abordagem qualitativa. Ao revisitarmos a história do atendimento à criança no Brasil e em Presidente Prudente, observamos avanços, distorções e impasses...<br>This work is linked to the “Public Politics, Scholar Organization and Teacher’s Formation” research line. The changes that occurred in the way children were taught, from the recognition of the right for education for children of 0 to 6 years, promulgated in the 1988 Brasilian Constitution, represented a landmark in the children’s lives, mainly for those who were deprived of this king of care. The Directives of Basic National Education (LDBEN 9394/96) was basically approved to recognize this right and to organize the inclusion of the young children in the teaching system. The crèche and pre-school education were differentiated, then, by the universal criterion of age and the exigency that children were taken over by a teacher with specific training. The law also gave responsibility for providing it to the Municipality.Children’s Education is, therefore, adjusting itself to the municipal teaching systems, which requires, from supervisors, study, reflection and revision of actions when working out public politics set to this educational level... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
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Cryderman, John Phillip. "Paying for Civilization: The Origins of Public Tax Preferences in Seven Countries." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2016. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/380612.
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Political Science<br>Ph.D.<br>What is the individual’s preferred income tax rate? How much income tax progressivity do people want? How do individuals form these preferences? This dissertation answers these questions by leveraging the 1996 International Social Survey Program – Role of Government III survey and the anchoring and adjustment heuristic. When researchers ask individuals for their income tax preferences most respondents construct their preference on the spot using few cognitive resources. Individuals also want their income tax preference to be reasonable (i.e., the state can afford basic goods and services), so individuals anchor their preferences on existing state tax policy, their own income tax rate, and their previous responses when applicable. After individuals establish an anchoring point, they make adjustments based on ideological beliefs, level of trust, and self-interest; however, the effects of these adjustments are mediated by the institutional structure of the state. The results of the ordinary least regression models point to four conclusions. First, individuals behave as reasonable cognitive misers. They anchor their income tax preferences on the status quo, and their previous responses. This result explains cross-state differences in income tax preferences. Second, liberal individuals prefer progressive taxation in individualistic states (i.e., states with means-tested welfare states, majoritarian governments, and pluralist interest group systems), and flat taxes in cooperative regimes (i.e., states with expansive welfare states, consensus regimes, and corporatist interest group systems). Third, trusting individuals prefer flat taxes, and preferences for progressive taxation are a means to ensure tax evaders pay their fair share. Fourth, the effects of self-interest on tax preferences are limited, and only influence tax preferences on those earning one-times and eight-times the wages of a full-time unskilled worker.<br>Temple University--Theses
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Lousberg, Marjan, and n/a. "Dr Edward Shortland and the politics of ethnography." University of Otago. Department of History, 2007. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20071204.160209.
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In 1840 Captain William Hobson established the colony of New Zealand under an umbrella of humanitarianism and with an agenda for the protection of Maori rights. This thesis examines this project through the work of Dr Edward Shortland (1812-1893). Although Shortland�s reports and publications have been frequently cited, there has been no detailed historical analysis of his work.
Shortland arrived in New Zealand in 1841 as the private secretary of Governor Hobson. In 1842 he was appointed Protector of Aborigines for the Eastern Districts. One of his tasks was to study Maori language and customs in order to mediate between Maori and government. He was one of the earliest European experts on Maori traditions, customary practices, religious attitudes and relationships with land. After his return to England in 1846, he lobbied the British government on behalf of Maori and published two books on New Zealand, in which he addressed prospective colonists and disputed some of the propaganda of colonising companies. Shortland came back to New Zealand in the 1860s, 1870s and 1880s, during which periods he worked as Civil Commissioner in the Hauraki area, as Native Secretary, and as adviser to the government on Native affairs.
