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McClellan, Michael E., and Laura Mason. "Singing the French Revolution: Popular Culture and Politics, 1787-1799." Notes 54, no. 2 (December 1997): 478. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/899538.
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Mitchell, James Leonard, and Craig A Lockard. "Luk Thung: The Culture and Politics of Thailand's Most Popular Music." Journal of Social Issues in Southeast Asia 32, no. 1 (March 31, 2017): 176–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/sj32-1h.
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Chan, Brenda. "Luk Thung: The Culture and Politics of Thailand’s Most Popular Music." Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 89, no. 1 (2016): 171–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ras.2016.0011.
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Wati, Erna. "MUSICAL PIETY: REPRESENTATION OF ISLAM IN SOUTHEAST ASIA’S NASYID BOY-BAND MUSIC." Journal of Culture, Arts, Literature, and Linguistics (CaLLs) 1, no. 1 (February 24, 2017): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.30872/calls.v1i1.706.
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In recent decades, the movement of Islamisation in Malaysia and Indonesia have significantly developed. Islam in both Malaysia and Indonesia is known by its moderate character, more syncretised and politically diverse. These characteristics may have led the mass popular culture that globally spread, significantly influenced the rapid movement of Islamic popular culture in both countries. This paper analysed the rise of Islam in Malaysian and Indonesian society and politics, with a focus on Islamic popular culture. It then compared the characteristics of Malaysian Islam and Indonesian Islam movement and examine the rise of nasyid as one of Islamic popular culture products in Southeast Asia. The trends indicated that the success of popular culture adaptation such as nasyid boy-band music in Malaysia and Indonesia vary in terms of the issues that they represent. It may influenced by the economic, political and cultural agenda which involve in it.Keywords: popular culture, islamisation, islamic music, nasyid
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Merenik, Lidija. "Epics, popular culture and politics in a modern work of art." Issues in Ethnology and Anthropology 9, no. 1 (February 25, 2016): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.21301/eap.v9i1.9.
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“Death in Dallas” is a video-installation by Zoran Naskovski comprised of a) visual documentary material connected to the assassination of John Fitzgerald Kennedy, the president of the USA and materials about his public and private life; b) a soundtrack comprised of a poem accompanied by gusle by Jozo Karamatić with decasyllabic lyrics “Death in Dallas” by Božo Lasić. The unexpected and strange combo birthed a work of art which contains different layers of meaning and one of the most complete postmodern works of art in Serbian modern art. Naskovski had combined the seemingly incompatible codes of popular culture into a specific artistic method of its own genre – “Balkan noise”. Using the method of “noise” music, in which every noise, soundscape or voice has equal meaning and value; he included epics, tradition, politics, popular and folk culture. Finally, by doing so he had completely shifted the paradigm from modern to postmodern, from the substance of myth to a demystification of this type of representation.
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Kaiser-Lenoir, Claudia. "Nicaragua: Theatre in a New Society." Theatre Research International 14, no. 2 (1989): 122–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030788330000609x.
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One of the most revealing traits of the Nicaraguan revolution is manifested in the profound changes registered in the realm of culture. If Sandinista ideology focuses not on the fate of an élite but on that of the vast majority of the Nicaraguan people, it follows that for people to become the true subject of politics they have to become the true subject of culture as well. The popular Sandinista victory of July 1979 brought about the immediate establishment of the Ministry of Culture (the first in the country's history). Its goal: to give shape and nourishment to the popular effervescence and creative energies awakened by the long struggle. Work began with the organization of theatre, poetry, music and dance workshops throughout all sectors of the Nicaraguan society (army and police included), with the inauguration of Centres of Popular Culture in all regions, the creation of cultural committees in all grass-roots organizations, the training of ‘cultural promoters’ to work with regional governments, and with the task of rescuing and revitalizing popular cultural traditions.
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Cloonan, Martin. "Politics and Popular Culture. By John Street. Cambridge: Polity Press, 1997. 212 pp." Popular Music 17, no. 3 (October 1998): 356–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143000008655.
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Swann, Marjorie. "The Politics of Fairylore in Early Modern English Literature*." Renaissance Quarterly 53, no. 2 (2000): 449–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2901875.
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This essay argues that Stuart fairy poetry, rooted in Shakespeare's innovative representation of tiny, consumeristic fairies, attempts to indigenize new forms of elite material display. Rather than the fairies of popular tradition or courtly mythography, Stuart poets depict miniaturized Mabs and Oberons who are notable for their wardrobes, banquets, coaches, and the decor of their palaces. The fairy poetry of William Browne, Michael Drayton, and Robert Herrick must be interpreted not as playful escapism, but as a self-consciously politicized literary mode which reveals these writers’ deep ambivalence toward elite culture — and toward their own artistic role within that culture.
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Waters, Tony, and David Philhour. "Cross-National Attunement to Popular Songs across Time and Place: A Sociology of Popular Music in the United States, Germany, Thailand, and Tanzania." Social Sciences 8, no. 11 (November 5, 2019): 305. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci8110305.
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This paper explores empirically Edward T. Hall’s assertion about the role of musical elements, including rhythm recognition and what are called “ear worms” in popular culture. To test Hall’s assertion, data were collected from the United States, Germany, Tanzania, and Thailand in 2015–2017 using a 26 brief “song intros.” Data were also collected from exchange students from South Korea and Turkey. Survey responses were analyzed using factor analysis in order to identify patterns of recognition. It was found that there were indeed patterns of recognition apparently reflecting national boundaries for some song recognition, but others crossed boundaries. A separate analysis of patterned recognition comparing American youth under thirty, with elders over 60 indicated that there were also boundaries between age groups. Such experiments in music recognition are an effective methodology for Culture Studies given that musical elements are tied to issues of identity, culture, and even politics. Music recognition can be used to measure elements of such subconscious habitus.
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Kalu, Ogbu U. "Holy Praiseco: Negotiating Sacred and Popular Music and Dance in African Pentecostalism." Pneuma 32, no. 1 (2010): 16–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/027209610x12628362887550.
