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Journal articles on the topic 'Pope Innocent III'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 27 April 2022

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1

CLARKE, P. D. "Peter the Chanter, Innocent III and Theological Views on Collective Guilt and Punishment." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 52, no. 1 (January 2001): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002204690000600x.

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Innocent III regularised ecclesiastical usage of several penalties which punished the innocent along with the guilty, notably the interdict. His actions need to be understood in their intellectual as well as political context. It has long been thought that Peter the Chanter taught the future pope when he studied theology at Paris. This article presents evidence of the Chanter's radical influence on Innocent's attitude to collective guilt and punishment and compares their views with canonistic doctrine.

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2

Taylor, Maria L. "The Election of Innocent III." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 9 (1991): 97–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900001897.

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The English chronicler, Roger of Howden, gives a particularly interesting contemporary insight into events in Rome in the last months of the pontificate of the sick and ailing nonagenarian Celestine III (1191-8). If he is to be believed, we have a description of the attempt by a wily old pope to extend his influence beyond the grave. The man he wanted to succeed him was John of S. Paolo, Cardinal Priest of S. Prisca whom ‘he loved for his wisdom, sanctity and justice beyond all the other cardinals.’ As proof of this love and respect, he had already allowed him to act in his own place, undertaking every duty save that of consecrating bishops. In an extraordinary offer, according to Roger of Howden, Celestine even went so far as to express his willingness to abdicate so that the cardinals could appoint John of S. Paolo before his death. All the cardinals, however, ‘with one voice, made answer that they would not be willing to elect him on such conditions and alleged that it was a thing unheard of for the Supreme Pontiff to abdicate.’ In attempting this, Celestine was making a far-reaching claim for papal sovereignty, prefiguring the later suggestion of Augustinus Triumphus, in the early fourteenth century, that the pope had a right to choose his own successor. It was unthinkable that the College of Cardinals in the last years of the twelfth century would so relinquish their right to vote. Any such designation by Celestine would have represented a direct challenge to the position of the cardinals as electors of the pope.

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3

Moore, John C. "Pope Innocent III, Sardinia, and the Papal State." Speculum 62, no. 1 (January 1987): 81–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2852567.

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4

Rousseau, Constance M. "Gender Difference and Indifference in the Writings of Pope Innocent III." Studies in Church History 34 (1998): 105–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400013607.

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Both R. Howard Bloch and Jean Leclercq have recently included the name of Pope Innocent HI (1198-1216) among the ranks of medieval misogynistic writers. Such an anti-feminist designation results from his treatise De miseria humanae conditionis (1195), which he authored whilst a cardinal deacon, as Lothario de Segni. However, the passages cited by Bloch and Leclercq only appear misogynistic when we consider them superficially. If we look at the entire corpus of Innocent’s writings and his actions, in their proper contexts, we discover that this Pope can not be so easily categorized. Rather, our analysis will show that there is much more diversity in his perspective on gender than originally thought.The De miseria should be seen in its unique context when evaluating its attitude towards women. Books I and HI of the treatise belonged to the contemptus mundi tradition which emphasised the vileness and misery of human existence. Moreover, John C. Moore has recently proposed that Book II is a speculum curialis which reflected the questionable moral practices Innocent observed during his career in the Roman Curia.

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5

HELMHOLZ, RICHARD. "Pope Innocent III and the Annulment of Magna Carta." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 69, no. 1 (June 29, 2017): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046917000641.

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Historians have offered a variety of explanations for Pope Innocent III's release of King John from the promise that he made to observe the clauses of Magna Carta. None has won general acceptance. This article proposes an alternative by examining the tenets of the canon law as it was understood in 1215. That examination shows that the law of oaths (De iureiurando) played a central role in canonistic thought of the time. It contained the juristic resources that made it possible for Innocent to release John from the oath that he had taken at Runnymeade.

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6

Bolton, Brenda. "‘A Faithful and Wise Servant’? Innocent III (1198–1216) Looks at his Household." Studies in Church History 50 (2014): 59–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400001649.