Shortland was part of a network of concerned Christian humanitarians who were intent on bringing government and law and order to New Zealand in a manner that facilitated peaceful European settlement, without serious injury to the Maori population. Humanitarians were not opposed to colonisation or settlement and in this respect may be seen as part of the imperial enterprise. In the framework of political and philosophical thought in the nineteenth century, humanitarians expected no more than to mitigate the effects of colonisation. This study explores these issues in the context of Shortland�s interaction with and ethnography about Maori over a period of forty years.
I begin by placing the concept of aboriginal protection in context. The core of this thesis is an examination of Shortland�s work as Protector of Aborigines. He had three tasks: to mediate in disputes between Europeans and Maori; to accustom Maori to English law; and to protect Maori land rights against claims from settlers. The first of these tasks proved the most straightforward. Shortland�s attempts to fulfil the second task highlighted the complex relationship between religion and law and the role of Christianity. The land question proved the most complicated, as a result of the tension between government attempts to protect Maori land rights, the pressure from settlers for land, and European lack of understanding of Maori customs. Maori desire to sell land to attract settlers further complicated relationships. Shortland�s contribution to our understanding of these issues and of Maori traditions of land tenure is considerable. While the course of colonisation may have been inevitable, I suggest that Shortland and likeminded contemporaries laid the foundation for later recognition of Maori rights, as exemplified today by the work of the Waitangi Tribunal.
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Altides, Christina. "Making EU politics public : how the EU institutions develop public communication /." Baden-Baden : Nomos, 2009. http://d-nb.info/996952829/04.
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Ruhland, Neil J. "Gaining public support through interpersonal means : the application of the uncertainty reduction theory to political communication." CardinalScholar 1.0, 2009. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1540707.
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Political public relations is far from a science and candidates employ teams of public relations practitioners in an effort to gain as much support as possible from their constituency. This is most evident during an election, where a candidate attempts to garner enough support to either remain in office or be elected for the first time to the position. A way must be determined to attract individuals to vote on Election Day.
The average American voter is not the individual that are being interviewed on television about the candidate they support, they are the people that spend less time thinking about the upcoming election and more time concerned with the aspects of their lives that deserve immediate attention. The individuals a person sees on television supporting a candidate at a rally or giving an interview about whom they support. The majority of voters are the ones with drastically less developed notions about the candidates seeking office and are labeled by many political analysts as swing voters.
The purpose of this study is to discover if the uncertainty reduction theory can be applied to the political communication process. With voter turnout being as incredibly low and entire voting demographics feeling disenfranchised with their political representative something needs to be done. This study is poised to address both of them and propose potential remedies. It is important for a candidate to reduce a voter’s uncertainty about them and by appealing to their true beliefs, values, and attitudes a vital connection can be made. This study is important because its results will provide political candidates with a framework of how to campaign can effectively appeal to different demographics of the population, which in the end will prove more successful at building a positive public opinion than any political advertisement can.<br>Department of Journalism
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Moss, Julianne, and j. moss@unimelb edu au. "Inclusive schooling : contexts, texts and politics." Deakin University. School of Social and Cultural Studies in Education, 1999. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20040524.162132.
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The title Inclusive schooling: contexts, texts and politics, names a thesis which critically analyses the development of inclusive schooling in the small Australian Island state of Tasmania between 1996 and 1998. The Inclusion of Students with Disabilities policy, introduced in 1995 by the Tasmanian Department of Education, Community and Cultural Development, provides an opportunity to understand the cultural context and politics of change in schooling over this period.
The qualitative methodology deployed here is informed by poststructuralism and captures the everyday experiences of university teaching as a research site. The teacher/researcher as the visible maker of the research use metaphors of fibre and textile practice, techniques of textual juxtaposition and her positioned subjectivity as a female academic to tell a 'big story'. The researcher develops a 'double method' as a possible model for Inclusive research practice and educational policy analysis.