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AbstractIn post-colonial Africa, Pentecostal-Charismatic Christianity has slowly emerged as an influential shaper of culture and identity through its use of music, media, and dance. This article gives an overview of the transitions that have occurred in African politics, identity awareness, and culture, especially as it relates to the indigenous village public and it’s interface with the external Western public, and how the emergent cultural public has become the most influential player in shaping the African moral universe. Pentecostal-Charismatic Christianity has navigated the shift from a missionary-driven avoidance of indigenous music and dance to the incorporation of indigenous elements, leading in turn to the popularization of Pentecostal music and dance that blends indigenous forms and concepts, Christian symbolism, and popular cultural expressions. The resulting forms have not only shaped Christianity, but also the surrounding culture and its political environment.
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O’Connor, Clare. "The Angel as Wish Image: Justin Bieber, Popular Culture, and the Politics of Absolution." Communication, Culture and Critique 14, no. 3 (June 5, 2021): 471–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ccc/tcab031.
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Abstract In the early 21st century, the angel became a recurrent image within the visual economy of pop music stardom. By considering the case of Justin Bieber (whose angel invocations give expression to his struggles with celebrity, faith, and the pathology of Whiteness), the author reveals how biographical factors alone cannot account for the angel’s contemporary resonance. Instead, and drawing upon Walter Benjamin’s concept of wish image, the author argues that this invocational pattern reflects a general desire for a one-to-one correspondence between being and doing—here understood as a manifestation of the ur-historical longing for absolution. Because this desire is ambivalent, the angel has historically been invoked to symbolize wishes as divergent as fascism’s ideal gender relations and radical utopia’s equality. In this way, the angel’s current ubiquity alerts us to the role resonant myths often play in the elaboration of collective desires, while pointing toward their implications for emancipatory strategy.
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Lamb, A. "Review of books. Johann Strauss and Vienna: Operetta and the Politics of Popular Culture. C Crittenden." Music and Letters 82, no. 3 (August 1, 2001): 466–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ml/82.3.466.
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HANSON, MICHAEL. "Suppose James Brown read Fanon: the Black Arts Movement, cultural nationalism and the failure of popular musical praxis." Popular Music 27, no. 3 (October 2008): 341–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143008102173.
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AbstractIn the late 1960s and early 1970s, the articulation of politics and sound became explicitly marked during the civil rights transition to embryonic types of racial nationalism, black power and the novel forms of ‘citizenship’ implied therein. Music mediated and registered these critical shifts in political outlook, structural change and black collectivity. Yet, despite the power of black soundings to communicate or gesture toward a particular political sensibility, black popular music in particular remained elusive to those political workers most invested in identifying the articulations of popular sound aesthetics and the masses. Popular music, and soul culture more generally, frustrated nationalist efforts at enlisting the black masses, a failure that paradoxically reflected black nationalism’s inability to appeal to and enlist the political potential of the mass black public that it so valorised. %This article explores the political-aesthetic interface particularly as it played out in the relationship between cultural nationalism and black popular music. This relationship offers a powerful index of the correspondence and dissonance between the political intentions of nationalist political workers and the political desires of the urban masses. It is argued that both the formal attempts at producing revolutionary cultural products and the broader influence and reception that black nationalist politics had within the field of black popular culture were in significant ways less communicative of collective political will and desire than emergent popular musical formations.
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Vuletic, Dean. "Generation Number One: Politics and Popular Music in Yugoslavia in the 1950s." Nationalities Papers 36, no. 5 (November 2008): 861–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990802373579.
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Popular music is one of the cultural phenomena that has been most shared among the peoples inhabiting the territory of the former Yugoslavia; indeed, considering the persistence of a common popular music culture there even after the break up of the Yugoslav federation in 1991, there is perhaps little in cultural life that unites them more. It was in the 1950s that a Yugoslav popular music culture emerged through the development of local festivals, radio programs and a recording industry, at a time when popular music was also referred to as “dance,” “entertainment” or “light” music, and when jazz, pop and, by the end of the decade, rock and roll were the styles of it that were being listened to in Yugoslavia and around the world. However, the development of a Yugoslav popular music culture at this time was rooted not only in international cultural trends but was also shaped by the domestic and foreign policies that were pursued by the ruling Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY), which was renamed the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY) in 1952. Through its cultural, economic and foreign policies, the party sought to define Yugoslavia's position in Cold War international relations, develop a sense of Yugoslav identity among its multinational citizenry, and reconstruct and modernize a country that had suffered some of the greatest losses in Europe in the Second World War—and which had, just before it, been one of the Continent's least developed states, not only economically but also in terms of cultural infrastructure. In the cultural sphere, investments were needed immediately after the war to redress the facts that Yugoslavia had high rates of illiteracy and low rates of radio ownership by European standards, that cultural activities beyond folklore remained the purview of a small urban elite, and that it lacked musical artists, schools and instruments—with great disparities in all of these measures existing between its more developed northern areas (Slovenia, Croatia and northern Serbia) and the poorer south (Bosnia-Herzegovina, Macedonia, Montenegro and southern Serbia). For example, with regards to radio ownership, in 1946 the number of individuals per radio ranged from 40 in Slovenia, 48 in Croatia and 91 in Serbia to 137 in Macedonia, 288 in Bosnia-Herzegovina and 702 in Montenegro, with the average for all of Yugoslavia being 78.
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WEINTRAUB, ANDREW N. "‘Dance drills, faith spills’: Islam, body politics, and popular music in post-Suharto Indonesia." Popular Music 27, no. 3 (October 2008): 367–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143008102185.
