Academic literature on the topic 'Pomponius'

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Journal articles on the topic "Pomponius"

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Lanzarone, Nicola. "Annotazioni inedite all’Aetna di scuola pomponiana (cod. Corsinianus 1839)." Philologus 163, no. 2 (2019): 331–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/phil-2019-8888.

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Abstract This is the editio princeps of the notes on the Aetna (a poem attributed to Virgil) that are contained in the codex Corsinianus 1839 (Rome, Biblioteca Corsiniana). These notes are from Pomponius Laetus’ school (XV century): many of them are similar or identical to those on the same poem that are transmitted by the codex London, British Library, Sloane 777, which is an autograph by Pomponius. These annotations are part of Pomponius’ exegesis on Virgil, a very importtant chapter of Virgil’s centuries-old exegesis.
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Casson, Lionel, and F. E. Romer. "Pomponius Mela's Description of the World." Classical World 92, no. 5 (1999): 472. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4352330.

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Alicke, Gerhard. "VADIANS POMPONIUS MELA EIN STÜCK BUCHGESCHICHTE." Daphnis 29, no. 3-4 (2000): 379–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18796583-90000717.

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Pomponius Mela, Spanier im römischen Weltreich, verfaßte 43/44 n. eh. eine Erdbeschreibung De chorographia, später allgemein bekannt unter De situ orbis. Mela beschrieb darin das Wissen über die zu seiner Zeit bekannte Welt. Es ist das älteste erhaltene geographische Werk der römischen Literatur. Die Originalhandschrift ging verloren, Abschriften sind jedoch vorhanden. Jahrhundertelang in Vergessenheit geraten, von Petrarca wiederentdeckt, wurde Melas Werk bis heute viele Male neu herausgegeben. Einer der Editoren war der St. Gallener Humanist Vadian, der Vorlesungen über Pomponius Mela an der Wiener Universität hielt und ihn 1518 zum ersten Mal herausgab, mit einer Fülle von Anmerkungen und Erklärungen (Scholien), die den eigentlichen Mela - Text um ein Vielfaches übersteigen. Diese Edition, eines der humanistischen Erfolgsbücher, wurde in den darauffolgenden Jahrzehnten von Vadian immer wieder überarbeitet, ergänzt, verbessert und von Basler Druckern herausgebracht.
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Stachon, Markus. "Papinius, Pomponius oder Pompilius (p. 120 FPL4 Bl.)?" Mnemosyne 71, no. 4 (2018): 653–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342396.

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AbstractThe epigram on Casca and his amica senex (p. 120 FPL4 Bl.), whose author’s name is given by the manuscripts of Varro L. 7.28 as Papinius and by those of Priscian Inst. Gramm. 3.11 as Pomponius or Pompnius, is to be attributed to Pompilius, whom Varro also cites in two other places (L. 7.93; Men. frg. 356 A.). Pompilius is not to be considered a tragedian but a writer of early satura following in the footsteps of Ennius and Pacuvius and paving the way for Lucilius. The evidence for this thesis, which was already stated in the 19th century but has been disregarded in recent times, is collected and vindicated.
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Dusanic, Slobodan. "The Valle Ponti lead ingots: Notes on Roman notables' commercial activities in free Illyricum at the beginning of the principate." Starinar, no. 58 (2008): 107–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/sta0858107d.

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Most stamps of the Valle Ponti ingots (Ann. ?p. 1987, 397) refer to the great (M. Vipsanius) Agrippa and one Bat(o?), libertus or client of Caecilius (Pomponius Atticus). The ingots were obviously produced by the natives of Illyricum and exported to Italy c. 14 BC.
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Spawforth, A. J. S. "Families at Roman Sparta and Epidaurus: Some Prosopographical Notes." Annual of the British School at Athens 80 (November 1985): 191–258. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400007589.