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Arriving at the Lateran on 8 January 1198, officials conducted Innocent III (born Lotari dei Conti di Segni) ceremonially to his apartments within the palace, there to rest, pray and dine.’ Foremost amongst his concerns was the household, last reformed by Gregory I (590–604). Whilst Innocent clearly adopted Gregory as his model, both for the shaping of his personal life as pope and for his understanding of the papal office, the young pope’s efforts to make his household as exemplary as that of his great predecessor have not received the attention they undoubtedly deserve. Gregory’s finest Life, composed c.875 by John, a Roman deacon, uses material from the early vitae, thus avoiding the ‘scrappy and grudging’ biography of the Liber pontificalis. Instead, John draws extensively on Gregory’s letters and the crumbling but then still extant papyrus volumes of the Registrum to demonstrate how this pope transformed his household into monastery, hospice and refuge. Three centuries later, the author of the Gesta Innocentii or Deeds of Innocent III could do no better than to adapt portions of John’s Life to highlight reforms not evidenced since the sixth century Like Gregory, Innocent wished to restore the ideas of the apostolic age to the Church. And where better to begin the spiritual renewal than within a reformed household? His inaugural sermon as pope on St Matthew’s faithful and wise servant accords perfectly with John the Deacon’s view of Gregory as paterfamilias Domini, head of the Lord’s household. Innocent, therefore, regarded the household not only as a metaphor for the congregation of the faithful but also, like Gregory before him, as a model to be used by missionaries to plant and nurture the faith throughout Christendom. Whilst the ongoing conversion of Livonia would provide Innocent with a rare opportunity to inculcate the Christian household within a pagan society, in the Patrimony of St Peter he diverged from Gregory’s path by purposeful itineration with his familia, thus initiating a public role for the household.

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7

Smith, Damian J. "Pope Innocent III and the minority of James I." Anuario de Estudios Medievales 30, no. 1 (June 30, 2000): 19–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/aem.2000.v30.i1.494.

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8

Spear, David. "An Overlooked Letter of Pope Innocent III for Rouen." Cahier des Annales de Normandie 35, no. 1 (2009): 397–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/annor.2009.2552.

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9

Cheney, Mary. "A Privilege of Pope Innocent III for Kingswood Abbey." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 45, no. 3 (July 1994): 460–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900017097.

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10

Rousseau, Constance M. "IV. Innocent III: A Lawyer-Pope and His Consensual “Policy” of Marriage? A Reconsideration." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Kanonistische Abteilung 107, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 172–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrgk-2021-0004.

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Abstract This article intervenes in the previous scholarly conversations of Kenneth Pennington, Charles Donahue, Jr., and Anne J. Duggan and suggests through the reassessment of the surviving evidence, a revisionist interpretation. It argues that Pope Innocent III (1198–1216) was not only a pope with legal expertise reflected in the remarkable consistency of his numerous decisions concerning cases of marriage formation that came to his attention in an ad hoc manner, but also, that he was, and he believed himself to be a legislating pope through his plenitude of power. He, rather than Alexander III (1159–1181), was responsible for creating and implementing the consensual “policy”, in the strictest definition of the term, for the formation of Christian marriage. Through a careful investigation of the pertinent papal letters of Innocent III found primarily in his registers, this article reconfirms and demonstrates Stephan Kuttner’s impression of the consistency of the letters as internal proof of the pope’s legal skill that he suggested long ago in 1974.

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Boyle, Leonard E. "Innocent III and Vernacular Versions of Scripture." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 4 (1985): 97–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900003586.

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Lothario dei Conti di Segni became pope as Innocent III in 1198, at the age of thirty-seven, and for the eighteen years of his pontificate he had two chief preoccupations: to regain the Holy Land for the Church and to restore the true Faith in Europe. It is with the latter that I am concerned here, and with just one moment in his endeavour to counter the heretical tendencies and movements which had been threatening the stability of the Church for a century or more by 1198. This is the problem of vernacular versions of the Scriptures, a problem which arose, seemingly for the first time ever at this level, at the very beginning of Innocent’s pontificate. It is a well-known if not celebrated moment, and has had a place in every modern discussion of the question of vernacular versions of the Bible in the Middle Ages, since the days when S. Berger first gave it prominence in his La Bible française au moyen âge (Paris, 1884).

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12

Sayers, Jane E. "The Deeds of Pope Innocent III by an Anonymous Author (review)." Catholic Historical Review 90, no. 4 (2004): 763–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2005.0073.

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13

Sayers, Jane. "Pope Innocent III and His World ed. by John C. Moore." Catholic Historical Review 86, no. 1 (2000): 109–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2000.0125.

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14

HOLMES, STEPHEN MARK. "The Title of Article 27 (26): Cranmer, Durandus and Pope Innocent III." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 64, no. 2 (April 2013): 357–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046912000760.

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15

SCHABEL, CHRIS, and NICKIPHOROS I. TSOUGARAKIS. "Pope Innocent III, the Fourth Lateran Council, and Frankish Greece and Cyprus." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 67, no. 4 (September 28, 2016): 741–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046915003462.

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Although the union between the Latin and Greek Churches was one of Pope Innocent III's career-long ambitions, the limited provisions made by the canons of the Fourth Lateran Council regarding the eastern Churches have led most historians to assume that by the end of his pontificate this matter had been relegated to one of secondary importance and was treated only as an afterthought during the council. By collecting and re-examining the surviving sources, this article shows that considerable time and energy was in fact spent during the council in regulating the affairs of the Churches of former Byzantine lands. The ensuing decisions and legislation formed the basis of the organisation of the Church in much of the Greco-Latin East for at least another three centuries.