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AbstractIn February 2003, a woman’s body became the focal point for public debates about religious authority, freedom of expression, women’s rights, and the future of Indonesia’s political leadership. At the centre of these debates was Inul Daratista, a twenty-four-year-old popular music singer/dancer from East Java, whose dancing was described as ‘pornographic’ and therefore haram, forbidden by Islam. In this essay, I describe how and why Inul’s dancing body became a central symbol in debates about religion, culture and politics in the years following the fall of Indonesian ex-president Suharto in 1998. In the highly mediated sphere of popular culture, ‘Inulmania’ contributed to a new dialogic space where conflicting ideological positions could be expressed and debated. Inul’s body became a stage for a variety of cultural actors to try out or ‘rehearse’ an emergent democracy in post-Suharto Indonesia. A case study of popular performer Inul Daratista illuminates contemporary ‘body politics’, in which human bodies invested with diverse meanings and values have powerful implications for discourses about Islam, pornography, women’s bodies, state/civil relations in Indonesia, and changing forms of media.
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Crist, Elizabeth B. "Aaron Copland and the Popular Front." Journal of the American Musicological Society 56, no. 2 (2003): 409–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jams.2003.56.2.409.
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Abstract In the early 1930s Aaron Copland began to compose in an accessible idiom he described as “imposed simplicity.” Many works written within this style, including El Salón México, the Fanfare for the Common Man, and the Third Symphony, have come to epitomize a nostalgic Americanism and sentimental populism. Yet the relatively simple surface of Copland's music belies a complex aesthetic ideology that owes to a tradition of progressive politics in the context of the Popular Front. Recent revisionist historiography understands the Front as a cultural force extending from the late 1920s through the war years and advocating a social-democratic politics, reform of corporate capitalism, and multiethnic solidarity. These ideals can be read in the aesthetic ideology of Copland's music of the same era. El Salón México (1932), for example, draws upon working-class ethnic culture to mount a critique of industrial modernism, while the Third Symphony (1946) and its hommage to the “common man” evoke a radical populism to project a progressive vision of social justice. In contrast to portrayals of the composer as merely sympathetic to the cultural forces of depression and war, Copland was a politically engaged and ideologically aligned artist working within what historian Michael Denning has called “the cultural front.”
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WILSON, ALEXANDRA. "Killing time: Contemporary representations of opera in British culture." Cambridge Opera Journal 19, no. 3 (October 17, 2007): 249–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954586707002364.
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ABSTRACTRecent debates about ‘high’ and ‘low’ culture and the perceived repositioning of such categories have had potentially profound implications for opera. British artist Sam Taylor-Wood’s video installation Killing Time (1994) provides a useful starting point from which to explore these polemics. By juxtaposing images of mundane daily life with a soundtrack drawn from Strauss’s Elektra, Taylor-Wood seems to present opera and ‘the everyday’ as irreconcilable. Yet, the perception of opera as highbrow has by no means been a historical constant in Britain. This article considers the extent to which opera may be regaining the ‘entertainment status’ it enjoyed for a period during the late nineteenth century, or whether its perception as an ‘elite’ product is more deeply ingrained in British culture than ever before. Killing Time’s critique of opera and the commentary it offers on voice, art as redemption, and the politics of participatory art are analysed and contrasted with the representation of opera in a more ‘popular’ medium, a reality television series in which members of the public were trained as opera singers. The article concludes that, while popular culture seems able to embrace opera, the more uneasy relationship today is that between opera and other forms of ‘high art’.
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STOKES, MARTIN. "Adam Smith and the Dark Nightingale: On Twentieth-Century Sentimentalism." Twentieth-Century Music 3, no. 2 (September 2006): 201–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1478572207000461.
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AbstractThis article reconsiders sentimentalism in the light of the writings of Adam Smith and the career of Abd al-Halim Hafiz, Egypt’s ‘Dark Nightingale’ and film-star crooner of the 1950s and 60s. It explores competing representations of emotionality, the limits of enchantment, and the contemporary politics of nostalgia and melodrama in Egyptian public culture. Eighteenth-century sentimental theory provides a critical and productive angle on twentieth-century popular musical culture, angles that this paper explores by imagining Adam Smith watching Abd al-Halim Hafiz’s first film, Lahn al-Wafā‘ (1955).
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Um, Hae-Kyung. "The poetics of resistance and the politics of crossing borders: Korean hip-hop and ‘cultural reterritorialisation’." Popular Music 32, no. 1 (January 2013): 51–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143012000542.
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AbstractThis paper examines the ways in which hip-hop has taken root in Korean popular culture. The processes that began in the early 1990s include appropriation, adaptation and ‘cultural reterritorialisation’. By looking at recent Korean hip-hop outputs and their associated contexts, this paper explores the ways in which Korean hip-hop has gained its local specificities. This was achieved by combining and recontextualising Afro-American and Korean popular musical elements and aesthetics in its performance and identification in the context of the consumption and commodification of Korean hip-hop as a ‘national(ised) cultural product’.
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Middleton, Jason, and Roger Beebe. "The racial politics of hybridity and ‘neo-eclecticism’ in contemporary popular music." Popular Music 21, no. 2 (May 2002): 159–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143002002106.
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This paper explores some forms of rock/rap hybridity and a historically related shift toward a greater eclecticism in consumption practices in popular music in the United States in the late 1990s, a period marked by the decline of rock as the dominant mode of popular music. This decline has repercussions not simply for a musical style, but additionally for the privileged subjects who are both the producers and consumers of that music: predominantly white, middle-class males. A number of different strategies have emerged which attempt to develop new positions for these white suburbanites to occupy in the contemporary music-cultural terrain in order to re-assert their hegemony as both producers and consumers. On the producers' side, the most common strategy has been to develop hybrid forms which combine rock with styles of its musical competitors – most notably, of hip hop music and culture. On the consumer side, the response has been the emergence of a ‘neo-eclectic’ form of listening where a number of formerly disparate or even hostile musical forms are consumed by a single (white suburban) individual.
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Watson, Janell. "Culture as Existential Territory: Ecosophic Homelands for the Twenty-first Century." Deleuze Studies 6, no. 2 (May 2012): 306–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/dls.2012.0064.
