Academic literature on the topic 'Populisme – France'
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Journal articles on the topic "Populisme – France"
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Vaillé, Hélène. "France : vers un « populisme punitif » ?" Sciences Humaines N°162, no. 7 (July 1, 2005): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/sh.162.0025.
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Muzergues, Thibault. "Après les élections européennes : vers une Europe post-populiste ?" Politique étrangère N° 243, no. 3 (September 10, 2024): 175–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/pe.243.0175.
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Les élections européennes de 2024 sont marquées par une triple tendance : une domination du Parti populaire européen, un morcellement du spectre politique et une droitisation de l’hémicycle avec la montée en puissance de partis d’extrême droite. À l’exception de la France et de l’Allemagne, où les formations populistes progressent, l’Union européenne voit se développer une nouvelle tendance – le post-populisme –, marquée notamment par un effacement du clivage entre le peuple et les élites.
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Le Quang, Grégoire. "L’ Uomo qualunque : vie, contradictions et mort d’un populisme antipolitique en Italie, 1944-1948." Revue d’histoire moderne & contemporaine 71, no. 2 (May 30, 2023): 175–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rhmc.702.0177.
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Le mouvement de L’Uomo qualunque , plutôt mal connu en France, est souvent décrit en Italie comme la matrice du populisme contemporain. Pour le comprendre, il convient de retracer précisément le contexte d’émergence du mouvement et l’idéologie de son fondateur, Guglielmo Giannini. À la fois très personnelle et représentative d’un anti-antifascisme très enraciné dans les classes moyennes méridionales après la Libération, c’est bien l’originalité de cette proposition politique qui fait le succès fulgurant du mouvement, à son apogée entre 1945 et 1946, ainsi qu’une communication innovante. Toutefois, la proposition politique connaît également des faiblesses, et se heurte notamment à l’aporie d’une politique antipolitique, d’une part, et à la bipolarisation du monde politique au moment de l’entrée en Guerre froide, d’autre part. Le mouvement apparaît donc représentatif non d’un hypothétique archétype du populisme, mais plutôt de « moments populistes » qui naissent d’une correspondance, souvent d’une durée assez brève, entre la contestation diffuse du système politique et le mouvement qui s’en prétend l’interprète exclusif.
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Pons, Xavier. "Populisme �ducatif et gouvernance de l��cole en France." Administration & �ducation N�159, no. 3 (2018): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/admed.159.0013.
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Sarter, Frédéric. "Roms, une question européenne." Études Tome 412, no. 2 (January 29, 2010): 189–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/etu.4122.0189.
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Résumé Les Roms sont aujourd’hui entre 8 et 12 millions, ce qui en fait la principale minorité transnationale en Europe. Les récentes vagues de migrations depuis la Roumanie, la Bulgarie et l’ex-Yougoslavie, le retour en force d’un populisme faisant des « Tsiganes » de commodes boucs émissaires, rendent plus urgent l’effort de comprendre la situation complexe des Roms en Europe et en France.
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Peker, Efe, and Emily Laxer. "Populism and Religion." Comparative Sociology 20, no. 3 (August 4, 2021): 317–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-bja10037.
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Abstract Although the populism-religion relationship is increasingly recognized in the literature, the focus has predominantly been on Western cases. This article proposes analytical tools for global comparisons. First, drawing on the ideational, performative, and strategic approaches to populism, the authors articulate how populists deploy religion in each category. Existing works have not engaged with these dimensions conjointly. Second, the authors employ this tridimensional conception to operationalize the “covert” and “overt” modes of religious populism identified in the literature. They hold that a populist movement comes closer to the former (“sacralizing the political”) or the latter (“politicizing the sacred”) depending on the extent to which it mobilizes religions in its ideas, performances, and strategies. Third, the authors exemplify these ideal types via two pairs of case studies: France and Québec (covert), and India and Turkey (overt). Finally, the authors consider how religious populisms elsewhere stack up on this spectrum, and discuss future themes for comparative research.
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Herbet, Dominique. "« L’inquiétante étrangeté du populisme » : les cas allemand et autrichien vus de France." Allemagne d'aujourd'hui 219, no. 1 (2017): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/all.219.0007.
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Soubise, Valentin. "Manuel Cervera-Marzal, Le Populisme de gauche. Sociologie de la France insoumise." Questions de communication, no. 43 (October 1, 2023): 392–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/questionsdecommunication.32029.
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Védrine, Hubert. "Réflexions sur l’esprit de défense." Administration 283, no. 3 (October 14, 2024): 9–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/admi.283.0009.
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L’esprit de défense implique une analyse des menaces, une assurance du patriotisme et une mobilisation de moyens d’action. La France, sous l’autorité du président de la République, chef des armées, a une longue tradition de vision budgétaire pluriannuelle des besoins militaires. Avec l’invasion russe de l’Ukraine, elle est passée de la « mondialisation heureuse » à une intégration de la défense européenne sous pavillon de l’OTAN, avec les incertitudes de la prochaine élection présidentielle américaine. Reste à savoir où en est le patriotisme en France. Comme dans d’autres pays, il est érodé par l’individualisme, le consumérisme, le pourrissement de la question migratoire et un anticapitalisme s’accompagnant de populisme. Dans ces conditions, un programme ciblé, méthodique et pédagogique d’affermissement du patriotisme, enrichi d’expériences de visions européennes, serait souhaitable.
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Dyer-Witheford, Nick. "Left Populism and Platform Capitalism." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 18, no. 1 (January 13, 2020): 116–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v18i1.1130.
