Journal articles: 'Pope urban'

1

Hehl, Ernst-Dieter. "Pope Urban II (1088–1099). Part 2." Philosophy and History 23, no. 2 (1990): 154–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philhist199023279.

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Somerville, Robert. "A New Letter of Pope Urban II (?)." Bulletin of Medieval Canon Law 36, no. 1 (2019): 331–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bmc.2019.0014.

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James Doelman. "Herbert's Lucus and Pope Urban VIII." George Herbert Journal 32, no. 1-2 (2008): 43–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ghj.2008.0023.

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Détang-Dessendre, Cécile, Virginie Piguet, and Bertrand Schmitt. "Life Cycle Variability in the Microeconomic Determinants of Urban-Rural Migration." Population (english edition) 57, no. 1 (2002): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/pope.201.0031.

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ZUTSHI, P. N. R. "The Registers of Common Letters of Pope Urban V (1362–1370) and Pope Gregory XI (1370–1378)." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 51, no. 3 (July 2000): 497–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046999002845.

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The importance to scholars of the papal registers and other records in the Vatican Archives as a source for later medieval history scarcely needs to be emphasised. From the thirteenth century onwards, the different series of records proliferated. They begin with registers of outgoing correspondence, known as the Vatican Registers, in the pontificate of Innocent III (1198–1216) and financial accounts of the apostolic chamber under Nicholas III (1277–80). For the fourteenth century, there are new series of registers of outgoing letters (the Avignon Registers and the Lateran Registers) and a vast increase in the quantity of surviving records of the apostolic chamber. However, with the increasing abundance of such records, the proportion to have been published diminishes. It is in the fourteenth century that the sheer wealth of the surviving sources (there are, for instance, sixty registers of papal letters from the pontificate of Gregory XI, which lasted seven years and three months) first becomes a serious problem for those pursuing the publication of papal records.

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Newman, J. K. "Empire of the sun: Lelio Guidiccioni and Pope Urban VIII." International Journal of the Classical Tradition 1, no. 1 (June 1994): 62–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02679080.

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Giraldo, Anna, and Gianpiero Dalla Zuanna. "Investigation of a Unit Non-Response Adjustment Procedure : The Case of the Urban Fertility Survey, Italy, 2001-2002." Population (english edition) 61, no. 3 (2006): 295. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/pope.603.0295.

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Gabriele, Matthew. "The Last Carolingian Exegete: Pope Urban II, the Weight of Tradition, and Christian Reconquest." Church History 81, no. 4 (December 2012): 796–814. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640712001904.

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Pope Urban II (1088–99) was trained at Reims and Cluny before entering the orbit of the Gregorians around Rome. As such, Urban was first trained as an exegete. By considering how Urban used one particular verse (Daniel 2:21) and tracing that verse's intellectual lineage forward from the Fathers, through the Carolingians, we get a clearer picture not just of the vibrancy of eleventh-century intellectual life but also, ultimately, of Urban's understanding of the arc of sacred history. As a trained Carolingian exegete, Urban continued the work of his ninth-century predecessors, calling the Christian people(populus christianus)to mend their ways and strike back against the pagans, so that God would return His hand and allow the Christians to reconquer the Mediterranean world.

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Pennington, Kenneth. "Pope Urban II, The "Collectio Britannica", and the Council of Melfi (1089)." Catholic Historical Review 84, no. 4 (1998): 735–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.1998.0204.

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Osborne, John. "Lost Roman Images of Pope Urban V (1362-1370) for Julian Gardner." Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 54, no. 1 (1991): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1482514.

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Riva, Michele Augusto, Filippo Borgalli, Fabrizio Murru, Michael Belingheri, and Giancarlo Cesana. "A bone in the heart: the strange case of Pope Urban VIII." Internal and Emergency Medicine 14, no. 1 (September 4, 2018): 191–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11739-018-1942-7.

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Menache, Sophia. "The Crusades from a Historical Perspective: Communication, Culture, and Religion." Religions 15, no. 1 (January 4, 2024): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel15010067.

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Lynch, Kathleen. "‘We Protestants in Masquerade’: Burning the Pope in London." London Journal 47, no. 1 (October 3, 2021): 103–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03058034.2021.1972537.