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The mass popular dissent which has marked the early twenty-first century, from al-Qaeda to the Arab Spring to the Occupy movement, can be read as expressions of collective, subjective, existential mutation. This reading is inspired by Félix Guattari, who described the 1979 Iranian revolution, the Polish Solidarity movement and the 1989 Chinese student demonstrations as demands for subjective singularisation. In each of these examples of social discontent, past and present, demands vary widely even within the same movement, spanning economics, lifestyle, religion and politics, and ranging from cries for liberation to conservative returns to ancient tradition. In order to perform a schizoanalysis of such amorphous movements, Guattari developed a four-part ecosophic object, composed of existential Territories, Universes of value, material-energetic Flows and machinic Phyla. Assemblages can be dynamically mapped along these four dimensions. Of crucial importance in the age of extreme deterritorialisation is the existential Territory, which could potentially take the form of a homeland based on poetry or music rather than on ethnicity or even place. Such portable homelands would characterise the dissensual processual post-media era for which Guattari longed.
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Soper, Christopher. "Rock and Roll Will Never Die: Using Music to Engage Students in the Study of Political Science." PS: Political Science & Politics 43, no. 02 (April 2010): 363–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096510000296.
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AbstractPopular music is ubiquitous in the lives of our students, music is used by politicians at virtually every one of their campaign events, and musicians are increasingly active in politics, but music has never been considered as a pedagogical tool in teaching political science classes. This article describes the use of music in an introduction to American politics class. I argue that playing music in class can increase student interest, reinforce important concepts, and actively engage the students in the learning process. Finally, using popular culture connects meaningfully with the way that many of our undergraduate students are experiencing politics.
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Anderson, Colin L. "Segregation, Popular Culture, and the Southern Pastoral: The Spatial and Racial Politics of American Sheet Music, 1870–1900." Journal of Southern History 85, no. 3 (2019): 577–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/soh.2019.0163.
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Muñoz, Catalina. "“A Mission of Enormous Transcendence”: The Cultural Politics of Music During Colombia’s Liberal Republic, 1930-1946." Hispanic American Historical Review 94, no. 1 (February 1, 2014): 77–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2390613.
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AbstractThis article examines the cultural programs developed by reformist intellectuals and artists working for the Colombian government during the period known as the Liberal Republic (1930-1946). It explores the implementation of two music programs in particular, the orfeones obreros and the murgas populares, with attention to both the political discourses from above and the everyday music practices from below. I show that, far from being inspired by common interest or nationalist sentiment alone, the ruling elites turned to cultural politics as an arena through which to define the relationship between the rulers and the ruled in a way that naturalized the former’s place in power. I argue that while music programs asserted the unity, horizontality, and inclusiveness of the nation by glorifying popular music, they also deepened the terms of exclusion they professed to level by essentializing the pueblo. However, this official celebration of popular culture, which rendered its practitioners archaic and passive repositories of the nation’s soul, was challenged by a very dynamic, effervescent, and transnationally open music landscape driven by the activities of creative grassroots musicians. Using data from the National Folkloric Survey of 1942, I explore the everyday music practices of popular sectors in different areas of the country and the challenge that these practices posed to elite definitions of popular music.
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Saha, Anamik. "Locating MIA: ‘Race’, commodification and the politics of production." European Journal of Cultural Studies 15, no. 6 (November 30, 2012): 736–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367549412450633.
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MIA (real name: Mathangi ‘Maya’ Arulpragasam) is one of the few British South Asian music artists who have crossed into the mainstream of western pop. The way in which she has attained this while foregrounding an explicit anti-racist and anti-imperialist message in her songs can be seen as a significant musical-political intervention, although the particular contestation of her work that has followed also highlights the challenges that Asian artists continue to face in gaining recognition within western popular culture. However, what is truly significant about MIA’s career is how she has managed to express a disavowed Asian identity without becoming trapped in the marginal space through which Asian culture is excluded. This has been the outcome of particular industry practice that has harnessed successfully the enabling features of commodification. In this way MIA represents an effective cultural politics of difference, the success of which is absolutely contingent upon an equally effective politics of production.
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Ian Hall, David. "Wagner, Hitler, and Germany’s Rebirth after the First World War." War in History 24, no. 2 (March 30, 2017): 154–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344515608664.
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This article examines German national renewal following defeat in the First World War. It emphasizes the importance of a ‘unique’ German culture, particularly the music dramas of Richard Wagner, in the politics of pan-German nationalists, Hitler, and the National Socialist Party. Hitler believed national revival depended on the rebirth of German culture, a concept that predated the war and was popular in völkisch circles and the radical right. Hitler owed his rise from obscurity as much to his appeal to cultural longings, which enabled him to attract the attention of Bavaria’s elite, as he did to his political ideas and abilities.
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Filmer, Paul, Val Rimmer, and Dave Walsh. "Oklahoma!: ideology and politics in the vernacular tradition of the American musical." Popular Music 18, no. 3 (October 1999): 381–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026114300000893x.
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Musicals, like all popular texts and forms of art have an explicitly reflexive relationship with the societies from which they stem. As well as reflecting the historical and cultural character of society they voice society's own sense of its life and values. They are properly analysed, therefore, in terms of what Geertz (1975) has termed the ‘thick description’ of culture, whereby their organisation, construction and meaning is treated in terms of how they are lodged in, and lodge within themselves, the cultural and social structures of the society of which they are a social expression and with which they are reflexively engaged.
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Bamford, Trevor, Joseph Ibrahim, and Karl Spracklen. "Becoming and being goth: How goths remember the scene’s transition from the eighties into the nineties." Punk & Post-Punk 00, no. 00 (April 5, 2021): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/punk_00088_1.
