Academic literature on the topic 'Politique et gouvernement – Pays de l'Union européenne – 1973-1993'

La mise en place de la Coopération politique européenne (CPE) dans les années soixante-dix marque un moment-clé dans le processus de la construction de l’Europe. Elle permet de franchir une étape importante vers l’union politique qui est considérée depuis toujours comme l’objectif final de l’intégration européenne. Ce travail porte sur la Coopération politique entre 1973 et 1980. La CPE se fonde au cours de cette période sur les deux rapports Davignon, adoptés en 1970 et en 1973. Elle concerne le domaine souverain de la politique étrangère et elle s’appuie sur un mécanisme de nature intergouvernementale. La Coopération politique se fait donc avec les Etats membres des Communautés européennes, mais en dehors du cadre communautaire. Plusieurs facteurs marquent l’évolution de la CPE entre 1973 et 1980. D’abord les acteurs, et en premier lieu, les neuf pays impliqués dans la CPE. Comme les acteurs étatiques jouent un rôle déterminant, il faut avoir à l’esprit les différences qui existent à l’origine entre les Neuf au niveau de leurs politiques étrangères mais aussi de leurs traditions et de leurs cultures politiques. En plus des acteurs, les cadres dans lesquels la CPE évolue ont une influence importante sur la CPE, en particulier, le processus de la construction européenne et l’échiquier international dominé par les États-Unis et l’Union soviétique. C’est en prenant en compte ces éléments que la Coopération politique est analysée au temps des Neuf au niveau de son fonctionnement et de sa capacité à faire entendre la voix de l’Europe dans le monde sur différentes questions internationales (CSCE, Proche-Orient, dialogue euro-arabe, Chypre, Afrique du Sud, Iran, Afghanistan)
The establishment of the European Political Cooperation (EPC) in the 1970s was a key point in the construction of Europe. The EPC was an important step towards political union, which has always been considered as the ultimate aim of European integration. This thesis looks at political cooperation between 1973 and 1980, at which time the two Davignon reports, adopted in 1970 and 1973, served as the basis for the EPC. The EPC dealt with the sovereign domain of foreign policy, and used an intergovernmental mechanism. Political Cooperation therefore took place between the member states of the European Communities, but outside the community context. The development of the EPC was affected by several factors between 1973 and 1980: primarily by the actors, and in particular the nine countries involved in the EPC. Since state actors played a decisive role, there is a need to bear in mind the differences which originally existed between the Nine, in terms of their foreign policy, and also their political traditions and cultures. In addition to the actors, the different contexts in which the EPC evolved also had a significant impact on it; in particular the process of European construction and the world stage dominated by the United States and the Soviet Union. The thesis analyses Political Cooperation at the time of the Nine, in terms of its functioning and its ability to convey Europe’s message to the world on different international issues (CSCE, the Middle East, the Euro-Arab dialogue, Cyprus, South Africa, Iran and Afghanistan), by taking these points into consideration

The EU’s notable transformation over the past five decades is obviously an event of modern state concepts. However, the EU’s matter of concern has placed too much emphasis on economic and trade issues, while its capability and power have achieved remarkable growth with far-reaching ramifications in both economic and political affairs. This also means that studies of the EU foreign policy have hardly reached North East Asia because of geographical limit between them, the EU’s weak institutional capacity and vestige of the Cold War. Therefore the EU and the Korean Peninsula did not have chance to build a critical relationship. This time could be defined as ‘standstill’ between Europe and the Korean Peninsula or ‘quiet diplomacy’. 1993 marked a turning-point in relations between the EU and the Korean Peninsula. Firstly, European countries have launched the Maastricht Treaty since they had signed in 1992. The Treaty implies the EU’s more strengthened international role in the political and economic area in accordance with its increased capability and reinforced power. Secondly, North Korea announced its intention to withdraw from the NPT on 12 March 1993 and then the Korean Peninsula was compelled to face a political crisis. Since the EU took unofficial Humanitarian Aids for North Korea in 1994-1995, KEDO and the EU in 1997 agreed to the terms and conditions of the accession to KEDO of its nuclear regulatory body. This was the first challenge of the EU political engagement of the Korean Peninsula question. In the context, this research seeks to answer the question of “What are the EU priorities in its strategy for Korean Peninsula?” that includes broadly the EU’s regional strategy for North East Asia in line with its foreign policy agenda. To tell the conclusion, the EU’s intervention to North Korea was firstly encouraged in dimension of economic interests through vitalization of international trade after the Korean Peninsula would be reunified. The EU considered that Asian nuclear market is an important factor in order to build nuclear technical standard as well as to obtain commercial interests although the European nuclear firms did not obtain chance enough to construct for North Korea nuclear facilities construction. The EU’s political incentives for political change-seeking in North East Asia must also be considered. Actually, the EU diplomatically opened the door of Pyongyang and led the isolated regime to a channel that communicates with international community although the EU did not take a seat at Six-Party Talks to engage itself in the Korean Peninsula question. As a result, the EU could increase the image of a ‘peaceful mediator’ or an ‘honest blocker’ in the term of ‘reputation’ through engagement continued for the Korean Peninsula Crisis. The EU’s foreign policy has been partly successful in context that Europe succeeds in promoting its existence as a global actor. Therefore, its foreign policy would gradually be reinforced to bolster the EU’s credibility and influence in the Korean Peninsula. The EU’s role is surely reduced in the Korean Peninsula issues with the termination of the KEDO project. However, the EU’s role is expected to be performed in different ways under its confidence and capability. The EU’s next engagement depends on where its new incentives will be, and then its question will be how to realize them in accordance with its institutional conditions and actual capacity.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