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This paper contextualizes and analyses the policy proposals of new “left populisms” (Mouffe 2018) for the regulation and reform of the “platform capitalism” (Srnicek 2017) that increasingly organizes digital communication. The era of the 2008 crash and subsequent recession saw the emergence in North America and Europe of new left-wing electoral initiatives, either as new parties or fractions within older parties. These include, in the USA, Bernie Sanders and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez Democrats; in the UK, Jeremy Corbyn’s Labour Party; in Spain, Podemos; in Germany, Die Linke; in France, La France Insoumise. While many of these groupings might be described as socialist, or democratic socialist, they often also distinguish themselves from older socialist or social democratic formations; so, for lack of a better term, we call them left populisms. Left populisms are connected in contradictory ways to the appearance of platform capitalism, a corporate model exemplified by Google, Facebook, Apple, Amazon and Uber, deploying proprietorial software as a launch-point for user activities accessing commodified or advertising-driven goods and services. The rise of left populism correlates with the ascent of platform capitalists. Left populist parties emerged from the anti-austerity movements (Occupy in the USA, the Indignados in Spain, student campus occupations in the UK) organized with the help of social media platforms. However, it is also the failures and scandals of platform capitalism have been important to left populism. Edward Snowden’s revelations of ubiquitous surveillance and the Facebook-Cambridge Analytica-Russian hacker imbroglio around the 2016 US election have fuelled a “techlash” against giant digital corporations that is now an important component of left populist sentiment. Drawing on policy documents, manifestos, speeches, position paper, this paper analyses the policy platforms in which left populist parties confront platform capitalism around issues of content regulation; concentration of ownership; the rights of digital workers; alternative ownership models; and proposals for a high-tech driven transition to “postcapitalism” (Mason 2016). It considers the similarities and difference between and within left populist parties on these issues; the extent of their departure from neoliberal policies; and their differences, and occasional erratic similarities, with right-wing populisms, such as that of Trump. It then reviews critiques of left populism made from Marxist and ecological anti-capitalist positions, with particular reference to technological issues. The paper concludes with a summary of the opportunities and problems for a left wing “data populism” (Morozov 2016) in the current political conjuncture.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Populisme – France"
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Robinet, François. "Blasquisme, Populism, boulangisme : une histoire critique et comparée du populisme à l'ère des masses (Espagne, Etats-Unis, France, fin du XIXème siècle)." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Université Clermont Auvergne (2021-...), 2024. http://theses.bu.uca.fr/nondiff/2024UCFA0077_ROBINET.pdf.
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À la fin du XIXème siècle, trois mouvements de masse apparaissent à la faveur d'un contexte de crise en Espagne, aux États-Unis et en France : le blasquisme valencien, le People's Party, ici au Kansas, et le boulangisme. Promouvant la « souveraineté du peuple » face à « l'oligarchie », ils profitent des lois libérales et du suffrage universel masculin pour mobiliser un large électorat et obtenir des victoires dans les urnes. Une partie de l'historiographie, notamment la science politique, les considère comme les premières manifestations du populisme, un concept généralement mal défini et disqualifiant, même dans son usage scientifique. Cette thèse constitue donc l'occasion d'un questionnement historiographique et épistémologique du phénomène dit populiste, et ce par la méthode historique, à travers une approche critique et comparée. Il s'agit donc d'étudier ces trois mouvements comme des objets d'histoire politique et de socio-histoire du politique. D'une part, nous observons leur contexte d'apparition, les caractéristiques de leur électorat et de leurs cadres, mais aussi leurs programmes et leurs idées, pour déterminer leur inscription dans des dynamiques et des traditions politiques anciennes et ainsi, reconsidérer leur temporalité au sein du républicanisme dans des déclinaisons propres à ces trois pays. D'autre part, nous inscrivons ce travail dans une sociologie du politique attentive aux configurations du champ politique, aux dispositifs médiatiques, aux structures partisanes, aux formes de mobilisation et aux répertoires d'action collective. Par cette approche, nous souhaitons étudier la façon dont ces mouvements ont participé à l'intégration et à la politisation des masses au sein des systèmes démocratiques de la fin du siècleAt the end of the 19th century, in a context of crisis, three mass movements emerged in Spain, in the United States of America and in France: blasquism in Valencia, the People's Party (in Kansas), and boulangism. Advocating the restoration of « popular sovereignty » against an « oligarchy », and thanks to institutions based on civil rights and universal manhood suffrage, they mobilized numerous voters and won elections. A part of the historiography, especially in political science, considers these movements to be the original manifestations of « populism », a concept which is still equivocal and polemical: this dissertation seeks to be an historigraphical and epistemological revision of the so-called populist phenomena, thanks to a critical and comparative history approach. Therefore, I study these three movements as objects of political history and social history of politics. To that end, I will consider their context of appearance, the characteristics of their electorate and leaders, their platforms and ideas, to determine how they fit in long-term political dynamics and traditions and thus, to reconsider their temporality within republicanism, in respect to its variations in these three countries. Furthermore, I will use a socio-histoire approach of politics to analyze the configurations of the political field, the political organizations and mobilizations, the media systems and the « repertoires of contention ». Hence, I will try to show how these movements participated in the integration and politicization of the masses within the end-of-century democratic systems
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Mellet, Xavier. "La composition médiatique des populismes : une comparaison France-Japon." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016IEPP0037/document.
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Cette thèse propose une réflexion sur le concept de populisme aujourd’hui, à partir d’une comparaison entre des cas français et japonais. Elle se focalise sur des périodes de campagne électorale et l’étude d’éléments présents dans les comptes rendus de presse écrite. Son raisonnement est structuré en deux parties. La première présente le concept de populisme et ses problèmes actuels, puis propose une réflexion d’ordre méthodologique, centrée sur la volonté de ne pas séparer les populistes des démocrates, et de considérer le populisme comme intrinsèque au politique. Dans le lignage de la théorie de la « raison populiste » d’Ernesto Laclau, cette partie définit une théorie du populisme comme composition médiatique : il y a du populisme quand s’opère avec succès une composition autour d’un élément dont on perçoit la trace médiatique. La seconde partie s’attache à étudier ce phénomène à travers une comparaison France-Japon. Elle définit les caractéristiques principales des compositions telles qu’elles se réalisent dans les deux pays, s’agissant à la fois de la composition de l’incarnation (comment l’on devient chef) et de celle du projet politique (comment l’on devient un enjeu central), au sein des élections législatives japonaises de 2005 et 2009, et de l’élection présidentielle française de 2007. Une attention particulière a été accordée à François Bayrou, Ségolène Royal (2007) et Koizumi Junichirō (2005) ; ainsi qu’à la privatisation de la poste (2005), le changement de gouvernement (2009), et mai 68 (2007). La conclusion de ce travail propose une théorie du populisme comme émergence et des pistes méthodologiques futures centrées sur la notion de « monade »This thesis offers a study of the concept of populism today, through a comparison between French and Japanese cases. It focuses on election campaigns and the study of elements present in newspapers articles. The reasoning is divided into two parts. The first one analyzes the current problems of the concept of populism, and then proposes a methodological reflection, based on a will not to distinguish populist people from democrats, and the empirical inclusion of populism and the political. Following Ernesto Laclau’s “populist reason” theory, this part gives a definition of populism as a “mediatic composition”: populism exists when a composition is successfully created around an element that is visible within mass media content. The second part is dedicated to the study of such phenomena through a Japan-France comparison. It defines the main characteristics of the compositions seen in both countries, with particular regard to incarnation (how to become a leader) and the political project (how to become a central issue), within the 2005 and 2009 Japanese legislative elections and the French 2007 presidential election. It dwells on the specificities of each country regarding the emergence of populist dynamics, consisting of elementary expansions within a campaign, whatever its nature (proposition, person, enemy…). A particular attention is given to François Bayrou, Ségolène Royal (2007) and Koizumi Junichirō (2005); as well as the postal privatization (2005), the change in government (2009) and May 68 (2007). The conclusion proposes a theory of populism as emergence and some methodological prospects based on the notion of ‘monad’
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Vertier, Paul. "The democratic challenges of electoral representation and populism : an empirical approach." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018IEPP0003/document.