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Goth emerged from post-punk, and by the 1980s became an identifiable feature of the popular music scene and wider popular culture. Fuelled by the success of bands such as the Sisters of Mercy, goth music and culture spread around the world, interacting with wider alternative, gothic fashions. At the end of the 1980s, goth reached a peak of interest followed by retrenchment into the alternative, subcultural spaces from which it had emerged. Nonetheless, it survives. In this article, we interview goths who became active in the 1980s and who remain engaged in order to understand how they became goths and what goth meant to them then. Using memory work, we are interested in how these goths construct their own histories and mythologies, and what this might tell us about the political and sociological importance of goth as a counter-hegemonic space at a time of globalization, consumption and commodification. We explore how they remember goth emerging from the post-punk scene with its radical politics and alternative, anti-mainstream culture. We examine the way these individuals remember becoming goth and their awareness of being in a goth scene. We then show how they remember and construct stories of when goth retrenched in an alternative underground that reconstructed the counter-hegemonic politics of punk and post-punk. Finally, we show what happened in the late 1980s and early 1990s and argue that the scene, or that part of the scene represented by our goths, is following a dialectical path carved out of the neo-Gramscian concept of negotiation when faced with the culturally and aesthetically hegemonic effect of a dominant culture.
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Ford, Phil. "Music at the Edge of the Construct." Journal of Musicology 26, no. 2 (2009): 240–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2009.26.2.240.
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Abstract Writers across a wide spectrum of cold war discourse voiced an anxiety that American minds could be made to see things as some alien will might want us to see them. Cold War popular culture drew on such notions to fashion a spectacle of mind control and depicted advertising, Hollywood, and politics as sites for the manufacture of illusions. Each site finds its critique in a film from the first postwar decades: A Star Is Born (1954) shows Hollywood myths overwhelming the lives of their creators; John Cassavetes's Shadows (1957/1959) voices the hip critique of commodified mass culture; and The Manchurian Candidate (1962) spins a paranoid scenario in which American politics, Communist brainwashing, and television conspire to create a counterfeit reality so total there may be no escape. These films picture their characters struggling to escape the construct of false images that besets them. The musical scoring of these films, though while radically different, defines the boundary of the construct and marks the distance between reality and image.
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Webb, Graeme. "Alighting the Milkmen, Bridegrooms, and Vagabonds: On Capital and Language." Stream: Interdisciplinary Journal of Communication 7, no. 2 (March 13, 2016): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.21810/strm.v7i2.153.
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From the “thunderous denunciations” of mass culture by the Frankfurt School to the ambivalence of Habermas towards mass media, it has been argued that we have moved from culture-debating to culture-consuming publics (Peters, 1993). We have abandoned the coffee house in favour of grumpy cats and lulz. Furthermore, our societal damnation has only been reaffirmed and deepened by a move towards a form of cognitive capitalism. Berardi (2011) and Marazzi (1994), in their respective work on the politics of the language economy, have suggested that cognitive capitalism has given life to a new form of crisis; the crisis of capital today is not merely economic, it also a crisis of the social imagination, and language and discourse is political. It can be enclosed by capital. However, to stop our analysis there is not only pessimistic but also fails to see the emancipatory potential within language and our media systems. Although language and discourse can be enclosed by capital, I would argue it can never fully be co-opted. While media, especially the online sphere, are full of obfuscating pomp and trolling harangues, there remains a potential critical spark in the culture and poetry of everyday language. Echoing Stuart Hall, it is the extent to which popular culture and technology are sites of contestation and the degree to which they can be mobilized to destabilize systems of domination that they matter: “Otherwise, to tell you the truth, I don’t give a damn about it” (Hall, 1998). This paper will investigate the critical spark that language and popular culture can offer in an era of cognitive-capitalism—and who knows, maybe we’ll have a few lulz along the way.
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Jandrić, Petar. "Ewa Mazierska, Leslie Gillon, & Tony Rigg (Eds.). Popular Music in the Post-Digital Age: Politics, Economy, Culture and Technology." Postdigital Science and Education 1, no. 1 (November 15, 2018): 247–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s42438-018-0016-5.
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Bickford, Tyler. "The new ‘tween’ music industry: The Disney Channel, Kidz Bop and an emerging childhood counterpublic." Popular Music 31, no. 3 (October 2012): 417–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143012000335.
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AbstractThis article examines the expansion of the US children's music industry in the last decade. It considers the sanitising of Top 40 pop for child audiences in the Kidz Bop compilations, the entrance of Disney into the popular music market and the meteoric rise of tween music products such as High School Musical, Hannah Montana/Miley Cyrus, the Jonas Brothers and Justin Bieber. It shows that, as children increasingly consume mainstream musical products, in the converse dynamic children's artists themselves play an increasingly prominent role in popular culture and in many ways have taken the lead both in commercial success and in stylistic innovations. Examining public expressions of age-based solidarity among celebrity musicians associated with children, this article argues that children's music is increasingly articulated through tropes of identity politics, and represents the early stages of a childhood counterpublic.
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Skinner, Ryan Thomas. "CULTURAL POLITICS IN THE POST-COLONY: MUSIC, NATIONALISM AND STATISM IN MALI, 1964–75." Africa 82, no. 4 (November 2012): 511–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972012000484.
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ABSTRACTThis article examines the shifting experience of national belonging and state patronage at a crucial juncture in Mali's post-colonial history, the ten-year period that marked the end of the country's First Republic (1960–8) and the beginning of its Second Republic (1968–91). My focus is on the contested politics of culture that characterized this period, elucidated through the experiences and expressions of two popular dance bands, Las Maravillas de Mali and Les Ambassadeurs du Motel. By following the post-colonial careers of Las Maravillas and Les Ambassadeurs I explore social and musical encounters with national community and state authority from which broader questions of political sovereignty and accountability emerge.
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SHAW, LISA. "Sean Stroud, The Defence of Tradition in Brazilian Popular Music: Politics, Culture and the Creation of Música Popular Brasileira (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2008), pp. ix+215, £50.00, hb." Journal of Latin American Studies 41, no. 1 (February 2009): 183–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x08005348.
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MCNALLY, JAMES. "Azealia Banks's “212”: Black Female Identity and the White Gaze in Contemporary Hip-Hop." Journal of the Society for American Music 10, no. 1 (February 2016): 54–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752196315000541.