L’Écosse est une vieille nation européenne. Autrefois indépendante, elle s’est unie à l’Angleterre et au Pays de Galles en 1707 au moyen d’un traité d’Union. Aux termes de ce traité, elle a conservé une Église propre (l’Église d’Écosse), ainsi que des systèmes éducatif et juridique distincts de ceux de l’Angleterre. En 1998, de larges transferts de pouvoirs lui ont permis de ré-ouvrir son Parlement, dissous au moment de l’Union, et de voter ses propres lois dans les domaines qui lui sont dévolus, comme la santé, l’éducation, l’environnement, les questions rurales. Cette dévolution de pouvoirs lui a également permis de maintenir et de renforcer sa présence au sein de l’Union européenne. En effet, l’Écosse, forte d’un ancien rayonnement européen au moyen-âge, et bénéficiant de fonds structurels de la Commission européenne afin de rattraper ses retards de développements, a, dès le milieu des années 1980, compris le bénéfice qu’elle pouvait tirer de la Communauté économique européenne puis de l’Union européenne. Parallèlement au processus de dévolution des pouvoirs du Parlement britannique vers le Parlement écossais, le parti national écossais, le Scottish National Party, a ancré son projet d’indépendance de l’Écosse dans le cadre rassurant d’un maintien au sein de l’Union européenne. Lors du référendum sur l’indépendance de 2014, la question de la place de l’Écosse en Europe s’est invitée dans la campagne de manière insistante. Dans le cadre des négociations sur le Brexit, la possibilité d’un accord distinct pour l’Écosse (qui a refusé la sortie de l’Union européenne) se pose, alors qu’un second référendum sur l’indépendance se profile. Pour l’Union européenne, la question des nationalismes minoritaires provoque des difficultés, puisqu'il lui faut satisfaire les aspirations à la représentation démocratique soulevées par ces mouvements, tout en évitant à la fois la fragmentation des États membres et l’afflux de petits États membres, qui risqueraient de bloquer la mécanique institutionnelle communautaire
Scotland is an old European nation which remained independent until the 1707 Treaty of Union under which it was united to England and Wales. Under the terms of this treaty, it has preserved a Church of its own (the Church of Scotland), as well as distinct educational and legal systems. In 1998, large transfers of powers enabled it to re-open its Parliament, which had been dissolved at the time of the Union, and to vote its own laws in certain devolved areas, such as health, education, the environment and rural matters. This devolution of powers has also enabled Scotland to maintain and strengthen its presence in the European Union. As early as the mid-1980s, Scotland, whose influence in Europe dated back to the Middle Ages and which benefited from structural funds from the European Commission that were intended to make up for some of its under developed regions, realised the benefit it could reap from the European Economic Community and later on from the European Union. As powers were being devolved from the British Parliament to the Scottish Parliament, the Scottish National Party anchored its Scottish independence project within the comforting framework of a maintained membership of the European Union. During the run-up to the referendum on the independence of 2014, the question of the place of Scotland in Europe was often raised. In the context of the negotiations on Brexit, the possibility of a separate agreement for Scotland (which refused to leave the European Union) is being considered, while a second referendum on independence is looming. For the European Union, the issue of minority nationalisms is a source of difficulties, since it must satisfy the aspirations to democratic representation that are fostered by these movements while avoiding the breaking-up of the Member States and the influx of small Member States which may block the Community's institutional machinery