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Cette thèse vise à améliorer notre compréhension de deux phénomènes importants dans les démocraties contemporaines: l'inégale représentation électorale de la population et la montée du populisme. Pour ce faire, elle explore empiriquement plusieurs expériences naturelles dans différents pays et contextes.Le premier chapitre explore l'impact de l'élection d'un politicien dynastique sur les politiques publiques. Il montre que les politiciens dynastiques ont des caractéristiques différentes des autres politiciens, et qu’ils gèrent leur budget de façon plus opportuniste.Le deuxième chapitre met l'accent sur les discriminations de genre dues aux électeurs, en exploitant une expérience naturelle lors des élections départementales françaises de 2015, lors desquelles les candidats ont dû se présenter par binômes paritaires. En utilisant le fait que l'ordre d'apparition est déterminé de façon quasi-aléatoire, il montre que les bulletins de droite où la candidate était inscrite en premier ont reçu moins de voix et ont eu moins de chance d’accéder au second tour. Cette discrimination est essentiellement due aux bulletins sur lesquels aucune information n'est indiquée, ce qui suggère qu’elle est de nature statistique.Le troisième chapitre étudie le lien entre les flux d'immigration et la montée du populisme. En utilisant comme expérience naturelle le démantèlement du camp de migrants de Calais en France entre octobre 2015 et octobre 2016, il montre que les municipalités qui ont accueilli un petit nombre de migrants de façon temporaire suite à cet évènement ont eu un taux de croissance du vote Front National plus faible entre les élections présidentielles de 2012 et 2017This dissertation aims at improving our understanding of two important phenomena in contemporary democracies: imbalanced electoral representation and the rise of populism. To do so, it explores empirically several natural experiments in different countries and settings.The first chapter explores the consequences of electing a dynastic politician on subsequent public policies. It shows that dynastic politicians have different characteristics compared to other politicians and that they manage their budget in a more opportunistic way.The second chapter focuses on gender-discrimination from voters in politics, by exploiting a natural experiment in the French départementales elections of 2015, where candidates had to run by gender-balanced pairs. Using the fact that the order of appearance of candidates on the ballot is as-good-as-random, it shows that right-wing ballots where the female candidate was listed first received lower shares of votes and were less likely to make it to the second round. This discrimination is driven by ballots on which no information is reported, which suggests that it is statistical.The third chapter studies the link between migration inflows and the rise of populism. Using as a natural experiment the dismantling of the Calais migrant camp in France between October 2015 and October 2016, it shows that municipalities which temporarily received a small amount of migrants following this event had a lower growth rate of Front National vote between the presidential elections of 2012 and 2017
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Abdulsattar, Mudhar. "La production de sens des termes populisme et populiste lors de l’élection présidentielle française de 2012, dans les discours politiques et complémentairement dans les discours journalistiques." Thesis, Montpellier 3, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015MON30029.
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La présente recherche porte sur l'emploi des termes populisme et populiste lors de l'élection présidentielle française de 2012. Cette étude a été réalisée en traitant deux corpus : les discours politiques et complémentairement les discours journalistiques, recouvrant la période d'octobre 2010 à mai 2012. En se positionnant dans le cadre des théories de la sémantique discursive et de la praxématique, nous avons convoqué l'analyse du discours afin d'analyser la production de sens desdits termes.L'objectif étant de comprendre comment les candidats à la présidentielle de 2012 et les commentateurs dans la presse écrite emploient les termes en question dans leurs discours et de déterminer les procédés linguistiques qui interviennent dans ces discours afin de représenter ces termes.Les résultats obtenus illustrent qu'à partir du point de vue de la production de sens, il existe un jeu sur le sémantisme de ces termes : nous les recevons avec une production de sens majoritairement négative, même si certains locuteurs/écrivains essayaient d'injecter le sens positif dans son sens négatif antérieurThis research focuses on the use of the terms populism and populist during the French presidential election of 2012. This study had carried out by treating two corpuses : political discourses and additionally journalistic discourses, covering the period from October 2010 to May 2012. By positioning in the theories of discursive semantics and of praxématique, we convened the discourse analysis to analyze the production of the meaning of those terms.The goal is to understand how the presidential candidates of 2012 and commentators in the press use the terms in question in their discourses, and to determine the linguistic processes involved in these discourses to represent these terms.The results show that from the point of view of the production of meaning, there is a semantic act on these terms, which we receive mostly with a negative meaning, although some speakers / writers was trying to inject the positive direction in their previous negative meaning
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Ecuvillon, Pierre. "Le phénomène Le Pen : analyse relationnelle, historique et esthétique d'une singularité politique." Thesis, Montpellier 3, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015MON30005/document.