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AbstractAzealia Banks's 2011 hit single “212” established her as one of hip-hop's rising stars, with critics highlighting the song's provocative lyrics and Banks's ability as an MC as standout qualities. Banks would later receive attention for her public dispute with white rapper Iggy Azalea, whom she accused of exploiting black musical culture. This article integrates an analysis of “212” with a discussion of Banks's recent public rhetoric in order to examine the ways in which Banks rearticulates the figure of the black female rapper and criticizes white fascination with black female sexuality and black cultural forms. I conclude by situating this discussion within the broader context of contemporary “post-racial” politics, in which the political elements of hip-hop and the systemic racial inequalities they address have become increasingly marginalized in favor of “color-blind” conceptions of United States society and popular culture.
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Mahiet, Damien. "The Aesthetics and Politics of Wonder in the First Nutcracker." 19th-Century Music 40, no. 2 (2016): 131–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ncm.2016.40.2.131.
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Critical response to Tchaikovsky's Casse-Noisette (The Nutcracker), the ballet-féerie premiered in December 1892 in St. Petersburg, has historically been mixed. An aesthetic mongrel, the original production joined the highbrow expectations of Romantic ballet with the popular conventions of the féerie and challenged its first audience just as much as its immediate predecessor, The Sleeping Beauty. To this day, writers object to the original libretto's uneven distribution of pantomime and dance and its lack of a coherent story, of continuous development, and of a satisfying conclusion. This article offers an alternative reading that reconstructs the dramatic disruptions and turnabouts and relates them to the first production's aesthetics and politics. The ballet's composer and choreographers, using music, action, and dance, repeatedly placed the audience in a position of wonder and awe similar to that of the young heroine Clara. This aesthetic captured Alexander III's particular “scenario of power” (Richard Wortman) in late-nineteenth-century Tsarist Russia, projecting imperial court culture and sovereign power onto a fantastic canvas.
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Jacobs, Elizabeth. "The Theatrical Politics of Chicana/Chicano Identity: from Valdez to Moraga." New Theatre Quarterly 23, no. 1 (January 16, 2007): 25–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x06000601.
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Critical opinion over the role of popular culture in relation to ethnic and cultural identity is deeply divided. In this essay, Elizabeth Jacobs explores the dynamics of this relationship in the works of two leading Mexican American playwrights. Luis Valdez was a founding member of El Teatro Campesino (Farmworkers' Theatre) in California during the 1960s. Originally formed as a resistance theatre, its purpose was to support the Farmworkers' Union in its unionization struggle. By the early 1970s Valdez and the Teatro Campesino were moving in a different direction, and with Zoot Suit (1974) he offered a critique of the race riots that erupted in East Los Angeles during the summer of 1943, the subsequent lack of reasonable judicial process, and the media misrepresentation of events. Valdez used setting, music, slang, and dress code among other devices to construct a sense of identity and ethnic solidarity. This provided a strong voice for the Chicano group, but at the same time a particular gendered hierarchy also distinguished his aesthetic. Cherríe Moraga's work provides a balanced opposition to that of Valdez. Giving up the Ghost (1984) helped to change the direction of Chicano theatre both in terms of its performativity and its strategies of representation. Elizabeth Jacobs explores how Moraga redefines both the culturally determined characterization of identity presented by Valdez and the media representation of women. She also utilizes theatrical space as a platform for a reassertion of ethnicity, allowing for the innovation of a split subjectivity and radical lesbian desire. Giving up the Ghost, Jacobs argues, provides a trenchant critique of communal and popular culture discourses as well as a redefinition of existing identity politics.
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Koehler, Jonathan. "“Soul Is But Harmony”: David Josef Bach and the Workers' Symphony Concert Association, 1905–1918." Austrian History Yearbook 39 (April 2008): 66–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0667237808000059.
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Ifhigh culture, asTheodorAdornoonce proposed, promises a reality that does not exist, why, at the fin de siècle, did it hold such great attraction for Central Europe's populist politicians who were most attuned to the realities of everyday life? The answer, at least for imperial Austria, is that those politicians believed high culture to possess an integrative social function, which forced them to reconcile notions of “high” culture with “mass” culture. This was particularly true in Vienna, where the city's public performance venues for art, music, stage theater, and visual art stood as monuments to the values that the liberal middle classes had enshrined in the 1867 Constitution. A literate knowledge of this cultural system—its canon of symphonic music; the literature of tragedy, drama, and farce; and classical and contemporary genres of painting—was essential for civic participation in an era of liberal political and cultural hegemony. This article examines one cultural association that attempted to exploit the interaction between German high culture and two spheres, which are commonly thought to stand at odds with elite, high culture: popular culture and mass politics. Rather than a simple, cultural divide, this relationship created a contested “terrain of political and social conflict” in the decades preceding World War I. This terrain was of enormous consequence for Viennese of every social class.
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MAUREY, YOSSI. "Dana International and the politics of nostalgia." Popular Music 28, no. 1 (January 2009): 85–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143008001608.
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AbstractThis paper focuses on the musical discourse of nostalgia evidenced in the songs of Dana International, an Israeli transsexual singer who took First Prize in the 1998 Eurovision Song Contest. It is organised around several songs featuring various compositional strategies, beginning with remakes of older songs and leading into new ones. Through quotation of music and/or lyrics, and the alteration and departure from the original, Dana premiers, transforms and renews songs in a way unique to her: she forces the audience to rethink what is natural and what is historically constructed, blurs distinctions between the sexes, past and present, the national and international, and draws on nostalgia as a powerful device to unsettle and question received truths. Her songs often mock and parody the masculinist, nationalist myths of mainstream Israeli culture, exposing the ideology of its artefacts. By promoting various types of blending, Dana challenges the notion of fixed borders. Despite the musical surface of popular song, which sounds international and without specific identity, the deep structures of these songs are in fact very much about complex questions of identity.