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The purpose of this article is to correct and expand our understanding of an interrelated group of socially prominent families from Roman Sparta and Epidaurus. Part I publishes an inscription from Sparta, dating to about 240, which attests new members of the Spartan families of the Claudii and the Pomponii: respectively Claudia Tyrannis, a great-granddaughter of the senator Tib. Claudius Brasidas, and C. Pomponius Aristeas qui et Pericles, her husband. At the same time, a revised account is offered of the Claudii and of a further four Spartan families to which they were related: the Memmii, the Voluseni, the Aelii, and the Pompeii. Part II re-examines the evidence for the Epidaurian family of the Statilii. Apart from the new inscription, more recent work on the epigraphic corpora from Sparta and the Asclepieum, the possibility of reinterpreting the older material, and the need to take hitherto neglected documents into account, together seem to justify a fresh treatment of these families. The resulting study, as well as providing up-to-date family histories, includes many corrections on detailed points of local epigraphy, chronology, and prosopography.
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Conti, André Nunes. "Rechts- und Sachmängelhaftung im römischen Kaufrecht: stipulatio simplae und Ausschluss der Wandelung." Revista da Faculdade de Direito, Universidade de São Paulo 114 (October 26, 2019): 763–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2318-8235.v114p763-789.

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Die noch heute relevante Unterscheidung zwischen Rechts- und Sachmängelhaftung war bereits im klassischen römischen Privatrecht bekannt. Diese zwei Arten der Mängelhaftung hatten schon damals unabhängige Grundlagen und folgten je einer eigenen Logik. Einerseits ergab sich die Rechtsmängelhaftung meistens aus einer genau zu diesem Zweck abgeschlossenen Stipulation, wogegen die Sachmängelhaftung hauptsächlich im Ädilenedikt zur Marktregulierung vorgesehen war, und zwar in Form der ädilizischen Klagen actio redhibitoria und quanti minoris. Beide Haftungsformen durchkreuzen sich anscheinend im interessanten Fragment D. 21, 1, 48, 8 des Pomponius, das entgegen der vorherrschenden Meinung eine Hypothese der Verbindung zwischen beiden Seiten der Mängelhaftung des Verkäufers enthält. Würde nämlich die Rechtsmängelhaftung vertraglich gemindert (d.h. würde die „stipulatio simplae“ anstelle der üblichen „duplae“ abgeschlossen, worin die sogenannte „venditio simplaria“ bestanden haben müsste), so würde das Schweigen der Parteien in Bezug auf Sachmängelhaftung als ihren Ausschluss angenommen. Diese Auslegung des Fragments stützt sich nicht nur auf eine grammatikalische Analyse des Textes (die sich auf das interessante, sonst nirgends auftauchende Wort „simplaria“ fokussiert), sondern auch auf mehrere einschlägige Rechtsquellen, insbesondere auf den ägyptischen Papyrus P. Cair. Preis. 1, wo die von Pomponius erwähnte Vermutung anscheinend von einem Anwalt in einem realen Fall angewandt wird.
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Benincasa, Zuzanna. "‘CUM PASTORI MEO LUPI PORCOS ERIPERENT’. STATUS PRAWNY ZWIERZĄT PORWANYCH PRZEZ DRAPIEŻNIKI." Zeszyty Prawnicze 17, no. 4 (2018): 45–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2017.17.4.04.