De 1973 à 1992, les Européens de l’Ouest se trouvent fréquemment confrontés à des initiatives politiques et des évolutions doctrinales américaines qu’ils interprètent avec inquiétude comme pouvant déstabiliser la relation transatlantique. Ils s’en trouvent sans cesse tiraillés entre la nécessité impérieuse de tout entreprendre pour préserver un lien fort avec l’allié étatsunien, ultime garantie de leur défense face à la menace venue de l’Est, et la volonté d’affirmer leurs intérêts propres sur le plan de la sécurité. Comment faire exister une identité européenne dans ces conditions ? La thèse s’attelle à répondre à cette question, en montrant que si les Vieilles Nations ne sont jamais parvenues à bâtir un véritable pilier européen de l’Alliance atlantique durant cette période, la relation transatlantique, avec son lot de désaccords, de malentendus et de méfiances, a permis l’essor d’une riche réflexion autour de ce qui caractérise l’Europe sur un plan politico-stratégique
From 1973 to 1992, Western Europeans were frequently confronted with political initiatives and doctrinal developments from United States, which they worried about as destabilizing the transatlantic relationship. They are constantly torn between the imperative need to undertake everything to preserve a strong link with the US ally, ultimate guarantee of their defense against the threat from the East, and the will to assert their own interests especially in terms of security. How to make a European identity exist under these conditions ? Our work aims at answering the question, showing that although the Old Nations have never managed to build a real European pillar of the Atlantic Alliance, despite many experiments, the transatlantic relationship, with its share of disagreements, misunderstandings and mistrust, has allowed the development of a rich debate about what characterizes Europe on a politico-strategic level

Le droit des contrats connaît un renouvellement de ses sources à l’initiative de l’Union européenne, du Conseil de l’Europe et de la doctrine. Leur présentation a été ordonnée autour de la distinction entre un droit européen issue des institutions européennes – droit de l’Union européenne et Convention européenne des droits de l’homme – et un droit transnational élaboré par la doctrine. L’interaction très originale entre ces différentes sources a fait émerger un droit privé européen de nature à alimenter une nouvelle réflexion sur la notion de contrat. L’ancrage du droit des contrats dans les droits nationaux rendait difficile l’élaboration d’une notion européenne de contrat transversale à ces différentes sources de droit. La compréhension contemporaine de la notion nécessitait de revenir sur la construction historique de la notion de contrat, du droit romain aux codifications nationales du droit civil (Code civil, Bürgerliches Gesetzbuch). Chaque droit national considéré – droit allemand, droit anglais, droit français – a forgé une notion de contrat dotée d’une forte identité. Les codifications doctrinales contemporaines, principalement les Principes du droit européen du contrat, offrent une notion renouvelée de contrat dont l'élaboration a nécessité une déconstruction des notions nationales de contrat. La découverte d’une notion de contrat en droit privé européen impliquait la mise en évidence d'un fondement théorique solide. Celui-ci a été recherché dans la théorie du contrat relationnel, de telle sorte qu’elle innerve l’ensemble de la démonstration. Qu'il s'agisse du droit transnational ou du droit européen, le contrat relationnel a vocation à expliquer certaines évolutions du contrat décrites dans cette étude, à savoir un étirement et un enrichissement de la notion. Elle s’étire dans le sens où son acception est plus large que dans les droits nationaux. Avec l'apport des concepts de bonne foi et d'attente légitime, elle s’enrichie par ses sources en devenant une notion mixte à la croisée de la Common law et du droit continental. Elle s'enrichie également par son contenu en intégrant l'équilibre contractuel et l'incomplétude pour devenir une notion pluraliste de contrat
The foundations of contract law continue to evolve under the initiative of the European Union, the Council of Europe and doctrine. Their presentation was arranged around the distinction between a European law based on institutions –European Union law and the European Convention on Human Rights – and transnational law dictated by doctrine. The fresh and original interaction between these two sources created a European private law that is likely to shape new thinking about the notion of contracts. Because contract law had been based in national legal systems, developing a European notion of contracts that transcended these different sources was difficult. A contemporary understanding required revisiting the historical construction of the notion of contracts, from Roman law to national forms of civil law (the French Code civil, the German Bürgerliches Gesetzbuch). Each national legal system examined here (German, English and French) developed a distinct forms of contract law. However, contemporary doctrinal codifications, particularly the Principals of European Contract Law offered new ways of thinking about contract law by deconstructing its various national bases. Discovering the notion of contracts in European private law required putting forth a solid theoretical foundation. Indeed, the theory of relational contracts is at the heart of this study. Whether founded in transnational or European law, it serves to explain, among other evolutions, the extension the notion of the contract such that it finds greater acceptance than in national law. The relational contract, with the concepts of good faith and reasonable expectation, now situates the notion of the contract at the crossroads of Common and continental law. Further enriched by the concepts of contractual balance and incompleteness, the notion of contract has become a pluralistic one