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Le « phénomène Le Pen » désigne la somme constituée par l’élaboration d’une marquepolitique située à l’extrême droite et les réactions conflictuelles qu’elle suscite au sein de lasociété française. L’objectivation de ce phénomène réside dans l’analyse de l’idéologie duFront National en tant qu’elle est celle d’une marque politique devant produire un contenudoctrinal original pour se distinguer des autres partis mais également dans l’étude dumouvement social – ou du mouvement du social – dont elle est à l’origine. La catégorie dusacré vient éclairer les dispositifs discursifs qui sont décelables aussi bien dans les mots duFront National que dans ceux de ses adversaires politiques et associatifs. La recherche sepoursuit avec l’analyse des principaux schèmes idéologiques de l’extrême droite française,qui est basée sur une histoire des idées qui commence avec la pensée contre-révolutionnaire.La méthodologie durandienne du bassin sémantique permet d’identifier les étapes cardinalesde la formation idéologique du nationalisme d’extrême droite. L’examen de cette idéologies’achève avec l’analyse du discours contemporain du Front National et la comparaisonmythanalytique des candidatures de Jean-Marie Le Pen et Marine Le Pen lors des électionsprésidentielles françaises de 2007 et de 2012The “Le Pen phenomenon” designates the sum constituted by the elaboration of a politicalbrand located at the far-right and by the conflictual reactions that it provokes within theFrench society. The objectivization of this phenomenon lies in the analysis of the FrontNational ideology as it is this of a political brand which must produce an original doctrinalcontent in order to distinguish it from the others parties but also in the study of the socialmovement – or the movement of the social – which it is the cause of. The category of thesacred comes to shed the discursive sets which are discernible just as well in the FrontNational words as those of its political and associative opponents. The research is going onwith the analysis of the French far-right main ideological schemas, which is based on ahistory of ideas which starts with the counter-revolutionary thought. The Durandianmethodology of the semantic basin allows to identify the cardinal stages of the far-rightnationalism ideological formation. The examination of this ideology comes to an end with theanalysis of the Front National contemporary discourse and the mythanalytic comparison ofthe Jean-Marie Le Pen and Marine Le Pen candidacies at the time of 2007 and 2012 Frenchpresidential elections
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Beaumier, Morgane. "La gauche et la droite populistes comparées : les cas de Jean-Luc Mélenchon et de Marine Le Pen." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/67795.
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Les dernières élections présidentielles françaises montrent bien la saillance du populisme en France alors que 40 % de la population offre son appui aux deux partis de cette mouvance. Toutefois, le populisme en France, vu à travers les discours, reste un champ d’études sous étudié. Par conséquent, ce mémoire étudiera en quoi les discours populistes varient en fonction de l’orientation politique. Plus précisément, il explore d'une manière comparative le discours de deux politiciens populistes français : Marine Le Pen et Jean-Luc Mélenchon. Ce sont 38 discours non institutionnels et 53 discours institutionnels qui seront étudiés grâce au cadre théorique de Raoul Girardet. Ce dernier met de l'avant la présence de quatre mythes populistes dans les discours des politiciens français : le mythe de la conspiration, le mythe de l'âge d’or, le mythe du sauveur et le mythe de l'unité. Par la suite, une deuxième comparaison, cette fois entre les deux types de discours, sera aussi effectuée. Plusieurs résultats peuvent être tirés de cette étude. Il semble, en effet, que Le Pen et Mélenchon ne fassent pas une utilisation complètement similaire des quatre mythes dans leurs discours. Alors que le mythe de la conspiration et celui de l'unité sont utilisés de manière semblable par les deux politiciens, celui de l'âge d'or ne l'est qu'en partie. Le dernier mythe, celui du sauveur, est utilisé de façon comparable pour les sauveurs contemporains, mais non comparable pour ceux du passé. De plus, les discours de Mélenchon restent relativement stables en fonction du lieu, alors que ceux de Le Pen varient beaucoup plus.The last French presidential elections clearly show the salience of populism in France, while 40% of the population offers its support to the two parties of this allegiance. However, populism in France, seen through speeches, remains an under-studied field. Therefore, this dissertation will analyze how populist discourses vary depending on political orientation. More precisely, it explores, in a comparative manner, the discourse of two French populist politicians: Marine Le Pen and Jean-Luc Mélenchon. 38 non-institutional discourses and 53 institutional discourses will be studied with the help of the theoretical framework of Raoul Girardet. The latter highlights the presence of four populist myths in the speeches of French politicians: the myth of the conspiracy, the myth of the golden age, the myth of the savior, and the myth of unity. Subsequently, a second comparison— this time between the two types of speeches—will also be made. Several results can be drawn from this study. It seems that Le Pen and Mélenchon do not make a completely similar use of the four myths in their speeches. While the myths of conspiracy and of unity are expressed in a similar way by both politicians, the golden age myth is only partially demonstrated. The last myth (the myth of the savior) is used comparably in both politician’s speeches for contemporary saviors, but not for those of the past. In addition, Mélenchon's speeches remain relatively stable depending on the location, while Le Pen's vary considerably more.
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Souillac, Romain. "Le mouvement Poujade, l'État et la nation (1953-1962)." Paris 4, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005PA040074.
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L'Union de défense des commerçants et artisans (UDCA) naît dans le département du Lot en 1953. D'abord antifiscale, l'action du mouvement Poujade évolue rapidement, pour revêtir un caractère politique à partir du mois de mars 1955, quand sont créées des unions parallèles visant à rassembler l'ensemble des catégories sociales, dans la perspective d'une transformation institutionnelle majeure qui mettrait fin à la IVe République, après une vaste consultation nationale appelée " États généraux des métiers de France ". Le tournant politique est confirmé par la présentation de candidats poujadistes aux élections législatives du 2 janvier 1956. L'Union et fraternité française (UFF) a désormais 52 députés au Palais Bourbon. Cependant, la période 1956-1958 correspond au déclin du mouvement, notamment à cause de son positionnement à l'extrême droite, de son incapacité à imposer une amnistie fiscale, et de la disparition des oppositions aux contrôles fiscaux. Sous la Ve République, le mouvement se transforme en groupuscule combattant par les voies légales en faveur de l'Algérie française. Le processus dialectique d'opposition entre l'UDCA et l'État constitue l'une des clés majeures pour comprendre la politisation du mouvementThe Union for the Defence of shopkeepers and craftsmen (UDCA) was created in the Lot department in 1953. At first fighting against taxation, Poujade's movement evolved quickly and assumed a political label as from March 1955. At that time, parallel unions were created which aimed at rallying all social classes in the view of a major institutional transformation : they wanted to ask the people's opinion thanks to what they entitled " the States general of French Trades and Crafts ", which would put an end to the fourth Republic. The political turning point was confirmed by poujadist candidates standing at elections to the legislature on January 2, 1956. The Union and French Fraternity (UFF) is currently represented by 52 deputies at the Palais Bourbon. Nevertheless, the period stretching from 1956 to 1958 corresponded to a decline of the movement, partly because of its far-right positioning, its inability to impose a fiscal amnisty, as well as the disappearance of oppositions to tax inspections. The movement turned into a small group under the fifth Republic, fighting for French Algeria through legal channels. The dialectic process opposing the UDCA to the State is one of the key factors which enable the understanding of the movement's politicization
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Gintzburger-Bourseiller, Christophe. "Ombre invaincue : de la destruction du "collaborationnisme" à sa survie dans la France de l'après-guerre, 1944-1954." Thesis, Paris 1, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA01H061.