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González García, Alberto. "El papa Urbano II y el origen de la Garcineida." Anuario de Estudios Medievales 43, no. 2 (November 26, 2013): 609–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/aem.2013.43.2.04.

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Bodansky, Daniel. "Should we Care what the Pope Says About Climate Change?" AJIL Unbound 109 (2015): 127–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2398772300001306.

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The brokerage firm, E.F. Hutton, used to have a tagline that went, “When E.F. Hutton speaks, people listen.” On climate change, the Pope has spoken, but will people listen? And should they? The first question is empirical; the second, normative.The papal encyclical, Laudato Si’, was released in May 2015 to much acclaim. It is an extraordinarily wideranging document. Although I will focus, in particular, on its discussion of climate change, it is worth noting that the encyclical addresses virtually the entire litany of environmental problems—loss of biodiversity, hazardous chemicals and wastes, marine pollution, replacement of virgin forests with monoculture plantations, and lack of access to clean drinking water, among others—as well as related social problems such as extreme poverty and urban overcrowding.

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Holndonner, Andreas. "Die Papsturkunde als Produkt unterschiedlicher Rechtsvorstellungen am Beispiel der päpstlichen Beziehungen zum Erzbistum Toledo Ende des 11. Jahrhunderts." Specimina Nova Pars Prima Sectio Medaevalis 6 (May 12, 2022): 53–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/spmnnv.2011.06.03.

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This article deals with the question, how and why the archbishopric of Toledo could achieve the restoration of its old status as seat of the primas over the whole Iberian Peninsula in 1088 from Pope Urban II. Only 20 years before the African Moors invaded the Iberian Peninsula in 711 the Toledan primacy had been set up by the Visigothic kings. In those times the Roman Papacy played no special role in Visigothic ecclesiastical affairs. But at the end of the 11th century the papacy claimed to be the leader of the whole Christian church, so why did Urban II affirm the claims for primacy of Toledo that should turn Archbishop Bernard of Toledo into a rival of the papal claims for primacy on the Iberian Peninsula? In the opinion of the author two different traditions of canon law clashed in 1088, when archbishop Bernard tried to come to terms with Pope Urban II in the question of the Toledan primacy: on the one hand the Collectio Hispana, containing old visigothic ecclesiastical law, and on the other hand the Decretales Pseudo-Isidorianae from the 9th century.

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Weitzel, Tim. "Charisma in Relation: Peter the Hermit and the Ecclesiastic Hierarchy." Journal of Religion in Europe 12, no. 2 (January 24, 2019): 115–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748929-01202002.

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The Crusades were—and still are—considered as papal wars. However, the phenomenon was also a setting of other authorities, like Peter the Hermit. Drawing on Weber’s sociology of charisma, this article seeks to examine the relationship between the Hermit and Pope Urban ii. While Weber postulates a necessary tension between the charisma of office and genuine charisma, e.g., between priests and prophets, the historical evidence is remarkably different: the chroniclers have portrayed the relationship between the Pope and the Hermit as both complementary and supplementary. By taking this analytical perspective, the article seeks to historicize the almost axiomatic status of Weber’s theorem.

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Harvey, Margaret. "The Household of Cardinal Langham." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 47, no. 1 (January 1996): 18–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900018625.

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Simon Langham, archbishop of Canterbury and former abbot of Westminster, was made cardinal priest of St Sixtus by Urban v on 22 September 1368. Resigning Canterbury, he joined the pope in Italy, formally entering on his duties at Montefiascone on 24 May 1369. He returned with the pope to Avignon in late 1370. In early 1371 he was employed by Pope Gregory XI as a legate in France, England and the Low Countries but by April 1373 was rejoining the curia. After that he lived continuously in Avignon until his death on 22 July 1376, though little is known about his activities. At the curia like all cardinals he maintained a household. The aim of this study is to discuss who were its members, to consider their recruitment and careers and to ask a few questions about Langham's patronage.

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Kis, Tímea N. "The Novelty of Bohuslav Balbín’s Biographies about Saint John of Nepomuk and their Role in Proving His Veneration." Central European Cultures 1, no. 2 (December 20, 2021): 59–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.47075/cec.2021-2.03.