Using a critical ethnographic method, derived from the work of Carspecken (1996), 'data stories'
(Lather & Smithies 1997, p.34) are produced from the narratives of five key informants a parent, two teachers, a policy-maker and the researcher. Assembled as the data of the thesis the multi-voiced texts provide an account of the sociocultural, professional and systemic context of Inclusive schooling over a three-year period. In the analysis these data are interpreted from a feminist poststructural standpoint.
A deconstructuive reading of the data stories interprets the discourse of inclusive schooling emphasising the dominant foundation of the special education knowledge tradition. The idea of author function (after Foucault 1975, 1984b and Grundy and Hatton 1995) is used to interpret the 'texts' of the key Informants as discursive constructions. The researcher theorises inclusive schooling as an entangled, multiple and contradictory discourse, embedded in the social, cultural and material contexts, rather than a singular unitary Idea of the progress within the special education knowledge tradition.
The study contributes a fine-grained analysis of the constructed knowledge of inclusive schooling in one locality. The thesis advocates continuing engagement with questions of epistemology and social transformation in inclusive schooling, rather than persisting with technical rationality and the status quo. The researcher takes the position that the opportunities to theorise inclusive schooling lie within the multiple and disparate constructed texts of the micro world of everyday practice and the macro understanding of understandings of contemporary social justice. The poststructuralist writing/reading questions traditionalist theorising in the special education field. Central to the negotiations of power and truth inclusive schooling research and practice is a communicative theory that transforms populist conceptions of inclusion.
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Tertytchnaya, Katerina. "Shocks, the state, and support under electoral authoritarianism." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e340b269-6c8d-4a9e-9946-94134adc36a7.
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The literature on authoritarian politics emphasises the threat unexpected shocks such as economic downturns or political and security challenges pose for regime stability. However, we know relatively little about how incumbents can influence the process by which citizens evaluate government performance and attribute blame in non-democratic regimes. To gain insights into these questions, I study how government responses to collective shocks to citizen income and security influence support for electoral authoritarian regimes, i.e. those that combine authoritarian practices with multiparty elections. I propose that when shocks make information about government performance publicly observable, illiberal governments can take action that moderates or ameliorates their effect on the levels of support they enjoy. Little constrained by constitutional rules, critical media or coalition partners, electoral authoritarians can use tactical redistribution to appease the discontented electorate on the one hand and propaganda to manipulate attributions of responsibility for the shock on the other. Repression against opposition parties and activists in this context is used rarely, and only after targeted transfers and propaganda have failed to prevent support from eroding and crowds from taking to the streets. The thesis illustrates arguments with the case of contemporary Russia - an electoral authoritarian regime with high levels of personalist rule - and leverages evidence from government and citizen responses to natural disasters, economic downturns, terror attacks and electoral protests. Empirical analysis combines original datasets on the framing of economic news in Kremlin-controlled media, the forced dismissals of government actors, the provision of tactical redistribution, and the use of repression against opposition parties and activists with over 60,000 responses from nationally and regionally representative public opinion surveys. Bringing new data and evidence from individual-level surveys to bear on the debate of how non-democratic governments manage public opinion, the thesis makes an original contribution to scholarship on authoritarian vulnerability and resilience.
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Pang, Ho Yan Catherina. "Public policy and political party : a study of the role of the democratic party /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1996. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B17506517.
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DE, FEUDIS ELISABETTA. "DISPERSIONE SCOLASTICA: POLITICA EUROPEA E CONTESTI NAZIONALI. LE POLITICHE PUBBLICHE DI ITALIA, FRANCIA E SPAGNA." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/19575.
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Il presente lavoro di ricerca analizza il fenomeno della dispersione scolastica come oggetto del policy making di stati e regioni: in particolare e in chiave comparata si analizzano le politiche di tre Stati membri, Italia, Francia e Spagna e di due regioni per ognuno di essi, la Regione Lombardia, la Regione Puglia; la Région Aquitaine, la Région Rhone-Alpes, la Comunidad de Andalucía e la Comunidad de Madrid. Pur condividendo i tratti fondamentali del sistema di istruzione europeo meridionale, esse sono caratterizzate da un diverso sistema di attribuzione delle competenze legislative e amministrative in materia di istruzione ed un differente grado di decentramento in relazione all’applicazione delle policy di contrasto alla dispersione scolastica, degli strumenti implementati e dei risultati raggiunti.