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W 19 księdze komentarza do edyktu Ulpian relacjonuje analizowany przez Pomponiusza kazus porwania przez wilki świń, które to świnie następnie zostały odzyskane wskutek interwencji dzierżawcy pobliskiego folwarku, który poszczuł wilki swoimi psami. Kontrowersyjnym zagadnieniem może być w tym kontekście ustalenie, do kogo należą ocalone świnie, bowiem zostały odebrane właścicielowi w okolicznościach, w których ten musiał się liczyć z ich defnitywną utratą, a następnie zostały przy użyciu psów myśliwskich odebrane dzikim zwierzętom przez inną osobę. W rozważaniach nad tym zagadnieniem jako argument przywołane są różne stany faktyczne: schwytanego dzikiego zwierzęcia, które po powrocie do stanu naturalnej wolności przestaje być własnością myśliwego, oraz rzeczy porwanej przez ptaka i przeniesionej w inne miejsce, a także rzeczy utraconej w wyniku katastrofy statku, których analiza w kontekście omawianego kazusu może być interesująca z punktu widzenia zagadnienia kontynuacji prawa własności rzeczy, której posiadanie i możliwość kontroli właściciel utracił w konfrontacji z siłami natury. Ostatecznie Pomponius rozstrzygając sporną kwestię odwołuje się do możliwości odzyskania rzeczy jako gwarancji zachowania [jej prawa własności. W omawianym przypadku uznaje się więc, że świnie pozostały własnością dotychczasowego właściciela i przyznaje się mu prawo do wniesienia skargi z tytułu kradzieży i innych powództw zmierzających do odzyskania posiadania rzeczy przeciwko dzierżawcy, który odzyskawszy świnie, odmówiłby ich zwrotu.
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Desanges, Jehan. "La face cachée de l'Afrique selon Pomponius Méla (III, 84-100)." Bulletin de la Société Nationale des Antiquaires de France 1994, no. 1 (1996): 104–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/bsnaf.1996.9907.

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Sven Günther. "Disappeared Females?-Pomponius and His Narrative of the Legal History of Rome-." SA-CHONG(sa) ll, no. 91 (2017): 269–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.16957/sa..91.201705.269.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Pomponius"

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Dortmund, Annette Füssel Stephan. "Römisches Buchwesen um die Zeitenwende : war T. Pomponius Atticus (110-32 v. Chr. ) Verleger ? /." Wiesbaden : Harrassowitz, 2001. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38818516r.

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Jean, Michael. "Cursus Fastorum: a study and edition of Pomponius Laetus’s glosses to Ovid’s Fasti." The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1436716228.

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Diederich, Silke. "Der Horazkommentar des Porphyrio im Rahmen der kaiserzeitlichen Schul- und Bildungstradition /." Berlin ; New York : W. de Gruyter, 1999. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37702297s.

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Kalinina, Antonina. "Der Horazkommentar des Pomponius Porphyrio : Untersuchungen zu seiner Terminologie und Textgeschichte /." Stuttgart : F. Steiner, 2007. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb41181818z.

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Perlwitz, Olaf. "Titus Pomponius Atticus : Untersuchungen zur Person eines einflussreichen Ritters in der ausgehenden römischen Republik /." Stuttgart : F. Steiner, 1992. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb35688283r.

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Léovant-Ciréfice, Véronique. "Cicéron et Atticus : les dialogues de la conscience." Paris 4, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA040142.

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La correspondance entretenue avec Atticus est pour Cicéron un outil de réflexion essentiel, tant sur le plan privé que sur le plan politique. Elle offre quatre périodes distinctes au cours desquelles l'écriture se modifie en fonction des facteurs biographiques; le commerce épistolaire avec Atticus évolue vers une plus grande densité pour devenir, entre 49 et 44, un rituel indispensable. Parce qu'elle est fondée sur l'amitié et présente toutes les caractéristiques d'un véritable dialogue, la correspondance offre à Cicéron une méthode d'investigation inédite. A la manière du dialogue socratique, la lettre est à la fois un instrument dialectique et un outil d'introspection qui permet d'accéder à la connaissance de soi. Cette fonction se vérifie notamment au moment de la guerre civile, à la mort de Tullia et après l'assassinat de César<br>Cicero's correspondence with Atticus proved to be an essential instrument both for his private and political thinking. It covers four clear-cut periods during which his style will alter according to biographical elements; his epistolary dealings with Atticus will become more frequent and, in the period from 49 to 44 b. C. , they will develop into a ritual he could not dispense with. In so far as it is rooted on friendship and shows all the typical features inherent to a true dialogue, this correspondence provides Cicero with a novel method of investigation. Like the Socratic dialogue, the letter is both a dialectical tool and a means to achieve self-introspection. It is particularly so during the civil war, at the time of Tullia’s death and after Caesar was murdered
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Benferhat, Yasmina. "Cives Epicurei : les épicuriens et l'idée de monarchie à Rome et en Italie de Sylla à Octave." Paris 4, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999PA040170.