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I am focusing on the attributes of three biographies written about Saint John of Nepomuk by Bohuslav Balbín (1621–1688) Czech Jesuit monk and historian. I am searching for the answer for the question that how can the features of ecclesiastic discipline of cult of saints after the council of Trient and the question of public respect before the canonization be caught out in these texts.This biographies of Saint John of Nepomuk has been written to be more than simple hagiographies. Due to their complexity and structural features they have become suitable to enter into a contoversy with Pope Urban VIII’s Coelestis Hierusalem decree, in which he firmly forbid the veneration of individuals not approved by the Holy See. Balbín wanted to prove it that the veneration to Saint John of Nepomuk has been existing continuously since his death, and its manifestations characterize the contemporary communities as well, finally, this devotion becomes ever more intensive therefore it is not inconsistent with the Pope Urban VIII’s restrictionary arrangements.

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Álvarez de las Asturias, Nicolás. "Robert Somerville, Pope Urban II’s Council of Piacenza, Oxford University Press: Oxford 2011. 151 pp." Annuarium Historiae Conciliorum 44, no. 1 (June 20, 2012): 209–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25890433-04401016.

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Scott, Karen. "St. Catherine of Siena, “Apostola”." Church History 61, no. 1 (March 1992): 34–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3168001.

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In the spring of 1376, Catherine, the uneducated daughter of a Sienese dyer, a simple lay Tertiary, traveled to Avignon in southern France. She wanted to speak directly with Pope Gregory XI about organizing a crusade, reforming the Catholic church, ending his war with Florence, and moving his court back to Rome. Her reputation for holiness and her orthodoxy gave her a hearing with the pope, and so her words had a measure of influence on him. Gregory did move to Rome in the fall of 1376, and he paid for her trip back to Italy. In 1377 he allowed her to lead a mission in the Sienese countryside: he wanted her presence there to help save souls and perhaps stimulate interest in a crusade. In 1378 he sent her to Florence as a peacemaker for the war between the Tuscan cities and the papacy. In late 1378 Gregory's successor Urban VI asked her to come to Rome to support his claim to the papacy against the schismatic Pope Clement VII. Finally in 1380, Catherine died in Rome, exhausted by all these endeavors.

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Ávila, Carlos, and Pablo De la Cal. "Conversación con Gilles Clément." ZARCH, no. 3 (December 31, 2014): 180–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.26754/ojs_zarch/zarch.201439306.

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Llegamos al lugar de la cita donde Gilles Clément nos recibe con una amplia sonrisa y nos estrecha la mano de forma afectuosa. Su apariencia rompe con los moldes de un supuesto pope del paisajismo internacional: cazadora negra de cuero (que deja traslucir su pasión por las motos, con las que ha recorrido el mundo entero), mochila en la que alberga sus lecturas y escritos, pelo cano ordenadamente despeinado que nos traslada una imagen de genio despreocupado...

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Dudkiewicz, Margot, Monika Kowalczyk, and Cyprian Moryc. "Multimedia John Paul II park – conceptual project of an educational path in the district of Czuby in Lublin." Teka Komisji Architektury, Urbanistyki i Studiów Krajobrazowych 15, no. 3 (January 31, 2020): 42–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.35784/teka.712.

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Urban green areas are an important element of urban public spaces. They enable users to be in touch with nature, relax and provide a space for active recreation. Dry valleys and ravines are the place where the best design solution – in order to preserve the natural character of vegetation and terrain, and meet the recreational and leisure needs of residents – is to create a park or to introduce individual walking paths. The paper presents a conceptual design for the development of the St. John Paul II Park together with the program of educational path concerning the figure of the Polish Pope.

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Satterthwaite, David. "Will Africa have most of the world’s largest cities in 2100?" Environment and Urbanization 29, no. 1 (February 15, 2017): 217–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0956247816684711.

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This paper responds to the article by Daniel Hoornweg and Kevin Pope, on predictions for the world’s largest cities in the 21st century, in this issue of Environment and Urbanization. It recognizes the value and importance of this article in highlighting the very large likely scale of urban population growth up to 2100 and in initiating a discussion on what this might imply for the scale and distribution of the world’s largest cities. But it raises some concerns about the extent to which very large cities will grow in what are currently nations with very low per capita incomes. Mega-cities need to be underpinned by mega-economies. The world’s largest cities up to 2100 will mostly be those where private capital has chosen to invest, and much of this may not be in the cities identified in the Hoornweg and Pope article as likely to be the largest. The economic future, the development future (including whether the Sustainable Development Goals get met) and the ecological future (especially whether dangerous climate change is avoided) will so powerfully influence future city sizes.