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harris, rachel. "reggae on the silk road: the globalization of uyghur pop." China Quarterly 183 (September 2005): 627–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741005000391.
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in this article i take examples of popular music recordings released in the xinjiang uyghur autonomous region during the 1990s and first few years of the 21st century, in order to illustrate the global flows of sounds and meanings which influence uyghur pop. the disseminatory power of “micro media” (cheap cassettes, vcds) facilitates the global movement of both musical sounds and political ideas. i argue, using examples of uyghur reggae and uyghur belly dancing, that these sounds and meanings are radically adapted and re-signified in the construction of uyghur identity and cultural politics, in a complex interplay between the global, national and local, and between tradition and modernity. i discuss the gendered expression of uyghur nationalism in popular song through the iconic figure of the weeping mother, demonstrating the ability of expressive culture (here music) to reveal underlying or underpinning political trends.
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Weiming, Tu. "Cultural Identity and the Politics of Recognition in Contemporary Taiwan." China Quarterly 148 (December 1996): 1115–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000050578.
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Taiwan is a geographic location, an economic force, a political presence, a social reality and a cultural expression. The “precious island” (baodao), in the minds of those who are vaguely familiar with East Asia in the English-speaking community, evokes sensations of stunning natural beauty, hard-working people and troubled international status. Those who have travelled there as tourists in recent years are easily impressed by the vibrant economy, cuisine, traffic jams, air pollution, rich folk traditions and colourful popular culture. While journalists and business executives may be fascinated by the transformative power of marketization and democratization in Taiwan's political economy, many students have been overwhelmed by the profound impact of economy and polity on all dimensions of the cultural world - literature, art, dance, music and drama - since the lifting of martial law in 1987.
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Frota, Wander Nunes. "The Defence of Tradition in Brazilian Popular Music: Politics, Culture and the Creation of Música Popular Brasileira. By Sean Stroud. London: Ashgate, 2008. 222 pp. ISBN 978-0-7546-6343-0." Popular Music 29, no. 1 (January 2010): 173–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143009990626.
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McCann, B. "Stroud, Sean. The Defence of Tradition in Brazilian Popular Music: Politics, Culture and the Creation of Musica Popular Brasileira. Hampshire, England and Burlington, VT:Ashgate, 2008. Bibliography. Index. 222 pp." Luso-Brazilian Review 47, no. 2 (December 1, 2010): 204–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lbr.2010.0013.
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Ketovuori, Mikko, and Matt Lampert. "From ‘Hard Rock Hallelujah’ to ‘Ukonhauta’ in Nokialand: a socionomic perspective on the mood shift in Finland's popular music from 2006 to 2009." Popular Music 37, no. 2 (April 13, 2018): 237–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143018000065.
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AbstractSocial mood in Finland shifted from generally positive in the spring of 2006 to generally negative by the spring of 2009. We identify this change in mood via eight indicators, including the onset of a financial and macroeconomic crisis, a decline in measures of sentiment, a rise in radical politics and the demise of an iconic business unit of one of the country's most successful firms. From the standpoint of Prechter's socionomic theory we hypothesise that this change in social mood is also evident in a greater level of pessimism in the songs on the country's pop chart in 2009 relative to 2006. To test this hypothesis, we introduce and validate a tool to measure optimism and pessimism in popular music. We apply this tool to a random sample of songs from the Finnish pop chart from 2006 and a comparable sample from 2009. Indeed, we find that the sample from 2009 in the aggregate is substantially and significantly more pessimistic than the sample from 2006. The study serves to enrich our understanding of what makes pop songs popular and how popular music is linked psychologically to broader popular culture and other domains of social expression through a shared social mood.
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Ergin, Murat. "On Humans, Fish, and Mermaids: The Republican Taxonomy of Tastes and Arabesk." New Perspectives on Turkey 33 (2005): 63–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600004246.
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This essay analyzes arabesk, a form of popular music in Turkey, as it pertains to debates around culture, politics, and modernity. I argue that arabesk, rather than being limited to discussions of music as an aesthetic form, reveals important issues as to the historical unfolding of discursive patterns that still very much outline the boundaries of cultural debates in Turkish society. The historic changes of arabesk music corresponds to turning points in the cultural and political history of Turkey. Furthermore, following the historical trajectory of arabesk makes it possible to analyze large-scale transformations in the ideological landscape of Turkey. In order to understand the complexity of these issues, it is important to trace the historical foundations of Turkish cultural politics, especially during the early Republican era (1920-1950), which was formative in establishing and maintaining an extensive regime of cultural classification.
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Bradby, Barbara. "Sampling sexuality: gender, technology and the body in dance music." Popular Music 12, no. 2 (May 1993): 155–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143000005535.
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Bayton (1992) is right to be preoccupied by the mutual blindness between feminism and popular music. For if pop music has been the twentieth-century cultural genre most centrally concerned with questions of sexuality, one would expect more feminist critique and engagement with it. It is undoubtedly true that feminists have often been suspicious of pop music as typifying everything that needs changing for girls in society (McRobbie 1978), and of rock music as a masculine culture that excludes women (Frith and McRobbie 1979). Conversely, those who wished to celebrate the political oppositionality of rock music have often had to draw an embarrassed veil around its sexual politics, and have had good reason to be wary of feminism's destructive potential. Nevertheless, Bayton's own bibliography shows the considerable work that has been done by feminists on popular music, and the problem is perhaps better seen as one of marginalisation of this work within both feminist theory and popular music studies. In addition, I would argue that the work of Radway (1987), Light (1984), Modleski (1984) and others, in ‘reclaiming’ the popular genres of romance reading and soap opera for women, does have parallels in popular music in the work of Greig (1989) and Bradby (1990) on girl-groups, or McRobbie on girls and dancing (1984). Cohen (1992) shows some of the mechanisms through which men exclude women from participation in rock bands, while Bayton's own study of women musicians parallels other sociological work on how women reshape work roles (1990). And the renewed interest in audience research in cultural studies has allowed a re-valorisation of girls' and women's experience as fans of popular music (Garratt 1984; Lewis 1992), and as creators of meaning in the music they listen to (Fiske 1989; Bradby 1990).