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Cette thèse tente de répondre à un problème fameux : les épicuriens favorisèrent-ils le retour de la monarchie à Rome dans les dernières années de la République avec César et ensuite Auguste ? La première partie est une étude de l'épicurisme dans le monde grec hellénistique : d'après les textes d'Épicure et de ses successeurs qui nous sont restés, il semble que les épicuriens n'avaient pas de préférence pour la monarchie. Ils tenaient à avoir des lois les protégeant de toute injustice, et refusaient la tyrannie mais étaient indifférents a la forme du gouvernement, démocratie ou monarchie. La deuxième partie est consacrée au poète romain Lucrèce : c'est une étude d'extraits du De rerum natura apportant une confirmation du fait que les épicuriens n'étaient pas des partisans de la monarchie. Puis, la vie du chevalier Atticus, le meilleur ami de Cicéron, montre qu'il était un épicurien refusant d'avoir une activité politique officielle mais voulant conserver la république oligarchique sénatoriale. L. Calpurnius Piso, le consul de 58, offre un visage différent parce qu'appartenant à une vieille famille noble et ne pouvant pas ne pas faire de carrière politique : lui aussi défendit la République bien qu'étant le dernier beau-père de César. Et il tenta de la sauver par des ambassades. La dernière partie traite des officiers ou opposants de César et de César lui-même : les épicuriens essayèrent de préserver la paix et la République avec des missions secrètes ou officielles.
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MONTORFANI, PIETRO. "Le tragedie di Pomponio Torelli (1539-1608)." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/285.

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La presente ricerca rappresenta la prima monografia complessiva sul teatro di Pomponio Torelli, conte di Montechiarugolo, con una lettura esaustiva delle cinque tragedie “Merope”, “Tancredi”, “Galatea”, “Vittoria” e “Polidoro”. Ampio spazio è dato alle fonti letterarie utilizzate, che danno ragione della vasta cultura del torelli (da Euripide a Dante, dal Tasso al Castiglione).<br>The goal of this dissertation is an introduction to Torelli's five tragedies (Merope, Tancredi, Galatea, Vittoria e Polidoro) and to his complex culture, engrained with ancient authors (Ovid, Euripides Vergil) and modern (Dante, Boccaccio, Tasso, Castiglione) .
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Caruso, Matilde. "Memorie della Gubbio romana. Proposte per la conservazione e la valorizzazione dell'area archeologica, del teatro, della Domus del banchetto e il Mausoleo di Pomponio Grecino." Master's thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2018. http://amslaurea.unibo.it/15075/.

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Gubbio, città umbra nota per la sua fisionomia medievale, cela in sé preziose tracce del suo passato romano. Sebbene rimangano poche evidenze topografiche di questa fase storica numerosi sono stati i ritrovamenti di reperti e strutture ad essa legate verificatisi durante l’espansione urbana del secolo scorso. In particolare tre aree a ridosso della città storica ospitano alcuni dei maggiori monumenti romani pervenuti ai nostri giorni, affetti da problemi di conservazione e disconnessi all’interno del tessuto urbano a causa dell’edificazione post bellica. Questa tesi ha preso in esame il Teatro, la Domus del Banchetto ed il Mausoleo di Pomponio Grecino, principali monumenti ad oggi accessibili, con l’obiettivo di studiarli ed analizzarli per comprenderli e formulare dei piani di conservazione e manutenzione programmata. A livello urbano-paesaggistico, inoltre, sono state ipotizzate delle strategie progettuali volte a favorire la valorizzazione delle aree oltre che la fruizione e la conservazione delle strutture archeologiche.
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Bargagna, Agnese. "Ammien Marcellin et l'humanisme : tradition et réception des Res gestae dès témoins manuscrit du XVe siècle aux premières éditions imprimées." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020SORUL091.