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Muldoon, James. "Pope Urban II, the "Collectio Britannica," and the Council of Melfi (1089).Robert Somerville , Stephan Kuttner." Speculum 74, no. 3 (July 1999): 838–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2886852.

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Pennington, Kenneth. "Pope Urban II’s Council of Piacenza: March 1–7, 1095 by Robert Somerville (review)." Catholic Historical Review 99, no. 2 (2013): 338–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2013.0132.

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Cushing, Kathleen G. "Pope Urban II's Council of Piacenza. By Robert Somerville. Oxford University Press. 2011. viii + 151pp. £55.00." Annual Bulletin of Historical Literature 96, no. 1 (December 2012): 38–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8314.12007.

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Mazzoni, Cristina. "How to Candy Oranges and Reprimand the Pope: Catherine of Siena’s Letter 346 to Urban VI." Spiritus: A Journal of Christian Spirituality 16, no. 1 (2016): 41–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/scs.2016.0002.

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CAFÀ, VALERIA. "The via Papalis in early cinquecento Rome: a contested space between Roman families and curials." Urban History 37, no. 3 (November 15, 2010): 434–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926810000556.

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ABSTRACT:On the definitive return of the pope to Rome in 1420, following the so-called Avignonese captivity, the city underwent major modifications. The ‘romanam curiam sequentes’, the court and administration that followed the traditionally itinerant pope, settled in the city, leading to Rome's population doubling in the space of a few years. Furthermore, with the support of the pope, the members of the curia came to take possession of spaces, offices, roles and rituals that had previously been the reserve of the local Romans. This article considers the reaction of the community of the local nobility (here described summarily as Roman families) to the encroaching presence of the curia within the specific context of the development of the built form of the via Papalis. It is argued that the via Papalis, one of the most important and prestigious streets in Rome, became the theatre within which these two communities played out their conflict through the medium of built and ephemeral architecture.

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Ostrow, Steven F. "Paul V, the Column of the Virgin, and the New Pax Romana." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 69, no. 3 (September 1, 2010): 352–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2010.69.3.352.

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The sole surviving monumental column from the Basilica of Maxentius and Constantine is the focus of Paul V, the Column of the Virgin, and the New Pax Romana. In 1613 Pope Paul V removed and re-erected this column at the center of Piazza S. Maria Maggiore in Rome, crowning it with a gilded bronze statue of the Virgin and Child. After reconstructing the little-known history of the monument and situating it within the history of honorific columns and Paul's urban planning, Steven F. Ostrow examines the antiquarian interest it long held, what was known about its original context, and the symbolic associations with which it was endowed. This close reading of Paul's monument demonstrates how, by appropriating the column and topping it with a statue of the Virgin, the pope eloquently expressed the Church's longstanding belief in Mary as a bringer of peace and the protector of Rome.

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POLANCEC, IVAN. "‘Ibi Papa, ubi Roma’: Urban V and his Household between Avignon and Rome, 1367." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 62, no. 3 (June 3, 2011): 457–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046911000856.

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This article investigates the financial arrangements put in place by Pope Urban V to pay for his household on his journey from Avignon to Rome in 1367. It shows that the curia's move had a disruptive effect, since its normal routine of paying expenses at the end of each month could not be continued while the court was in transit. In order to deal with these exceptional circumstances, household officials were given a special advance payment in anticipation of the costs that would be incurred on the journey, which in effect set a budget for the pope's domestic expenditure.

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BARDATI, FLAMINIA. "Between the king and the pope: French cardinals in Rome (1495–1560)." Urban History 37, no. 3 (November 15, 2010): 419–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926810000544.

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ABSTRACT:On account of their dual function as princes of the church and agents for the king of France, the French cardinals in Rome constitute a well-defined and self-contained community. They were governed by complex internal dynamics as well as by the need to present a unified front to the pope, in addition to the College of Cardinals and the citizenry of Rome. French cardinals present in Rome between 1490 and 1560 were mobile, as their physical presence in the city was not continuous: a number of them were stable residents in Rome, charged with diplomatic missions, while others only attended the conclaves. A special case is that of Jean du Bellay, who became fully integrated into the life of the city, established a literary salon open to artists and poets, and was involved in the study of Antiquities and the construction of a villa-garden complex, the Horti Bellayani.