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16

Chandra, Okky. "The Fourth Lateran Council as the Main Agenda for the Preparation of the Fifth Crusade." Diligentia: Journal of Theology and Christian Education 2, no. 1 (January 31, 2020): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.19166/dil.v2i1.2201.

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<p>The Latin Church in medieval time regarded crusades as holy wars against paganism and heretics. Pope Innocent III was one of the church leaders who strongly believed that Christians need to regain the Holy Land. After initiating the Fourth Crusade and was disappointed by the failure of the crusaders, Innocent III organised the Fourth Lateran Council for the main purpose of launching the Fifth Crusade. While some scholars maintained that the reform of universal church was one of the main agenda of the Council, this paper shows that it was ancillary to the preparation of all elements within the Church for the next Crusade.</p>

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17

Dall’Aglio, Francesco. "Innocent III and South-eastern Europe: Orthodox, Heterodox, or Heretics?" Studia Ceranea 9 (December 30, 2019): 11–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.09.01.

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In the beginning of the pontificate of Innocent III (1198–1216) the necessity of creating a large coalition for a better organization of the Fourth Crusade convinced the pope to establish diplomatic relations with Bulgaria and Serbia, and to support Hungarian expansion in Bosnia. His aim was to surround Constantinople with a ring of states loyal to the Roman Church, thus forcing the empire to participate in the crusade. In order to achieve this result, Innocent was more than willing to put aside his concerns for strict religious orthodoxy and allow the existence, to a certain extent, of non-conforming practices and beliefs in the lands of South-eastern Europe. While this plan was successful at first, and both Bulgaria and Serbia recognized pontifical authority in exchange for political legitimization, the establishment of the so-called Latin empire of Constantinople in 1204 changed the picture. Its relations with Bulgaria were extremely conflicted, and the threat posed by Bulgaria to the very existence of the empire forced again Innocent III to a politics of compromise. The survival of the Latin empire was of the greatest importance, since Innocent hoped to use it as a launching point for future crusades: yet, he tried until possible to maintain a conciliatory politics towards Bulgaria as well.

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18

Cohen, Jeremy. "Pope Innocent III, Christian Wet Nurses, and Jews: A Misunderstanding and Its Impact." Jewish Quarterly Review 107, no. 1 (2017): 113–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jqr.2017.0004.

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19

Smith, Thomas W. "How to craft a crusade call: Pope Innocent III and Quia maior (1213)." Historical Research 92, no. 255 (January 17, 2019): 2–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.12258.

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20

ZUTSHI, P. N. R. "The Registers of Common Letters of Pope Urban V (1362–1370) and Pope Gregory XI (1370–1378)." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 51, no. 3 (July 2000): 497–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046999002845.

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The importance to scholars of the papal registers and other records in the Vatican Archives as a source for later medieval history scarcely needs to be emphasised. From the thirteenth century onwards, the different series of records proliferated. They begin with registers of outgoing correspondence, known as the Vatican Registers, in the pontificate of Innocent III (1198–1216) and financial accounts of the apostolic chamber under Nicholas III (1277–80). For the fourteenth century, there are new series of registers of outgoing letters (the Avignon Registers and the Lateran Registers) and a vast increase in the quantity of surviving records of the apostolic chamber. However, with the increasing abundance of such records, the proportion to have been published diminishes. It is in the fourteenth century that the sheer wealth of the surviving sources (there are, for instance, sixty registers of papal letters from the pontificate of Gregory XI, which lasted seven years and three months) first becomes a serious problem for those pursuing the publication of papal records.

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21

Nodes, Daniel. "Savvas Neocleous, Heretics, Schismatics, or Catholics? Latin Attitudes to the Greeks in the Long Twelfth Century. Studies and Texts, 216. Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 2019, 291 pp." Mediaevistik 32, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 421–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/med.2019.01.97.

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In April 1204, a Western crusading army on its way to the Holy Land attacked and occupied the Eastern Roman capital of Constantinople in the notorious debacle of the Fourth Crusade. Pope Innocent III had adamantly forbidden the detour but lost control over the army. After the siege was successful, he seems to have wanted at least to use the conquest to effect a forced reunion of the churches East and West. In this frame of mind Innocent later explained to Theodore Laskaris, Emperor of Nicaea, who had complained that an army commissioned to aid the Holy Land had instead turned their crusading swords against fellow Christians, that the conquest was the result of inscrutable divine providence of just judgment. Greek insubordination to Rome was an evil, as he explained, that met the evil of the crusaders’ greed and deception (Registrum, ed. Hageneder, vol. 11, 63). Innocent was not allowed to remain complacent, however; for when the reunion failed to happen and even citizens and soldiers began moving from Jerusalem to the conquered Eastern Roman capital, the pope again reproached the aggressors.