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La destruction de trois ensembles « collaborationnistes » (Parti populaire français, Rassemblement national populaire, mouvance « cagoularde ») en 1944 et 1945 ne signe pas leur disparition définitive. Au contraire, le Parti populaire français inspire le renouveau de l’extreme droite après la guerre et contribue au phénomène populiste. Les anciens du Rassemblement national populaire participent à l’effort anticommuniste de la guerre froide et le vertèbrent. Quant-aux « cagoulards », ils se sont toujours éparpillés dans les différents camps (collaborationnisme, pétainisme, gaullisme, Résistance). On observe leur redéploiement, dans l’anticommunisme, dans l’européisme de l’après-Guerre et dans la droite modérée.On observe ainsi entre 1944 et 1954 un phénomène de dissémination des extrémistes dans la France politique, leurs idées rencontrant plusieurs thèmes de l’après-Guerre : anticommunisme, réconciliation franco-allemande, construction européenneThe destruction of three « colaborationist » collectives (Parti Populaire Français, Rassemblement National Populaire, and « cagoulard » movement) does not mean they completely disappear.On the contrary, the Parti Populaire Français inspires the renewal of the post-war extreme right and contributes to the « populist » phenomenon.Those who arise from the Rassemblement National Populaire are part of the an-ticomunist effort during the Cold War and structure it.Concerning the « cagoulards », they have always be scattered among the different factions (collaborationism, petainism, gaullism, Resistance). We observe their redeployment in anticommunism, europeism and the moderate right wing.We finally spot between 1944 and 1954 the dissemination of the extreme righ-tists in the french political field, their ideas meeting several post-war topics : anticommunism, french-german reconciliation, european construction
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Kern, Matthias. ""L'amour du peuple" : esthétique populiste et imaginaire du populaire dans la culture française de l'entre-deux-guerres." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019EHES0152.
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La production culturelle de l’entre-deux-guerres se distingue par un intérêt renouvelé pour la représentation des enjeux sociaux qui troublent la vie quotidienne de la population française : le travail et la misère dans un espace de plus en plus urbanisé deviennent les sujets primordiaux dans la littérature, la photographie et le cinéma, notamment pendant la période entre 1928 et 1939. Face à la crise financière, les grèves ouvrières et l’essor du Front populaire, le champ artistique réagit avec un renouveau des formes de représentation réaliste qui doit aboutir à l’interrogation de la nature du ‘peuple’, des liens sociaux qui le déterminent et de la survie des traditions populaires pendant la modernisation des pratiques quotidiennes. En littérature, un courant éphémère du roman domine les débats à partir de 1929 : le roman populiste, courant fondé dans un manifeste de Léon Lemonnier. Il devient rapidement la toile de fond d’une discussion sur le besoin de renouveler le roman réaliste et naturaliste. Simultanément, le groupe de la littérature prolétarienne autour d’Henry Poulaille se réclame de la même volonté en donnant la voix aux ouvriers. Les deux groupes, ainsi que beaucoup d’autres auteurs qui se rapprochent du populisme littéraire, réclament un renouveau du roman par le biais de la description du ‘peuple’ et de ses conditions de vie. La notion de ‘peuple’ s’oppose, dans ce contexte, à la bourgeoisie et ses écritures ‘psychologique’ et ‘snobiste’. Recourir au ‘peuple’ signifie donc avant tout une certaine esthétique anti-bourgeoise, mais – contrairement aux avant-gardes – également antimoderne, créant l’imaginaire d’une normalité marqué par la pauvreté qui devrait correspondre à l’expérience de la majorité de la population française.La thèse présente cherche à dégager d’abord les éléments d’un tel imaginaire du ‘peuple’ en s’appuyant sur la critique artistique ainsi que sur l’analyse de plusieurs romans de la nébuleuse du roman populiste : Pierre Mac Orlan, Eugène Dabit, André Thérive, Marcel Aymé et Henry Poulaille. Elle montre ensuite la survie des éléments esthétiques du populisme dans le film du réalisme poétique et dans la photographie documentaire qui donne naissance à la photographie humaniste. Ce faisant, ce travail représente une contribution sociocritique à l’histoire des idées de l’entre-deux-guerres français et signale les pièges idéologiques d’une esthétisation de termes comme ‘petites gens’ et du ‘peuple’The cultural production of the interwar period in France is noted for its renewed interest in the representation of social issues which shake the everyday life of the French population : work and urban misery become the main subjects in literature, photography and cinema, especially in the period between 1928 and 1939. In view of the financial crisis, labour strikes and the rise of the Front Populaire, the artistic field reacts with a renovation of realist representation styles, which should lead to a questioning of the nature of ‘people’, of the underlying social connections in the masses and of the place of popular traditions in a modernized way of life. In the ambit of literature, a short-lived movement of novel writers dominates the discussions from 1929 onwards: the populist novel, a movement founded in a manifesto written by Léon Lemonnier. This movement becomes quickly the backround for a further discussion about the needs for a renewed literary realism or naturalism. Simultaneously, the group for proletarian literature, founded by Henry Poulaille, follows the same aesthetics and claims to be the real representants of the working people by giving workers the occasion to publish. Both groups, as well as many other authors close to the literary populism, try to renew the novel by describing the ‘people’ and their living conditions. In this context, the notion ‘people’ is opposed to the bourgeoisie and its ‘psychologic’ or ‘snobby’ writing style. Thus, resorting to the term ‘people’ means first and foremost that the creator subscribes to an anti-bourgeois aesthetics, but also to an anti-modernist mindset – which distinguishes populism from the French avantgardes. It means furthermore that the creator strengthens a conception of everyday life marked by poverty which should correspond to the experiences of a majority of the French population. This thesis tries to bring out the elements of such an imagination of the ‘people’ on the basis of the artistic criticism and of the analysis of several novels written by authors who are more or less associated to the populist novel movement: Pierre Mac Orlan, Eugène Dabit, André Thérive, Marcel Aymé and Henry Poulaille. The thesis goes then on to highlight the survival of aesthetic elements of populism in the cinema of poetic realism and in French documentary photography which marks the beginning of humanist photography. By doing so, the thesis represents a sociocritical contribution to the history of ideas of the French interwar period and indicates the ideological traps of aesteticization of terms like ‘little people’ or ‘people’ in general
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Melliez, Mary. "Maxence Van der Meersch, héraut du peuple." Thesis, Artois, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009ARTO0006.