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Hamilton, Bernard. "Why did the Crusader States Produce so Few Saints?" Studies in Church History 47 (2011): 103–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400000887.

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The crusading movement was an important part of the attempt by the papal reformers of the eleventh century to integrate the turbulent and powerful warrior class of western Europe into Christian society. Pope Urban II’s aim was to persuade these fighting men to use their skills in defence of Christendom, and to form an armed force directed by the Church. Crusading would enable the warriors to combine their military abilities with the practice of the Christian life. This ideal later came to be accepted as normative by the armies of all Western states.

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Sedano, Joaquín. "Robert SOMERVILLE, Pope Urban II’s Council of Piacenza, Oxford University Press, Oxford-New York 2011, VIII + 151 pp." Ius Canonicum 54, no. 108 (December 1, 2014): 872–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.15581/016.54.702.

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Müller, Harald. "Robert Somerville, Pope Urban II’s Council of Piacenza. March 1–7, 1095. Oxford/New York/Auckland, Oxford University Press 2011 Somerville Robert Pope Urban II’s Council of Piacenza. March 1–7, 1095. 2011 Oxford University Press Oxford/New York/Auckland £ 55,–." Historische Zeitschrift 296, no. 3 (June 2013): 764. http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/hzhz.2013.0237.

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Kostick, Conor. "God’s Bounty, Pauperes and the Crusades of 1096 and 1147." Studies in Church History 46 (2010): 66–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400000504.

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Cease, therefore, your discords, let your quarrels fall silent, your wars become quiescent, and let the disagreements of all controversy be put to sleep. Start the journey to the Holy Sepulchre, get that land off the criminal race and make it subject to you, that land the possession of which had been given by God to the sons of Israel, which – as the Scripture says – is flowing with milk and honey.Robert the Monk was present at the famous Council of Clermont in 1095, at which Pope Urban II launched the First Crusade by announcing that there would be a major expedition against the pagans to assist the Christians of the East. According to Robert, Urban reminded his listeners of the journey of the Children of Israel from Egypt; a journey in which God’s bounty several times saved Moses and his followers from famine and thirst. The report of another eyewitness at Clermont, Baldric (or Baudri) of Dol, reinforces the hkelihood that the Book of Exodus was in the thoughts of those who listened to Urban.

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Meyer-Sickendiek, Burkhard. "Die Satire als invektive Gattung." Kulturwissenschaftliche Zeitschrift 6, no. 1 (December 1, 2021): 130–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/kwg-2021-0024.

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Abstract A discussion of satire as borderline case of invectivity will be presented in this paper. The particular focus lies on literary debates in eighteenth-century Britain and in Germany. British satirists like Dryden, Haywood or Pope described ridicule and sarcasm as main features of satire, however, it was viewed as necessary to uphold the distinction between satire and libel resp. lampoon. This distinction was explained by concepts of urban wit or raillery. In German literature Wieland introduced the concept of wit in his satirical writings, however, since romanticism it was replaced with the opposition between sarcasm and ‚Humor‘.

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LOUTHAN, HOWARD. "Mediating Confessions in Central Europe: The Ecumenical Activity of Valerian Magni, 1586–1661." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 55, no. 4 (October 2004): 681–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046904001484.

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The Capuchin friar, Valerian Magni, was one of the most influential churchmen of the first half of the seventeenth century. A confidant of Pope Urban VIII, an advisor to the emperor Ferdinand II and an intimate of the Polish king Władysław IV, Magni worked tirelessly as a religious mediator for nearly fifty years. This article investigates his ecumenical activity in two major arenas, Bohemia and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. In the Czech kingdom Magni collaborated with young Archbishop Harrach to counter the Jesuits' harsher policies of reCatholicisation while in Poland he endeavoured to reunite both Protestant and Orthodox communities with the Catholic Church.

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de Oliveira, Jelson Roberto, and Clovis Ultramari. "The Eutopian City: The Challenge of Urban Conviviality in the Laudato Si’ and Fratelli Tutti Encyclicals." International Journal of Public Theology 16, no. 2 (June 17, 2022): 160–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15697320-20220038.