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22

Doran, John. "Remembering Pope Gregory VII: Cardinal Boso and Alexander III." Studies in Church History 49 (2013): 87–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400002047.

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In the conclusion to his masterly biography of Pope Gregory VII (1073–85), H. E. John Cowdrey notes the paradox that the pope so lionized by modern historians, to the extent that the age of reform bears his name, was largely forgotten in the twelfth century and made little impact on Christian thought, spirituality or canon law. Cowdrey is not alone in his observation that Gregory ‘receded from memory with remarkable speed and completeness’; when he was remembered, it was as a failure and as one who brought decline upon the church. For Cowdrey, the answer to this conundrum lay in the fact that Gregory VII was in fact far closer to the ideals of the sixth century than of the twelfth; he was a Benedictine monk and shared the worldview and oudook of Gregory the Great (590–604) rather than those of the so-called lawyer popes Alexander III (1159–81) and Innocent III (1198–1216). Yet within a century of Gregory’s death he was presented by Cardinal Boso as a model pope, who had overcome a schismatic emperor and the problems which his interference had precipitated in Rome. For Boso, writing for the instruction of the officials of the papal chamber, the very policies set out by Gregory VII were to be pursued and emulated. Far from being a peripheral and contradictory figure, with more in common with the distant past than the near future, Gregory was the perfect guide to the beleaguered Pope Alexander III, who was also struggling against a hostile emperor and his antipope.

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23

Bolton, Brenda M. "Via Ascetica: a Papal Quandary." Studies in Church History 22 (1985): 161–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400007932.

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‘Rescue us O Lord Pope from barbaric power and subjugation to laymen’ was the cry of despair from the clerics of Grandmont which reached Pope Innocent III about the year 1215. It indicated the growth of the appeal to Rome which took place in the Cannon Law of the twelfth century. Many other examples of an increase in papal authority occurred at this time. The extension of papal jurisdiction is one of two important developments of twelfth- and thirteenth-century Christendom with which this paper will be concerned.

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24

Bolton, Brenda. "‘Serpent in the Dust: Sparrow on the Housetop’: Attitudes to Jerusalem and the Holy Land in the Circle of Pope Innocent III." Studies in Church History 36 (2000): 154–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s042420840001439x.

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Shortly after his election on 8 January 1198, one of the earliest duties of the youthful and energetic new pope, Innocent III (1198-1216), was to inform the ecclesiastical and lay rulers of Christendom of his succession following the death of his predecessor, the nonagenarian Celestine III (1191-98). His immediate task, therefore, was to undertake a ‘mail-shot’ of a series of personal letters announcing that he had been so chosen. One recipient of such a missive was Aimery the Monk, Patriarch of Jerusalem (1194/97-1202), who was suffering, together with others, the dire consequences of recent events in the Holy Land. Given these circumstances, Innocent’s letter to Aimery was couched in somewhat mild and unexpectedly innocuous language. All he did was to assure the Patriarch of his papal solicitude and to promise that one of his many future duties as pope would be to attempt a resolution of the Holy Land problem. It would be through God’s help and with fasting, tears, and prayers, that the people of the Holy Land might expect to be freed. Eighteen years later they were still waiting.

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25

Rousseau, Constance M. "The Spousal Relationship: Marital Society and Sexuality in the Letters of Pope Innocent III." Mediaeval Studies 56 (January 1994): 89–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.ms.2.306418.

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26

Hendrickx, B. "The Policy of Pope Innocent III on Monasteries in the Latin Empire of Constantinople." Acta Patristica et Byzantina 16, no. 1 (January 2005): 223–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10226486.2005.11745757.

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27

Presciutti, Diana Bullen. "Dead Infants, Cruel Mothers, and Heroic Popes: The Visual Rhetoric of Foundling Care at the Hospital of Santo Spirito, Rome*." Renaissance Quarterly 64, no. 3 (2011): 752–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/662849.

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AbstractThe fresco cycle painted at the behest of Pope Sixtus IV in the late 1470s in the main ward of the hospital of Santo Spirito in Rome comprises an extended pictorial biography of Sixtus, prefaced by scenes representing the legendary foundation of the hospital by his predecessor Innocent III. The legend, which tells how Innocent established Santo Spirito as a foundling hospital in response to the discovery of victims of infanticide in the Tiber River, positions the pope as the savior of the city's unwanted children. This article elucidates how the construction andrenovatioof the hospital is presented in the cycle as a generative product of papal will, with the care of foundlings situated as an integral part of the image of the pope as both Father of the Church and restorer of past glory to the city of Rome. While the frescoes engage with both widespread conventions for representing infanticide and commonplace notions of the social value of caring for abandoned children, I demonstrate that the ideologically potent visual rhetoric of foundling care was also flexible, and could be adapted to meet the specific needs of a particular institutional and patronal context.