A partire dall’analisi dei documenti europei Strategia di Lisbona ET2010 e Strategia Europa ET2020 , il presente lavoro si concentra sul secondo dei due documenti e su uno dei cinque obiettivi indicati, ovvero la riduzione al 10% del tasso di dispersione scolastica per i giovani di età compresa tra i 18 e i 24 anni. Si fa riferimento al periodo di tempo compreso tra l’anno scolastico 2008-2009 e il 2015-2016, ovvero tra la fine della Strategia di Lisbona, rilanciata a seguito della grave crisi del 2008 per il triennio 2008-2010, la nuova fase decennale delle politiche comunitarie avviata con la Strategia Europa 2020, gli ultimi due cicli di programmazione comunitaria, mediante i fondi strutturali 2007-2013 e 2014-2020 e il biennio 2013-2015, quando i tre Stati considerati avviano, sia pur in modo molto diverso delle riforme del sistema scolastico.<br>The present work analyses the phenomenon of school dropout and the policy making of states and regions: particularly and in a comparative key, the policies of three Member States, Italy, France and Spain, involved with different reforms of the school system, and two regions for each of them, Lombardy Region, Puglia Region; Aquitaine Region, Rhone-Alpes Region, Andalucia Region and Region of Madrid.
Starting from the analysis of European documents ET2010 Lisbon Strategy and ET2020 Europe Strategy, this work focuses on the second of the two documents and one of the five objectives indicated, especially the 10% reduction in the school dropout rate for young people aged between 18 and 24 years. Reference is made to the time period between the academic year 2008-2009 and 2015-2016, between the end of the Lisbon Strategy, the new ten-year phase of the Community policies launched with the Europe 2020 Strategy.
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Murphy, Evan. "The Politics of U.S. Food Policy." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1989.
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Throughout the 20th century, American farmlands, agricultural policy, and diets have seen dramatic transformations. The number of farms in America has decreased, but the average size of farms has increased. These larger farms are increasingly more industrialized and produce a short list of profitable, subsidized commodity crops. Similarly, changes in the American diet throughout the 20th and 21st centuries have reflected these shifts in the landscape of American farmland. Simultaneous to the evolution of American farms was an increase in federal involvement in American agriculture through policy that seems to encourage these trends. Although separating out the causes from the effects can be difficult, this paper attempts to understand the role that policy has played in a changing American farmland, the players behind American food and agricultural policy, and the implications these changes have had on the American diet.
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Mosia, Serame R. "Post apartheid politics and issues of race : the views and position of political parties in South Africa on the crisis in Zimbabwe." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53554.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Race has been used as an instrument of domination and separation of the
South African population for a long time. The dawn of the democratic
dispensation in 1994marked a shift from the policy of racial separation to the
creation of the non-racial democratic South Africa. However, political parties
in this country have constantly re-politicised race in the post apartheid era
mainly for political gain. The purpose of this study will be to describe, explain
and analyse how political parties in South Africa use the crisis in Zimbabwe
to racialise politics in this country.