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Abstract This article aims to show how the concept of the eutopian city can be used as a key for reading Pope Francis’s latest two encyclicals (Laudato Si’, from 2015 and Fratelli Tutti, from 2020). We highlight the ideal of conviviality in the notion of common home, political love, and social friendship, whose paradigm in contemporary urban life would be the experience of neighbourhood. This involves thinking of the city as a space of conviviality and the construction of a common project of society, overcoming the divisions of a closed world in favour of an open world. The papal texts therefore reveal formulation of a political proposal precisely at the time when politics was dying, fostered by new climate conditions and the renewed culture of walls.

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Dimitrov, Yanko. "Three Books in Latin Language Written by Bulgarian Authors from the Beginning of the 19th Century." Bulgarski Ezik i Literatura-Bulgarian Language and Literature 64, no. 1 (February 9, 2022): 91–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.53656/bel2022-10-yd.

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I found three books in Latin language written by Bulgarian authors, students of the Urban College in Rome. These are speeches on the occasion of Pentecost, delivered in presence of the Pope and subsequently printed by the Holy Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith in 1804, 1805 and 1816. The first two books are in the British Library, they are digitized, the names of their authors are Carolus Pancio and Marinus Razdillovich. A third similar book can be found in the library catalogue of Biblioteca Palafoxiana in Puebla, Mexico, but the book itself is not digitized. The author's name is Franciscus Draganus, the book is printed in 1816.

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Hamilton, Bernard. "‘God Wills It’: Signs of Divine Approval in the Crusade Movement." Studies in Church History 41 (2005): 88–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400000140.

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Robert the Monk, who was present at the Council of Clermont in 1095 and heard Urban II preach the crusade sermon, reports that when he had finished speaking all who were there shouted: ‘God wills it. God wills it’. The pope, Robert tells us, saw in this unanimity a sign of divine inspiration: ‘I tell you that God has drawn this response from you to express the feeling which he has inspired in your hearts’. Yet although Urban’s arguments and eloquence convinced his audience at Clermont, reactions to the crusade were more ambivalent among some people in the West, even among some of those who took the cross. This was a legacy of the ambiguous attitude of Western churchmen towards violence and warfare. Western society in the early medieval centuries was very violent, and, as Guy Halsall has rightly pointed out, the Church helped to determine the norms of violence which Christian society found acceptable. No doubt churchmen viewed their intervention primarily as a limitation exercise. From the later ninth century onwards, as the Carolingian Empire declined, the popes intermittently called on the warriors of the West to come to their aid. Indeed, in some ways the campaign of the Garigliano, conducted by a league of Byzantine and Lombard forces organized by Pope John X, who himself took part in the fighting, and which achieved its objective of ridding the Papal States of bands of Muslim raiders who had settled there, was like a rehearsal for the First Crusade. The Church further tried to influence the behaviour of Christian fighting men by encouraging the Truce and Peace of God movements in the early eleventh century, and in some areas the liturgical blessing of swords was introduced. Consequently, by 1095 the fighting men in Western Europe were accustomed to the Church hierarchy’s calling on them for help.

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Hallebeek, Jan. "R. Somerville, Pope Urban II’s Council of Piacenza, March 1–7, 1095. Oxford University Press, [Oxford 2011]. [VIII] + 151 p." Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis 81, no. 1-2 (2013): 313–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718190-1309b0021.

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Andrews, Margaret, and Seth Bernard. "Urban development at Rome's Porta Esquilina and church of San Vito over the longue durée." Journal of Roman Archaeology 30 (2017): 244–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400074109.

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San Vito's modern location on the Esquiline betrays little of the importance of the church's site in the pre-modern city (fig. 1). The small church was begun under Pope Sixtus IV for the 1475 jubilee and finished two years later along what was at that time the main route between Santa Maria Maggiore and the Lateran. Modern interventions, however, and particularly the creation of the quartiere Esquilino in the late 19th c., changed the traffic patterns entirely. An attempt was made shortly thereafter to connect it with the new via Carlo Alberto by reversing the church's orientation and constructing a new façade facing this modern street. This façade, built into the original 15th-c. apse, was closed when the church was returned to its original orientation in the 1970s, and, as a result, San Vito today appears shuttered. In the ancient and mediaeval periods, by contrast, San Vito was set at a key point in Rome's eastern environs.