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28

Dall’Aglio, Francesco. "Rex or Imperator? Kalojan’s Royal Title in the Correspondence with Innocent III." Studia Ceranea 9 (December 30, 2019): 171–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.09.10.

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In the correspondence between Innocent III and Kalojan of Bulgaria (1197–1207), the title of the Bulgarian ruler is recorded both as rex and imperator. While the pope consistently employs the title rex, Kalojan refers to himself, in every occasion, with the title imperator. Some scholars have speculated that the use of this title was a deliberate political move: styling himself imperator, Kalojan was claiming a much greater political dignity than that of king of Bulgaria, putting himself on the same level as the emperor of Constantinople. On the other hand, while Innocent’s letters were obviously written in Latin, Kalojan’s letters were originally in Bulgarian, translated in Greek, and finally translated from Greek to Latin. Therefore, the use of the word imperator may be just an attempt at translating the term βασιλεύς, not in the sense of Emperor of the Romans but merely in that of autocrat, a ruler whose power was fully independent from any other external political authority. This recognition was of a fundamental importance for Kalojan, since the rulers of Bulgaria’s neighbouring states, the kingdom of Hungary, the Byzantine empire, and especially the Latin empire of Constantinople, were not willing to recognize his legitimacy as an independent sovereign.

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Freedman, Paul, and Damian Smith. "A Privilege of Pope Innocent III for the Premonstratensian House of Bellpuig de les Avellanes." Römische Historische Mitteilungen 1 (2014): 81–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/rhm55s81.

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30

Shaffern, Robert W. "Mater Et Magistra: Gendered Images and Church Authority in the Thought of Pope Innocent III." Logos: A Journal of Catholic Thought and Culture 4, no. 3 (2001): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/log.2001.0033.

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31

Damian J. Smith. "Pope Innocent III (1160/61–1216): To Root Up and to Plant (review)." Catholic Historical Review 96, no. 3 (2010): 521–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.0.0877.

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32

Fonnesberg-Schmidt, Iben, and William Kynan-Wilson. "SMILING, LAUGHING AND JOKING IN PAPAL ROME: THOMAS OF MARLBOROUGH AND GERALD OF WALES AT THE COURT OF INNOCENT III (1198–1216)." Papers of the British School at Rome 86 (February 12, 2018): 153–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246217000435.

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This article examines textual descriptions of smiling, laughing and joking with the pope in thirteenth-century Rome. It focuses on two Anglo-Norman accounts of conducting litigation at the papal curia: Thomas of Marlborough's (d.1236) Chronicon abbatiae de Eveshamand Gerald of Wales's (c. 1146–1220×23)De jure et statu Menevensis ecclesiae. Both authors include several careful and prominent references to smiling, laughing and joking, and specifically in relation to Pope Innocent III. These passages have previously been read as straightforward examples of wit and friendship, but this study shows that the authors use these physiological expressions to convey complex and subtly different pictures of the papal curia. Above all, this article demonstrates how Thomas and Gerald's descriptions of humorous interactions with the pope play crucial narrative and mnemonic roles within their work.

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33

Fromherz, Allen. "A Vertical Sea: North Africa and the Medieval Mediterranean." Review of Middle East Studies 46, no. 1 (2012): 64–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2151348100003001.

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An extraordinary letter was discovered in a neglected pile of medieval diplomatic correspondence in the Vatican Libraries: a letter from Al-Murtada the Almohad, Muslim Caliph in Marrakech to Pope Innocent IV (1243–1254). The letter, written in finest official calligraphy, proposes an alliance between the Caliph and the Vicar of Christ, the leader of an institution that had called for organized crusades against the Islamic world. While the history of Pope Innocent IV’s contacts with the Muslim rulers of Marrakech remains obscure, the sources indicate that Pope Innocent IV sent envoys south to Marrakech. One of these envoys was Lope d’Ayn. Lope became Bishop of Marrakech, shepherd of a flock of paid Christian mercenaries who were sent to Marrakech by that sometime leader of the reconquista, Ferdinand III of Castile, in a deal he had struck with the Almohads. Although they now had Christians fighting for them and cathedral bells competing with the call to prayer, the Almohads were powerful agitators of jihad against the Christians only decades before. Scholars know only a little about Lope d’Ayn’s story or the historical context of this letter between Caliph Murtada and the Pope. Although very recent research is encouraging, there is a great deal to know about the history of the mercenaries of Marrakech or the interactions between Jews, Muslims and Christians that occurred in early thirteenth century Marrakech. The neglect of Lope d’Ayn and the contacts between the Papacy and the Almohads is only one example of a much wider neglect of North Africa contacts with Europe in the secondary literature in English. While scholarship in English has focused on correspondence, commerce and travel from West to East, between Europe, the Levant and Egypt, there were also important cultural bridges being crossed between North and South, between North Africa and Europe in the Medieval Western Mediterranean.