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Cette thèse se propose d’examiner la place de Maxence Van der Meersch dans la littérature populaire, notamment en confrontant les choix esthétiques et les oeuvres romanesques de l’écrivain aux courants populiste et prolétarien, mais aussi en étudiant les rapports personnels que le romancier entretint avec le peuple. L’examen de ses idéologies sociales et politiques permet de mieux cerner un homme qui, fidèle à ses convictions, refusa d’intégrer un groupe qui ne le représentât pas intégralement et demeura ainsi inclassable tant sur le plan littéraire que politique. Les thèmes de prédilection du romancier sont passés en revue, femmes pécheresses, rachat par la souffrance, figures christiques, personnages d’hercules, etc. ; et l’analyse de ces différents poncifs et clichés, populaires ou non, conduit à une remise en questions des reproches de manichéisme et de simplification extrême souvent faits à l’écrivain. Si son engagement et sa volonté de convaincre l’amenèrent parfois à des prises de position très tranchées, la principale cause qu’il voulut défendre fut celle du peuple, pour lequel son attachement ne se démentit jamais. L’étude s’appuie sur les romans publiés et inédits de l’auteur, ainsi que sur les nombreux et précieux documents présents au Fonds Maxence Van der Meersch de Wasquehal et dans les archives Albin Michel à l’IMEC. Elle est complétée par des annexes qui exhument des textes jusque là restés inéditsThis thesis proposes to examine Maxence Van der Meersch’s place in popular literature, especially by confronting the writer’s aesthetic choices and novels with populist and proletarian movements, and also by studying the personal relationship the novelist had with the popular classes. The examination of his social and political ideologies allows to grasp better a man who, true to his convictions, refused to integrate a group that would not have represented him entirely and therefore remained unclassifiable both in the political and literary fields. The novelist’s favourite themes are reviewed : sinful women, atonement by suffering, Christly figures, Herculean characters, etc. ; and the analysis of those different stereotypes and commonplaces, whether popular or not, leads to a questioning of the criticisms about Manicheism and extreme simplification that are often made to the writer. If his commitment and his will to convince sometimes induced him to very clear-cut standpoints, the main cause he wanted to defend was that of the workers, for whom his attachment was never denied. The study is based on published and unpublished novels of the author, and on the numerous and precious documents from the Maxence Van der Meersch Resource of Wasquehal and from Albin Michel archives at IMEC. It is completed with appendixes that bring to light so far unpublished texts
Books on the topic "Populisme – France"
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Collovald, Annie. Le populisme du FN, un dangereux contresens. Bellecombe-en-Bauges: Croquant, 2004.
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Collovald, Annie. Le "Populisme du FN": Un dangereux contresens. Bellecombe-en-Bauges: Croquant, 2004.
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Jean, Viard, ed. Aux sources du populisme nationaliste: L'urgence de comprendre Toulon, Orange, Marignane. La Tour d'Aigues: Editions de l'Aube, 1996.
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Bourg, Lionel. La liesse populaire en France: "rave" et lutte de classes, le néo-populisme à l'œuvre, brèves considérations à propos des mouvements de foule du 12 juillet 1998. [Saussines?]: Cadex, 1998.
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Lampe, Thomas. Der Aufstieg des "Front national" in Frankreich: Extremismus und Populismus von rechts. Frankfurt am Main: Materialis, 1992.
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Un néo-populisme à la française: Trente ans de Front national. Paris: La Découverte, 2003.
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Mainstreaming of the Extreme Right in France and Australia: A Populist Hegemony? Taylor & Francis Group, 2013.
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Pappas, Takis S. Populism and Liberal Democracy. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198837886.001.0001.
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Based on an original definition of modern populism as “democratic illiberalism” and many years of meticulous research, Takis Pappas marshals extraordinary empirical evidence from Argentina, Greece, Peru, Italy, Venezuela, Ecuador, Hungary, the United States, Spain, and Brazil to develop a comprehensive theory about populism. He addresses all key issues in the debate about populism and answers significant questions of great relevance for today’s liberal democracy, including: • What is modern populism and how can it be differentiated from comparable phenomena like nativism and autocracy? • Where in Latin America has populism become most successful? Where in Europe did it emerge first? Why did its rise to power in the United States come so late? • Is Trump a populist and, if so, could he be compared best with Venezuela’s Chávez, France’s Le Pens, or Turkey’s Erdoğan? • Why has populism thrived in post-authoritarian Greece but not in Spain? And why in Argentina and not in Brazil? • Can populism ever succeed without a charismatic leader? If not, what does leadership tell us about how to challenge populism? • Who are “the people” who vote for populist parties, how are these “made” into a group, and what is in their minds? • Is there a “populist blueprint” that all populists use when in power? And what are the long-term consequences of populist rule? • What does the expansion, and possibly solidification, of populism mean for the very nature and future of contemporary democracy? Populism and Liberal Democracy will change the ways the reader understands populism and imagines the prospects of liberal democracy.
Book chapters on the topic "Populisme – France"
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Ivaldi, Gilles. "Populism in France." In Populism Around the World, 27–47. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96758-5_3.
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Lorimer, Marta, and Ethan vanderWilden. "France." In Populists and the Pandemic, 228–36. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003197614-20.
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Daigle, Delton T., Joséphine Neulen, and Austin Hofeman. "France 2017." In Populism, Nativism, and Economic Uncertainty, 31–45. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02435-2_4.
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Stopfner, Maria. "Chapter 9. France." In Voices of Supporters, 187–209. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dapsac.101.c9.
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This chapter aims to uncover possible motives of the French electorate to support the right-wing populist Rassemblement National (National Rally) in the 2019 elections to the European Parliament analysing public discourse on Twitter with a view to identity construction and recontextualisation. Assuming that supporters respond differently to long-time party leader Marine Le Pen than to “France’s far-right boy wonder” (Momtaz 2019) Jordan Bardella, the lead candidate in the 2019 European elections, the qualitative analysis examines the extent to which populist supporters adapt their line of argumentation to the respective political champion based on 801 tweets that were published on Marine Le Pen’s and Jordan Bardella’s official Twitter accounts. The results for France show that even though Marine Le Pen has turned the formerly right-extremist Front National into a “modern” populist party that is also appealing to a broader electorate, the basic premisses of far-right ideology stay the same for both, populist leaders as well as supporters: There is a difference between the French and others, and the French people need to come first. What is most striking in terms of identity construction and recontextualisation is the fact that populist argumentation and rhetoric are taken up by supporters in such a way that they are no longer seen as belonging to far-right ideology, but are recontextualised as common sense.