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Kuligowski, Waldemar. "Nacjonalizm zwyczajnych ludzi. Etnicyzowanie tradycji muzycznej na przykładzie festiwalu w Gučy." Slavia Meridionalis 11 (August 31, 2015): 157–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2011.009.
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Normal people’s nationalism. Ethnicization of music tradition for instance some festival in GučaSince the 1980’s ethnology and social and cultural anthropology have witnessed an increasing number of studies and debates on nationalism in the light of popular culture. In the light of theory formulated by Hobsbawm, Gellner, Hayes and Comaroff nationalism is effect not big symbols and official politics, but rather popular entertainment, media and normal practices normal people in its normal life. Traditional primordial concepts of nationalism are deep regressive.In this paper, I discuss a few contradictions in the relationship between tradition, nationalism and music. An excellent example illustrating specific nature of these contradictions is Dragačevski sabor trubača (Guča Trumpet Festival) in Guča, Serbia and particular music genre – brass music. In my opinion there are three distinctive discourses/narrations about history and meaning this festival and specific kind of music: dominating Serbian discourse, ‘weak’ Gypsy discourse, and researcher’s discourse. This study is effect an ethnographic fieldwork conducted in 2010 by an author and large group of students from Institute of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology Adam Mickiewicz University Poznań, Poland.
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Ismayilov, Murad. "State, identity, and the politics of music: Eurovision and nation-building in Azerbaijan." Nationalities Papers 40, no. 6 (November 2012): 833–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.742990.
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Albeit often — and fairly — degraded in the world of high culture as a populist and politicized representation of music, the Eurovision Song Contest (ESC) — by sheer virtue of the populist and politicized nature of its essence — stands among the most consequential cultural encounters to which post-independence Azerbaijan has been exposed, in that the extent to which Baku's victory in the ESC-2011 — and the further developments this victory has generated — can potentially impact on, and contribute to, the very process of nation-building and national identity formation, with which this post-Soviet Muslim-majority country is currently struggling, is unparalleled by any of the state's earlier encounters of the kind. This paper focuses on, and examines, four intimately related ways in which the ESC and Azerbaijan's successful involvement with the latter worked to interfere with the country's nation-building: as a dubious factor in the evolution of the Western sense of self among Azerbaijanis; as a unifying force within the structure of the country's rapidly maturing civil society; as a medium working to open up a channel through which Western popular cultural elements could interfere with the evolving dynamics of, and work to globalize, indeed de-endogenize, indigenous Azerbaijani culture, on one hand, and unify the discursive realm within which the country's cultural domain is to further evolve, on the other; and, finally, as an important element serving to decouple the evolving processes within the country's cultural domain from the unfolding dynamics of conflict settlement and hence conducive to the diversification of public discourse in Azerbaijan.
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Street, John, Matthew Worley, and David Wilkinson. "‘Does it threaten the status quo?’ Elite responses to British punk, 1976–1978." Popular Music 37, no. 2 (April 13, 2018): 271–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026114301800003x.
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AbstractThe emergence of punk in Britain (1976–1978) is recalled and documented as a moment of rebellion, one in which youth culture was seen to challenge accepted values and forms of behaviour, and to set in motion a new kind of cultural politics. In this article we do two things. First, we ask how far punk's challenge extended. Did it penetrate those political, cultural and social elites against which it set itself? And second, we reflect on the problem of recovering the history and politics of moments such as punk, and on the value of archives to such exercises in recuperation. In pursuit of both tasks, we make use of a wide range of historical sources, relying on these rather than on retrospective oral or autobiographical accounts. We set our findings against the narratives offered by both subcultural and mainstream histories of punk. We show how punk's impact on elites can be detected in the rhetoric of the popular media, and in aspects of the practice of local government and the police. Its impact on other elites (e.g. central government or the monarchy) is much harder to discern. These insights are important both for enriching our understanding of the political significance of punk and for how we approach the historical record left by popular music.
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Ortúzar Madrid, Pablo, Carolina Tomic López, and Sebastián Huneeus Valenzuela. "El mesianismo político de Augusto Pinochet y la lucha por el espacio sacrificial." Revista Temas Sociológicos, no. 13 (January 25, 2017): 231. http://dx.doi.org/10.29344/07194145.13.236.
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ResumenSe analiza la dimensión simbólica de la figura de Augusto Pinochet y su manifestación religiosa en el pinochetismo. Se explica esta manifestación a partir de la confluencia de tres factores profundamente arraigados en la cultura latinoamericana: la hacienda, la religiosidad popular y el sacrificio. Se explica cómo el pinochetismo sitúa a Pinochet en el lugar del cordero sacrificial y como padre salvador y protector de la “familia chilena”, y cómo se desarrolla este mito en oposición a la izquierda, que intenta leer la historia del país desde el sacrificio de Allende. Se concluye que la disputa por el espacio sacrificial imposibilita simbólicamente la reconciliación nacional; en efecto, la Concertación acepta el “nuevo orden pinochetista” (post-dictadura) a la vez que se funda en su crítica.Palabras clave: Reconciliación política, Pinochet y Allende, cultura y políticaAbstractWe analyze the symbolic dimension of the figure of Augusto Pinochet and the manifestation of religion in Pinochet. It explains the event from the confluence of three factors deeply rooted in Latin American culture: the farm, popular piety and sacrifice. It explains how the Pinochet puts in place the sacrificial lamb as a father and savior and protector of the “Chilean family,” and how this myth developed in opposition to the left, which tries to read the history from the slaughter of Allende. We conclude that the dispute over the sacrificial space symbolically national reconciliation impossible, in fact, the Coalition accepts the “new order Pinochet” (post-dictatorship) while it is based on his criticism.Keywords: Political reconciliation, Pinochet and Allende, Culture and politics.