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34

Dickson, Gary. "Pope Innocent III (1160/61-1216): To Root up and to Plant. John C. Moore "The Deeds of Innocent III," by an Anonymous Author. James M. Powell." Speculum 81, no. 2 (April 2006): 566–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0038713400003262.

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35

Geaman, Kristen. "Pope Innocent III (1160/61–1216): To Root Up and To Plant by John C. Moore." Comitatus: A Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies 41, no. 1 (2010): 278–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cjm.2010.0054.

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36

Doran, J. "Pope Innocent III (1160/61-1216): To Root Up and to Plant, by John C. Moore." English Historical Review CXXVI, no. 518 (January 29, 2011): 129–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceq395.

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Bolton, Brenda M. "Advertise the Message: Images in Rome at the Turn of the Twelfth Century." Studies in Church History 28 (1992): 117–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400012419.

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On at least three occasions during the pontificate of Innocent III, Gerald of Wales—failed bishop, celebrated story-teller, and inveterate and inventive pilgrim, made the journey to Rome.There, having already carried out his preliminary research, he was always eager to examine two of the most outstanding images in Rome at close quarters. These two images—the Uronica at the Lateran and the Veronica at St Peter’s—made such a deep impression upon him that his description and explanation of their importance was to form a central role in his Speculum Ecclesiae, which he wrote on his return home. He clearly saw them as a pair, having similar names and being held in equal reverence, although perhaps their authenticity sprang from different roots. His remarks would have greatly pleased Innocent, for this was precisely the approach which the pope aimed to achieve. He considered it essential that the long and damaging rivalry between the two great basilicas of the Lateran and the Vatican, which had existed for much of the twelfth century, should now be resolved. It was a rivalry which had brought scandal to the papacy and grave detriment to the Church. In thiscontroversy the Lateran had some advantages, both historically—as the cathedral of Rome and hence of the world—and in the popular appeal of its fabulous relics. A brief glance at a contemporary inventory shows the outstanding richness of this collection. Innocent’s aim was not to diminish the Lateran, but instead to raise the status of St Peter’s, so that both became co-equal seats of the pope-bishop of Rome. What Gerald of Wales had written confirmed Innocent’s own reading of the Liber Pontif¡calis, which was to form the basis for his important reform of the liturgy at this time. Nor was his approbation merely directed towards Gerald. It went to all observant pilgrims, particularly that small number of highly significant archbishops and metropolitans who came to Rome to collect their pallia on their appointments. That great show, the Fourth Lateran Council of 1215, saw almost all of them in attendance. ‘Here was a wonderful opportunity for Innocent to stress the underlying purpose of his artistic patronage, whereby Lateran and Vatican were to achieve coequal status whilst, at the same time, the Church’s real message was being strengthened.

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Schabel, Chris. "The Myth of the White Monks' “Mission to the Orthodox”: Innocent III, the Cistercians, and the Greeks." Traditio 70 (2015): 237–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900012381.

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In the early thirteenth century, numerous Cistercian monasteries were founded in the former Byzantine territories conquered in the context of the Fourth Crusade. According to the standard narrative, put forth in the 1970s, Pope Innocent III sent the Cistercians on a “mission to the Orthodox,” but the mission was a failure, because the White Monks soon abandoned almost all of their houses in Frankish Greece and Constantinople without having “converted” the Greeks. In the light of recent research on the aftermath of 1204 and on the Cistercian Order, this paper argues that the Frankish rulers took the initiative to found Cistercian monasteries in the Greek East for the same reason that they did so in the Latin West: to cater to the Latin rite aristocracy. This Cistercian mission was a success, since the Cistercian establishments in Greece generally existed as long as the Western nobility survived to patronize and protect them. There is no evidence that Innocent intended the Cistercians to be missionaries in Romania since, contrary to a once common assumption, the papacy did not view the Greeks as requiring the same kind of missionary activity that was deemed necessary in lands inhabited by pagans or heretics.

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Schabel, Chris. "Pope, Council, and the Filioque in Western Theology, 1274–1439." Medieval Encounters 21, no. 2-3 (July 2, 2015): 190–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12342191.

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The doctrine of the Filioque was officially determined at the Fourth Lateran Council in 1215, at the Second Council of Lyon in 1274 the determination was clarified, and this clarification was repeated in 1439 in the formulation of the Council of Florence. Yet the Filioque was already universally accepted in the Latin West by 1100, while the clarification at Lyon was the general teaching before 1274. Rather than establish doctrine, then, Innocent iii at Lateran iv and Gregory x at Lyon ii merely codified it, offering codifications that were later incorporated into canon law under Gregory ix and Boniface viii, respectively. A survey of several dozen university treatments of the procession of the Holy Spirit between 1274 and 1439 reveals that the conciliar pronouncements under the popes played little role in the discussion, and where they appear, it is usually as a brief statement of what was official. By the late fourteenth century, some theologians doubted that the Filioque as expressed in 1215 and 1274 could be defended rationally, an indication that convincing the Greeks at Florence to accept true dogmatic union would be impossible.