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Shields, James. "France." In Populism and New Patterns of Political Competition in Western Europe, 92–111. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2021. | Series: Extremism and democracy: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429429798-7.
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Morieson, Nicholas. "USA, France and Poland: Christian Civilizational Populism." In Palgrave Studies in Populisms, 61–104. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4262-6_3.
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Rydgren, Jens. "France: The Front National, Ethnonationalism and Populism." In Twenty-First Century Populism, 166–80. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230592100_11.
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Daigle, Delton T., Joséphine Neulen, and Austin Hofeman. "Comparing Across the 2017 Elections in Britain, France, and Germany." In Populism, Nativism, and Economic Uncertainty, 81–91. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02435-2_7.
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Zuber, Valentine. "Secularism in France and the Challenge of Populism." In Edition Politik, 143–52. Bielefeld, Germany: transcript Verlag, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.14361/9783839468272-012.
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Benati, Stefano, and Carlo Ruzza. "Predictors of Populism and Anti-populism in France and Poland: A Comparative Analysis." In The Rule of Law in the EU, 209–21. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-55322-6_12.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Populisme – France"
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Freitas, Daive Cristiano Lopes de. "Salles Dounner: art-nula – desenhos, um livro para além das imagens." In Encontro de História da Arte. Universidade Estadual de Campinas, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.20396/eha.8.2012.4202.
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Neste trabalho pesquisamos sobre os primeiros anos de vida do artista plástico e poeta francano Salles Dounner até a idade adulta e suas experiências relatadas pelo próprio artista e por familiares e amigos. Este funde um breve histórico do desenvolvimento econômico e social de Franca com o desenvolvimento da cultura artística local disseminada pelos estilos acadêmico e moderno. Neste captamos os anos de vivência de Salles enquadrando-o desde fim do período populista, o regime militar até a nova democracia no Brasil. Também conheceremos o ciclo artístico de Salles Dounner em Franca em suas fases dos anos setenta, oitenta e início dos noventa como o artista marginalizado que se apresentava.
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D'Aprile, Marianela. "A City Divided: “Fragmented” Urban and Literary Space in 20th-Century Buenos Aires." In 2016 ACSA International Conference. ACSA Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.intl.2016.22.
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When analyzing the state of Latin American cities, particularly large ones like Buenos Aires, São Paolo and Riode Janeiro, scholars of urbanism and sociology often lean heavily on the term “fragmentation.” Through the 1980s and 1990s, the term was quickly and widely adopted to describe the widespread state of abutment between seemingly disparate urban conditions that purportedly prevented Latin American cities from developing into cohesive wholes and instead produced cities in pieces, fragments. This term, “fragmentation,” along with the idea of a city composed of mismatching parts, was central to the conception of Buenos Aires by its citizens and immortalized by the fiction of Esteban Echeverría, Julio Cortázar and César Aira. The idea that Buenos Aires is composed of discrete parts has been used throughout its history to either proactively enable or retroactively justify planning decisions by governments on both ends of the political spectrum. The 1950s and 60s saw a series of governments whose priorities lay in controlling the many newcomers to the city via large housing projects. Aided by the perception of the city as fragmented, they were able to build monster-scale developments in the parts of the city that were seen as “apart.” Later, as neoliberal democracy replaced socialist and populist leadership, commercial centers in the center of the city were built as shrines to an idealized Parisian downtown, separate from the rest of the city. The observations by scholars of the city that Buenos Aires is composed of multiple discrete parts, whether they be physical, economic or social, is accurate. However, the issue here lies not in the accuracy of the assessment but in the word chosen to describe it. The word fragmentation implies that there was a “whole” at once point, a complete entity that could be then broken into pieces, fragments. Its current usage also implies that this is a natural process, out of the hands of both planners and inhabitants. Leaning on the work of Adrián Gorelik, Pedro Pírez and Marie-France Prévôt-Schapira, and utilizing popular fiction to supplement an understanding of the urban experience, I argue that fragmentation, more than a naturally occurring phenomenon, is a fabricated concept that has been used throughout the twentieth century and through today to make all kinds of urban planning projects possible.
Reports on the topic "Populisme – France"
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, and Kainat Shakil. Manufacturing Civilisational Crises: Instrumentalisation of Anti-Western Conspiracy Theories for Populist Authoritarian Resilience in Turkey and Pakistan. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), August 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0014.
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This paper looks at the importance of ‘crisis events’ used by leaders employing populist civilisational populism in Muslim democracies. While populism is widely acknowledged and studied as part of early twentieth century political developments, various aspects remain unexplored. One feature is how populists make use of a crisis. While populists do benefit from social and political rifts, this paper goes a step further and argues that civilisationalist populists create imaginary and exaggerated ‘crises’ to sustain and prolong their relevance/position in power as well as justify their undemocratic actions. Using the case studies of Turkey (Recep Tayyip Erdogan) and Pakistan (Imran Khan) allows for a comparison to be drawn between two different leaders seeking to maintain power by using their position to either create civilizationalist crises or to frame ordinary crises as civilisational. The findings highlight that despite different political scenarios and outcomes, both these populist leaders gained political support by creating crises. We find that in most cases, populists exaggerate pre-existing insecurities and events to their benefit. The overblown claims and conspiratorial scenarios aid populists in creating a niche for their narratives by reaffirming their populist categorisation of societies. At the same time, the findings bring forth the troubling issues of the social-political cost of these Islamist civilisationalist populists.
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Ivaldi, Gilles. The impact of the Russia-Ukraine War on radical right-wing populism in France. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0019.
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This article examines the impact of the Russian invasion of Ukraine on the main actors of the populist radical right in France (i.e., Marine Le Pen’s Rassemblement National and Éric Zemmour’s Reconquête) as well as Jean-Luc Mélenchon’s La France insoumise on the populist radical left. It looks, in particular, at the effects of the Ukraine crisis on the French presidential election in April 2022. After the outbreak of the war, French populists (of the left and the right) came under fire for their pro-Russia positions and previous sympathy for Vladimir Putin. However, these parties revealed quite different responses in interpreting the Ukraine crisis. The analysis suggests that Marine Le Pen successfully evaded accusations of sympathy for Putin by toning down her nativism and emphasizing instead her social-populist agenda, which foregrounds egalitarian social protection and economic nationalism. This move allowed her to exploit war-related issues of energy and rising prices. Public opinion data suggest that such issues were paramount to voters in the 2022 election. Zemmour, on the other hand, largely ignored growing socioeconomic concerns while perpetuating a more ambiguous stance vis-à-vis Putin, which may have contributed to his failure to challenge Le Pen on the radical right. Overall, the article concludes that the impact of the Ukraine war in France has been heavily mediated by socioeconomic anxieties, fuelling support for populism at both ends of the political spectrum.