The study will show that the dilemma facing political parties in South Africa
is that they cannot avoid focusing on racial issues. The focus is on four main
political parties, the ANC, the PAC, the NNP and the DA. The study
specifically looked at the following issues in Zimbabwe: the Land crisis, the
2003 March presidential elections and the economic crisis to see how they
have influenced political discourse in South Africa. As anticipated,
predominantly black parties have shown some empathy with Robert
Mugabe's government, while predominantly white parties have called for a
more confrontational measure against Mugabe's government. Nonetheless,
this study found no conclusive evidence to suggest that the crisis in
Zimbabwe has fuelled race conflict in this country. But that race is politicised
by parties in South Africa for political gain.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In Apartheld-Suid-Afrika was rasse verskille gebruik as 'n instrument van
onderdrukking en skeiding van die bevolking. Met die totstandkoming van
demokrasie in 1994 het 'n verskuiwing van 'n rasse-beleid na 'n nie-rassige,
demokratiese Suid-Afrika gelei. Politieke partye politiseer egter steeds ras in
post-Apartheid Suid-Afrika vir politieke gewin. Die doel van hierdie studie is
om te beskryf, verduidelik en te analiseer hoe politieke partye die krisis in
Zimbabwe gebruik om politiek in Suid-Afrika steeds gebonde ras te hou.
Hierdie studis al aandui dat politieke partye in Suid-Afrika nie die fokus van
ras identiteite kan vermy nie. 'n Moontlike rede hiervoor is dat politieke
partye in Suid-Afrika 'nsolidariteit met hul kiesers wil behou. Die studie
fokus op vier van die mees prominente politieke partye in Suid-Afrika
naamlik: ANC, PAC, NNP en die DA. Om elke party se stand-punt op hierdie
onderwerp te verstaan, gaan die studie fokus op die volgende punte in
Zimbabwe: grondhervorming, die 2003Presidensiële verkiesing en die impak
wat die ekonomiese krisis in Zimbabwe op die politieke gebied gehad het.
Soos verwag, het partye met histories oorheersende swart oortuigings
empatie met Robert Mugabe se regering betoon. Mugabe word gesien as 'n
slagoffer van onsimpatieke wit settelaars wat vasklou aan hul eertydse
voorregte. Terwyloorwegende wit partye vra vir strenger optrede teenoor die
regering van Robert Mugabe. Nie te min, het hierdie studie geen uitsluitende
bewyse gevind wat aandui dat die krisis in Zimbabwe konflik rasse in Suid-
Afrika aangespoor het nie. Dit is egter belangrik om in ag te neem dat die
politisering van ras grootliks deur partye gebruik word om ondersteuning te
werf.
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Vallier, Kevin. "Liberal Politics and Public Faith: A Philosophical Reconciliation." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/201493.
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Political philosophers widely assume that public reason liberalism is hostile to religious contributions to liberal politics. My dissertation argues that this assumption is a mistake. Properly understood, public reason liberalism does not privilege religious or secular reasoning; a compelling conception of public reason liberalism can balance the claims of secular citizens and citizens of faith. I develop a framework that can resolve the tensions between liberalism and faith not only at a theoretical level but in the practical matters of dialogue, public policy, institutional design and constitutional law.
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Robertson, Peter. "Renewable Energy: Prospects, Politics, the Public, and Proximity." DigitalCommons@USU, 2017. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/etd/6690.
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The way our electricity is generated is in a period of rapid change; in the United States and many other countries the system is becoming less reliant on coal based power systems, while natural gas and solar and wind power are becoming more and more important. Technological advances have made solar and wind power more efficient and increasingly cost-effective. While these changes to the electrical system come with great benefits, such as less pollution, these technologies are not free of impacts. The electrical system is inseparable from our modern lifestyle, and because the system is so large this transition will affect society in many ways.
This dissertation analyzes one aspect of the social side of these changes in the electrical system by asking, what does the public think about renewable energy? In particular we examined how political beliefs, community differences, and residential distance from wind turbines might influence attitudes about renewable energy. We find that political belief is an important factor in predicting levels of support for renewable energy, with conservatives less likely to prefer renewable energy and liberals more supportive of its development. We also find distinct differences in how residents of particular communities tend to react to renewable energy and local wind power development. In addition, we find that living closer to wind turbines is not a good way to predict attitudes about wind energy. These results should help policy makers and developers to make better decisions about how and where we build utility-scale solar and wind electric power facilities by taking into consideration the nuances of personal and political beliefs as well as community differences.