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Gratsianskiy, Mikhail, and Konstantin Norkin. "In the Service of the Empire: Pope Zosimus and the Roman Synod of 417." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 6 (February 2021): 6–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2020.6.1.

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Introduction. The brief pontificate of Pope Zosimus (417–418) was marked by the Roman Synod in September 417, the decisions of which were of great importance both for the subsequent church-administrative development of Southern Gaul and for the development of the concept of papal primacy. Methods. The task of the authors of the article is to analyse the church-political actions of Pope Zosimus in the broad historical context of the early 5th c. and to determine the degree of his independence in decision-making. Analysis. The article analyses the measures of the Ravenna court to restore control over the region of Southern Gaul in the situation when the imperial administration lost this control as a result of mutinies and the arrival of barbarian tribes, as well as the role assigned to the Roman bishop in this process. In this context, the article investigates the events of the Roman Synod of September 417, at which church-political and church-administrative affairs related to Gaul and Africa were examined. There were considered two groups of cases, related to one another due to the involvement of same persons, who, in their turn, had been involved into ecclesiastical politics in Gaul during the usurpation of Constantine III. These persons, former bishop of Arles Heros, former bishop of Aquae Sextiae (Aix en Provence) Lazarus and bishop of Marseille Proculus, became subjects of conciliar condemnation. At the same time, within the framework of the same process, the Synod undertook the rehabilitation of Pelagius and Caelestius, who had previously been condemned by the African Synod and pope Innocent I (401–417). The latter circumstance actually implied the undermining of the authority of both Innocent and the papacy. Results. The authors conclude that the agenda of the Synod was entirely dictated by state interests and aimed at eliminating the consequences of the usurpations in Southern Gaul and reintegrating this region into the administrative system of the Western Roman Empire.

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Helmholz, R. H. "Jane E. Sayers, Original Papal Documents in England and Wales from the Accession of Pope Innocent III to the Death of Pope Benedict XI (1198-1304)." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Kanonistische Abteilung 87, no. 1 (August 1, 2001): 543–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgka.2001.87.1.543.

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Dohar, William J. "Original Papal Documents in England and Wales from the Accession of Pope Innocent III to the Death of Pope Benedict XI (1198-1304). Jane E. Sayers." Speculum 76, no. 4 (October 2001): 1097–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2903681.

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Duggan, Anne J. "Original Papal Documents in England and Wales from the Accession of Pope Innocent III to the Death of Pope Benedict XI (1198–1304), Jane E. Sayers." English Historical Review 116, no. 465 (February 2001): 186–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/enghis/116.465.186.

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Duggan, A. J. "Original Papal Documents in England and Wales from the Accession of Pope Innocent III to the Death of Pope Benedict XI (1198-1304), Jane E. Sayers." English Historical Review 116, no. 465 (February 1, 2001): 186–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/116.465.186.

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Cushing, Kathleen G. "Pope Innocent III and His World. Edited by John C. Moore. Brookfield, Vt.: Ashgate, 1999. xx + 389 pp. $86.95 cloth." Church History 70, no. 1 (March 2001): 156–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3654423.

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Lis, Artur. "BORZYKOWSKI’S IMMUNITY PRIVILEGE – ON THE WAY TO THE EMANCIPATION OF THE CHURCH IN PIAST POLAND." Roczniki Administracji i Prawa 4, no. XXI (December 31, 2021): 15–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0015.8298.

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The reason for calling the synod in Borzykowa was the bull “Significavit nobis” issued in 1210 by Pope Innocent III, which renewed the principle of seniority. At the synod, the possibilities of counteracting the effects of this bull were discussed. The bishops were also to approve Leszek the White’s right to hold the Kraków throne. During the synod, prince Władysław Odonic granted the Cistercian order a land in the castellany of Przemyśl in order to establish a monastery. In turn, the knight Sławosz resumed granting Sławoszów to the monastery in Busko. According to historiography, the dukes issued a set of privileges, including a great privilege for the Church (privilegium fori, ius spolii). The Borzykowski privilege became the basis for the independence of the Church from the Piast monarchy in district Poland

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Bolton, Brenda M. "‘Received in his Name’: Rome’s Busy Baby Box." Studies in Church History 31 (1994): 153–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400012857.