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Blink, Melissa, and Tom Robinson. Report on Panel #4 / Mapping European Populism: Populist Radical Right in Europe’s Heartland and the UK. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), June 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0005.
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This report is based on the fourth panel of ECPS’s monthly panel series called “Mapping European Populism” which was held online in Brussels on May 26, 2022. The panel brought together top-notch populism scholars from three countries in Europe’s heartland, namely Germany, Austria, France, and the UK. As a by-product of this fruitful panel the report consists of brief summaries of the speeches delivered by the speakers.
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Ivaldi, Gilles. A Tipping Point for Far-Right Populism in France. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), October 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0070.
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The 2024 French European election took place against the backdrop of an economic and cost-of-living crisis in a context marked by global uncertainty arising from the war in Ukraine, social unrest and deep political discontent with President Emmanuel Macron. Marine Le Pen’s Rassemblement National (RN) emerged as the big winner with 31.4% of the vote, while Macron’s Renaissance list trailed far behind at 14.6%. Meanwhile, Jean-Luc Mélenchon’s left-wing populist La France Insoumise (LFI) won 9.9%, reflecting current internal dissent within the party and deep ideological divisions exposed by the Israel–Hamas war. National issues dominated the electoral agenda in June. Populist voting across both sides of the political spectrum was strongly fuelled by political discontent with Macron, making the 2024 European elections primarily a ‘second-order’ national election. A crucial test for Emmanuel Macron, the outcome of the European election led to the decision by the incumbent president to call a snap legislative election. The election confirmed the electoral strength of the RN; however, it showed the revitalization of the Republican Front against the far right, which blocked Le Pen’s party from winning an absolute majority, delivering instead a hung parliament split into three blocks. Keywords: European elections; populism; France; Le Pen; Zemmour; Mélenchon
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Carls, Paul. Right-wing Populism in Luxembourg During the 2024 EP Election. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), October 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0078.
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Right-wing populism in Luxembourg is largely confined to the Alternative Democratic Reform Party (Alternativ Demokratesch Reformpartei, ADR). The name is, however, a bit of a misnomer. While ideologically, the ADR maintains national–conservative positions consistent with other European right-wing populist parties, its views are not as extreme. The party retains relatively constant support, consistently gaining around 10% of the vote in national elections; in the 2023 election for the Chamber of Deputies, it gained 9.3%, while in the 2019 European Parliament election, the party gained 10%, just short of enough to obtain a seat. Given the rise in support for right-wing populist parties in other European countries (e.g., the AfD in Germany or the National Rally in France), the ADR was optimistic about its chances of gaining its first-ever seat in the European Parliament, which would require about 12% of the vote total. This contribution will investigate the results of the European Parliament election in Luxembourg, focusing on the ADR. It will discuss any ideological shifts in the party as well as its positioning on a host of issues where one finds a prominent voice for right-wing populist parties in Europe, including NATO, the war in Ukraine, migration, COVID-19 or the functioning of the European Union. The entry will also address the results of the election to determine how strong support for right-wing populism in Luxembourg is. Other relevant aspects of the election (e.g., campaign events, media coverage) will be discussed if they featured prominently in the campaign. Keywords: ADR; Luxembourgish; European integration; transnational migration; Luxembourg Compromise
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Ihsan, Yilmaz, and Morieson Nicholas. How China’s Rise as a ‘Civilization State’ Spurs European States to Challenge US Political Dominance. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), September 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0041.
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This article explores how China’s rise as a ‘civilization state’ encourages some European states to challenge US political dominance. While countries like Russia and Turkey have also employed civilizational populist rhetoric in domestic and foreign policy issues, this article focuses on Xi Jinping’s recent visits to France, Hungary, and Serbia and examines how European leaders like Emmanuel Macron, Viktor Orbán, and Aleksandar Vučić find inspiration in China’s civilizational model. Further research is needed on the growing civilizational competition between these states and the West, particularly in Africa, where China, Russia, and Turkey project all variants (soft, smart, sharp and hard) of power to assert influence and challenge Western dominance in international relations and global politics.
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Lyzanchuk, Vasyl. STUDENTS EVALUATE THE TEACHING OF THE ACADEMIC SUBJECT. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2024.54-55.12159.
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The article reveals and characterizes the methodological features of teaching the discipline «Intellectual and Psychological Foundations of Mass Media Functioning» on the third year of the Faculty of Journalism at Ivan Franko National University of Lviv. The focus is on the principles, functions, and standards of journalistic creativity during the full-scale war of the Russian Federation against Ukraine. As the Russian genocidal, terrorist, and ecocidal war has posed acute challenges to the education and upbringing of student youth. A young person is called not only to acquire knowledge but to receive them simultaneously with comprehensive national, civic, and moral-spiritual upbringing. Teaching and educating students, the future journalists, on Ukrainian-centric, nation-building principles ensure a sense of unity between current socio-political processes and historical past, and open an intellectual window to Ukraine’s future. The teaching of the course ‘Intellectual-Psychological Foundations of Mass Media Functioning’ (lectures and practical classes, creative written assignments) is grounded in the philosophy of national education and upbringing, aimed at shaping a citizen-patriot and a knight, as only such a citizen is capable of selfless service to their own people, heroic struggle for freedom, and the united Ukrainian national state. The article presents student creative works, the aim of which is to develop historical national memory in students, promote the ideals of spiritual unity and integrity of Ukrainian identity, nurture the life-sustaining values of the Ukrainian language and culture, perpetuate the symbols of statehood, and strengthen the moral dignity and greatness of Ukrainian heroism. A methodology for assessing students’ pedagogical-professional competence and the fairness of teachers who deliver lectures and conduct practical classes has been summarized. The survey questions allow students to express their attitudes towards the content, methods, and forms of the educational process, which involves the application of experience from European and American countries, but the main emphasis is on the application of Ukrainian ethnopedagogy. Its defining ideas are democracy, populism, and patriotism, enriched with a distinct nation-building potential, which instills among students a unique culture of genuine Ukrainian history, the Ukrainian language and literature, national culture, and high journalistic professionalism. Key words: educator, student, journalism, education, patriotism, competence, national consciousness, Russian-Ukrainian war, professionalism.