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La Thèse présente une enquête sur deux aspects fondamentaux de la quaestio ammianea, notamment la tradition et la réception des Res gestae pendant la Renaissance à partir dès témoins manuscrits du XVe siècle jusqu’aux premières éditions imprimées. Dans une première partie, chaque codex est décrit de manière détaillée et, dans le même temps, une analyse complète de ses marginalia est donnée, puisqu’il s’agit d’éléments qui indiquent la consultation des Res gestae par un lecteur. On s’efforce précisément d’identifier ce lecteur, on étudie les caractéristiques utiles à son identification et la détermination de son bagage culturel et son contexte. Dans la deuxième partie la réception des Res gestae pendant la même période est traitée. Un chapitre expose les figures d’ humanistes importants sur lesquels on n’a pas assez d’informations disponibles: les personnalités liées aux registres des prêtres du Vatican, Platina, G. Ammannati Piccolomini, Giannozzo Manetti, Laurent de’ Medici, Niccolò Saguntino, Jean Jouffroy, Aulo Giano Parrasio. En suite, trois personnalités déterminantes pour la réception d’Ammien seront étudiées séparément : Poggio Bracciolini, Giulio Pomponio Leto et Roberto Valturio. Enfin, on constate que pendant la Renaissance la connaissance de l’œuvre d’Ammien a été diffusée par deux environnements principaux : le cercle du cardinal Prospero Colonna et la Curia Romana et ensuite grâce à Pomponio Leto et son Académie. En outre, la richesse des Res gestae leur a permis de satisfaire les exigences de deux catégories d’intellectuels : ceux qui consultaient l’œuvre partiellement et occasionnellement et ceux qui, par contre, visaient à obtenir une pleine maîtrise de sa forme et de son contenu<br>This PhD Thesis is aimed to investigate two fundamental aspects of the quaestio ammianea: its transmission and reception throughout the Renaissance, from most of the 15th century manuscripts up to the first printed editions. In the first part, each codex receives a detailed description, and their marginal notes are analyzed as a source of information on the consultation of the Res gestae. Concerning the reader, the elements useful to get an understanding of his cultural background and his context are then discussed. In the second part, the reception of the Res gestae (in the same period) is taken into consideration. Platina, G. Ammannati Piccolomini, Giannozzo Manetti, Laurence de’ Medici, Niccolò Saguntino, Jean Jouffroy, Aulo Giano Parrasio. Furthermore, three personalities pivotal in the reception of Ammianus will be treated: Poggius Bracciolini, Giulio Pomponio Leto and Roberto Valturio. Moreover, it has to be noted that during the Renaissance, the knowledge of Ammianus’ work was primarily diffused by two main environments: the circle of the cardinal Prospro Colonna and the Curia Romana, while later it increased thanks to Pomponius Laetus and his Academy. In conclusion, the variety of information and the depth of a work like the Res gestae have been able to satisfy the exigencies of two types of intellectuals: those who consulted it partially and occasionally, and those who, instead, aimed to an exhaustive mastery of its contents and forms
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Books on the topic "Pomponius"

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Mela, Pomponius. Pomponius Mela's description of the world. University of Michigan Press, 1998.

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Mendoza, Eduardo. Les aventures miraculeuses de Pomponius Flatus: Roman. Éd. du Seuil, 2009.

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Der Horazkommentar des Pomponius Porphyrio: Untersuchungen zu seiner Terminologie und Textgeschichte. Steiner, 2007.

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Titus Pomponius Atticus: Untersuchungen zur Person eines einflussreichen Ritters in der ausgehenden römischen Republik. F. Steiner, 1992.

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Römisches Buchwesen um die Zeitenwende: War T. Pomponius Atticus (110-32 v. Chr.) Verleger? Harrassowitz, 2001.

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Pascoli, Giovanni. Pomponia Graecina. 4th ed. Pàtron, 1993.

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Trojnar, Andrzej. Działalność kulturalna Tytusa Pomponiusza Attyka. Wydawn. Uniwersytetu Śląskiego, 1998.

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Lanzillotta, Maria Accame. Pomponio Leto: Vita e insegnamento. Tored, 2008.