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Innocent III, a proud and learned Roman pope, was well acquainted with the history and literature of the Rome of earlier days. He would have been aware of the prophecy given by Virgil in the Aeneid that when the foaming Tiber appeared to run as a river of blood disaster was foretold. In his own day the River Tiber gave him a clear message of a real disaster actually taking place. Far too frequently the fishermen of Rome drew in their nets only to find not a harvest of fish, but the tiny corpses of babies. These had been thrown naked to meet their deaths in the waters of the Tiber. Rome, of course, was by no means a stranger to the problem of abandoned babies. The great legend of the City’s origins with the suckling of the babes who were to become its eventual founders was given a daily reminder since, under the portico of the Lateran Palace, was the famous bronze statue of the Lupa or She-Wolf. In spite of the serious damage caused by a thunderbolt in Antiquity, which had left the Wolf’s feet broken and destroyed the group of the twins, the ‘Mother of the Romans’, as she was known, had come to represent papal jurisdiction over Rome, as well as the nourishing of its children. The River Tiber had always been available for the disposal of the many unwanted infants. Why, then, should the macabre catch of the fishermen of his time have been received by Innocent III as a matter in need of his most urgent attention? It might have been that there were more babies than usual. Population pressure was affecting Rome, and, as elsewhere, social problems were increasing with consequent effects on newborn children. What evidence then can be found to link Innocent with Rome’s Baby Box as a way of remedying such a dreadful situation?

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Bolton, Brenda. "From Frontier to Mission: Networking by Unlikely Allies in the Church International, 1198–1216." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 14 (2012): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900003859.

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The year 1198 witnessed the start of an unlikely alliance between a new pope and a long-established monastic order. It would have been considered unlikely because relationships between secular and regular branches of the church were often uneasy and sometimes even tense. 1198 was indeed a chance for a new beginning. In Rome on 8 January, the cardinals raised one of their fellows, the thirty-seven-year-old Lotario dei Conti di Segni, to the Chair of St Peter as Innocent III. In Burgundy, on 14 September, the Cistercian Order was beginning its second century of existence at Cîteaux. It was time, not only for a celebration of the hundredth anniversary but also for a radical reassessment of the motives of the foundation. Guido de Paray, presiding over the annual General Chapter by right as abbot of Cîteaux, read out to the assembled abbots a letter received from the new pope in Rome. Surely the coincidence of these two events could bring forth fruit in some form or other? For his part, Innocent, while stressing his youth and inexperience, earnestly begged the Cistercians to remember him in their prayers. By so doing he would be better enabled to fulfil the pastoral office to which he had recently been called. In a phrase that he was later to use to cities of the Patrimony, he reminded the order that, although Christ’s yoke was easy and the burden light, it was, nevertheless, of vital importance that it be taken up. Mary’s spiritual contemplation was to be just as vital as Martha’s activity! In return for their prayers, the pope made a personal threefold promise to the abbots. He stated his intention to watch carefully over their progress, to be ‘powerfully’ at hand for them in their necessities and, lastly, to provide a safeguard by his apostolic protection against the attacks of all those who were ill-intentioned. ‘These things we shall pursue the more willingly when we feel that we are supported by your prayers and merits. For it is right that the universal Church should pour forth its prayers for us and mitigate our inadequacy by its supplications’

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d’Avray, David L. "Papal Authority and Religious Sentiment in The Late Middle Ages." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 9 (1991): 409–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900002064.

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Undergraduate ideas about medieval papal history tend to take the following form. In the late eleventh and early twelfth century the papacy led a reform movement and increased its power. In the mid- to late twelfth century its spiritual authority waned as its legal activities expanded. Innocent III gave a new lease of life to the institution by extending its protection to those elements in the effervescent spiritual life of the time which were prepared to keep their enthusiasm for evangelical preaching and apostolic poverty within the limits of doctrinal orthodoxy. By the middle of the thirteenth century, however, the papacy was more preoccupied with Italian politics than with the harnessing of spiritual enthusiasm. Its power and prestige remained great until the beginning of the fourteenth century, when Pope Boniface VIII was humiliated by the forces of the French King, acting with the Colonna family. The ‘Babylonian Captivity’ at Avignon, which followed shortly afterwards, was a period of grandiose claims and real weakness in relation to secular powers (especially France), of financial exploitation of the clergy, and of costly involvement in Italian wars. The Great Schism and the Conciliar Movement marked a still lower point in the religious prestige of the papacy. In the later fifteenth century the superiority of pope over council came to be generally recognized. Moreover, the papal state, in central Italy, was consolidated to provide a relatively secure base, and popes became patrons of painting and humanism. The patronage was a largely secular matter, however, and the papal court that of a secular prince. As for the popes’ control over the Western Church, it was limited, at least in practice, by the power of kings and princes over the clergy of their territories. Above all, the idea of sovereign papal authority in the religious sphere no longer had any connection with the real forces of religious sentiment and spirituality.

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Lawrence, C. H. "Pope Innocent III and his world. Edited by John C. Moore. Pp. xix+340. Aldershot–Brookfield–Sydney: Ashgate (for Hofstra University), 1999. £49.50. 1 84014 646 X." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 52, no. 03 (July 2001): 521. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046901447397.

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