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Rizoiu, Camelia. "Guerre et Parole dans La Chanson d’Antioche." Revista Cercurilor studenţeşti ale Departamentului de Limba şi Literatura Franceză, no. 9 (November 2020): 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.31178/rcsdllf.9.1.

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La Chanson d’Antioche is an epic poem from the twelfth century which sings the deeds of the European army during the First Crusade, called by Pope Urban II in 1095. In this text, we can see the interaction between the Franks and the Saracens, at a greater scale than anything before, in a new territory, with a new purpose, with an enemy presented in a different, yet more detailed manner. As such, the aim of this article is to present a glimpse of this special character from two points of view, that of the war and that of the word, a character seen by the poet through a mirror, a rather deformed one, which will eventually present the Saracen in a distorted image.

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Yarotskyi, Petro. "Pope Francis' innovative approach to solving the problems of marriage and family." Good Parson: scientific bulletin of Ivano-Frankivsk Academy of John Chrysostom. Theology. Philosophy. History, no. 18 (December 2023): 20–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.52761/2522-1558.2023.18.3.

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Riley-Smith, Jonathan. "Pope Urban II's Council of Piacenza, March 1–7, 1095. By Robert Somerville. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011. viii + 151 pp. $110.00 cloth." Church History 82, no. 3 (August 30, 2013): 706–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640713000826.

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McGeoch, Graham. "Book Review: Urban Margins and the Future of the Church: Andrea Riccardi, To the Margins: Pope Francis and the Mission of the Church." Expository Times 130, no. 1 (September 19, 2018): 40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524618798712.

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Alatas, Alwi, and Mohamad Firdaus Mansor Majdin. "Muslim Disunity and Lost in the First Crusade." UMRAN - International Journal of Islamic and Civilizational Studies 9, no. 2 (June 28, 2022): 19–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.11113/umran2022.9n2.566.

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The Frankish army in the First Crusade were moved by the call of Pope Urban II in 1095. Over the next four years, they succeeded in capturing important cities in Asia Minor and al-Shām (Greater Syria), such as Nicaea, Edessa, Antioch and Jerusalem. The strength of the crusading forces was actually not greater than that of the Muslims and they were also not advanced in term of culture and science vis-a-vis the Muslims. In hindsight, this shows that there were other reasons that caused the defeat of the Muslims during the First Crusade. This study uses historical analysis as its methodology to see the correlation between the defeat of the Muslims and the political division that was prevailing among them during the First Crusade. This study suggests that there is a strong correlation between disunity and the defeat of the Muslims during the First Crusade.

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Bruce, Scott G. "The Rome of Pope Paschal I: Papal Power, Urban Renovation, Church Rebuilding and Relic Translation, 817-824 by Caroline J. Goodson.The Rome of Pope Paschal I: Papal Power, Urban Renovation, Church Rebuilding and Relic Translation, 817-824 by Caroline J. Goodson. New York, Cambridge University Press, 2010. xix, 385 pp. $99.00 US (cloth)." Canadian Journal of History 46, no. 3 (December 2011): 657–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.46.3.657.

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Shagrir, Iris. "Recreating Victory: Liturgy, Crusade Propaganda, and Simulacrum in Milan, CE 1100." Medieval Encounters 28, no. 2 (September 30, 2022): 180–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12340131.

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Abstract A feast commemorating the conquest of Jerusalem was celebrated in Milan, on 15 July 1100. On that day, an existing Milanese church was rededicated as the “Church of the Holy Sepulchre.” The elaborate ceremony included a procession, an octave, and a pilgrims’ indulgence, along with crusade propaganda. It was perhaps the earliest one celebrated in Western Europe in the wake of the Jerusalem conquest of 15 July 1099, added to the liturgical calendar of Milan. The event was carefully orchestrated by Anselm of Buis, the archbishop of Milan – a supporter of the church reform movement and close ally of Pope Urban II. The feast was attended by the local community, among them First Crusaders returning from Jerusalem. This article focuses on the innovative nature of the Milanese feast, its liturgy and possible link with the celebration in Jerusalem a year earlier. It also considers the triumphal recreation of Jerusalem in Lombardy within the western tradition of imitations of Jerusalem.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Pope urban'

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