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1436?-1506, Sabellico, ed. Pomponio Leto: Vita e insegnamento. Tored, 2008.

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Cicero, Marcus Tullius. Letters to Atticus. Harvard University Press, 1993.

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Book chapters on the topic "Pomponius"

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Tatiana, Matasova. "Old Russian Translation of Cosmographia, sive De Situ Orbis by Pomponius Mela: Reception of Renaissance Culture in Muscovy (15th-17th Centuries)." In Biblioteca di Studi Slavistici. Firenze University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-198-3.03.

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The article deals with the results of the analysis of the Old Russian translation of the First book of Cosmographia by Pompons Mela. Mela’s Cosmographia was admired and praised by humanists. The research of the way the text was comprehended and interpreted in Muscovy demonstrates the original features of the perception of the Renaissance traditions, ideas and values by Russian intellectuals. The study reveals that the comprehension of Mela’s information was characterized by traditional manner of pursuit of biblical analogy. Thus, even the close acquaintance with the Renaissance culture did not change the essence of the Russian Medieval Orthodox culture.
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Van Soest, Rob W. M., Dirk Erpenbeck, and Belinda Alvarez. "Family Dictyonellidae Van Soest, Diaz & Pomponi, 1990." In Systema Porifera. Springer US, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4615-0747-5_83.

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Nasti, Fara. "Greek Thought and Roman Jurists: A Preliminary Survey on Pomponius's Enchiridion." In Jurists and Legal Science in the History of Roman Law. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429319266-9.

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Papinius, _. "Papinius? Pomponius?" In The Fragmentary Latin Poets, edited by Edward Courtney. Oxford University Press, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00076711.

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Lucas, Gérard. "Pomponius Méla, Chorographie." In Vienne dans les textes grecs et latins. MOM Éditions, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/books.momeditions.997.

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McGuire, Linda. "Titus Pomponius Atticus." In Portraits of Integrity. Bloomsbury Methuen Drama, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350040410.0029.

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Ausonius], Ausonius [Decimus Magnus. "15 Pomponius Maximus affinis." In The Works of Ausonius, edited by Roger P. H. Green. Oxford University Press, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00090011.

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Ausonius], Ausonius [Decimus Magnus. "XV Pomponius Maximus affinis." In Oxford Classical Texts: Decimi Magni Ausonii: Opera, edited by Roger P. H. Green. Oxford University Press, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00077371.

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Wibier, Matthijs. "Cicero’s Reception in the Juristic Tradition of the Early Empire." In Cicero's Law. Edinburgh University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474408820.003.0007.

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Abstract:
This chapter surveys the reception of Cicero’s writings as well as of the figure of Cicero in the juristic literature excerpted in Justinian’s Digest. The analysis consists of three parts. The first traces the engagement on the part of several jurists with legal passages from Cicero’s oeuvre. On this basis, I argue that jurists mined Cicero’s works to some extent for useful material; this finding challenges the strict dichotomy between jurists and orators (including their prototype Cicero) posited in Cicero’s own work, reinforced by e.g. Quintilian, and often accepted by modern scholars. Secondly, the chapter studies how Pomponius’ history of jurisprudence assesses the role of Cicero in legal history. I demonstrate that Pomponius takes up and rewrites several passages from the Brutus that are highly polemical against the jurists, and that Pomponius’ narrative turns Cicero into a character largely irrelevant in intellectual terms. The chapter’s third part explores the issue of Cicero’s reception as a legal philosopher. As far as we can see, the jurists credit Labeo for his philosophical contributions to law at the complete expense of Cicero; there is some evidence to suggest that polemics are at play here.
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Ausonius], Ausonius [Decimus Magnus. "17 Pomponius Maximus Herculanus sororis filius." In The Works of Ausonius, edited by Roger P. H. Green. Oxford University Press, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00090013.

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Conference papers on the topic "Pomponius"

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Sebag, Annabel. "Mr Pompone's perfum factory." In SA '17: SIGGRAPH Asia 2017. ACM, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3145631.3145677.

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