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1
Vaillé, Hélène. "France : vers un « populisme punitif » ?" Sciences Humaines N°162, no. 7 (July 1, 2005): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/sh.162.0025.
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Muzergues, Thibault. "Après les élections européennes : vers une Europe post-populiste ?" Politique étrangère N° 243, no. 3 (September 10, 2024): 175–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/pe.243.0175.
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Les élections européennes de 2024 sont marquées par une triple tendance : une domination du Parti populaire européen, un morcellement du spectre politique et une droitisation de l’hémicycle avec la montée en puissance de partis d’extrême droite. À l’exception de la France et de l’Allemagne, où les formations populistes progressent, l’Union européenne voit se développer une nouvelle tendance – le post-populisme –, marquée notamment par un effacement du clivage entre le peuple et les élites.
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Le Quang, Grégoire. "L’ Uomo qualunque : vie, contradictions et mort d’un populisme antipolitique en Italie, 1944-1948." Revue d’histoire moderne & contemporaine 71, no. 2 (May 30, 2023): 175–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rhmc.702.0177.
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Le mouvement de L’Uomo qualunque , plutôt mal connu en France, est souvent décrit en Italie comme la matrice du populisme contemporain. Pour le comprendre, il convient de retracer précisément le contexte d’émergence du mouvement et l’idéologie de son fondateur, Guglielmo Giannini. À la fois très personnelle et représentative d’un anti-antifascisme très enraciné dans les classes moyennes méridionales après la Libération, c’est bien l’originalité de cette proposition politique qui fait le succès fulgurant du mouvement, à son apogée entre 1945 et 1946, ainsi qu’une communication innovante. Toutefois, la proposition politique connaît également des faiblesses, et se heurte notamment à l’aporie d’une politique antipolitique, d’une part, et à la bipolarisation du monde politique au moment de l’entrée en Guerre froide, d’autre part. Le mouvement apparaît donc représentatif non d’un hypothétique archétype du populisme, mais plutôt de « moments populistes » qui naissent d’une correspondance, souvent d’une durée assez brève, entre la contestation diffuse du système politique et le mouvement qui s’en prétend l’interprète exclusif.
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Pons, Xavier. "Populisme �ducatif et gouvernance de l��cole en France." Administration & �ducation N�159, no. 3 (2018): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/admed.159.0013.
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Sarter, Frédéric. "Roms, une question européenne." Études Tome 412, no. 2 (January 29, 2010): 189–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/etu.4122.0189.
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Résumé Les Roms sont aujourd’hui entre 8 et 12 millions, ce qui en fait la principale minorité transnationale en Europe. Les récentes vagues de migrations depuis la Roumanie, la Bulgarie et l’ex-Yougoslavie, le retour en force d’un populisme faisant des « Tsiganes » de commodes boucs émissaires, rendent plus urgent l’effort de comprendre la situation complexe des Roms en Europe et en France.
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Peker, Efe, and Emily Laxer. "Populism and Religion." Comparative Sociology 20, no. 3 (August 4, 2021): 317–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-bja10037.
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Abstract Although the populism-religion relationship is increasingly recognized in the literature, the focus has predominantly been on Western cases. This article proposes analytical tools for global comparisons. First, drawing on the ideational, performative, and strategic approaches to populism, the authors articulate how populists deploy religion in each category. Existing works have not engaged with these dimensions conjointly. Second, the authors employ this tridimensional conception to operationalize the “covert” and “overt” modes of religious populism identified in the literature. They hold that a populist movement comes closer to the former (“sacralizing the political”) or the latter (“politicizing the sacred”) depending on the extent to which it mobilizes religions in its ideas, performances, and strategies. Third, the authors exemplify these ideal types via two pairs of case studies: France and Québec (covert), and India and Turkey (overt). Finally, the authors consider how religious populisms elsewhere stack up on this spectrum, and discuss future themes for comparative research.
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Herbet, Dominique. "« L’inquiétante étrangeté du populisme » : les cas allemand et autrichien vus de France." Allemagne d'aujourd'hui 219, no. 1 (2017): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/all.219.0007.
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Soubise, Valentin. "Manuel Cervera-Marzal, Le Populisme de gauche. Sociologie de la France insoumise." Questions de communication, no. 43 (October 1, 2023): 392–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/questionsdecommunication.32029.
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Védrine, Hubert. "Réflexions sur l’esprit de défense." Administration 283, no. 3 (October 14, 2024): 9–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/admi.283.0009.
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L’esprit de défense implique une analyse des menaces, une assurance du patriotisme et une mobilisation de moyens d’action. La France, sous l’autorité du président de la République, chef des armées, a une longue tradition de vision budgétaire pluriannuelle des besoins militaires. Avec l’invasion russe de l’Ukraine, elle est passée de la « mondialisation heureuse » à une intégration de la défense européenne sous pavillon de l’OTAN, avec les incertitudes de la prochaine élection présidentielle américaine. Reste à savoir où en est le patriotisme en France. Comme dans d’autres pays, il est érodé par l’individualisme, le consumérisme, le pourrissement de la question migratoire et un anticapitalisme s’accompagnant de populisme. Dans ces conditions, un programme ciblé, méthodique et pédagogique d’affermissement du patriotisme, enrichi d’expériences de visions européennes, serait souhaitable.
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Dyer-Witheford, Nick. "Left Populism and Platform Capitalism." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 18, no. 1 (January 13, 2020): 116–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v18i1.1130.
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This paper contextualizes and analyses the policy proposals of new “left populisms” (Mouffe 2018) for the regulation and reform of the “platform capitalism” (Srnicek 2017) that increasingly organizes digital communication. The era of the 2008 crash and subsequent recession saw the emergence in North America and Europe of new left-wing electoral initiatives, either as new parties or fractions within older parties. These include, in the USA, Bernie Sanders and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez Democrats; in the UK, Jeremy Corbyn’s Labour Party; in Spain, Podemos; in Germany, Die Linke; in France, La France Insoumise. While many of these groupings might be described as socialist, or democratic socialist, they often also distinguish themselves from older socialist or social democratic formations; so, for lack of a better term, we call them left populisms. Left populisms are connected in contradictory ways to the appearance of platform capitalism, a corporate model exemplified by Google, Facebook, Apple, Amazon and Uber, deploying proprietorial software as a launch-point for user activities accessing commodified or advertising-driven goods and services. The rise of left populism correlates with the ascent of platform capitalists. Left populist parties emerged from the anti-austerity movements (Occupy in the USA, the Indignados in Spain, student campus occupations in the UK) organized with the help of social media platforms. However, it is also the failures and scandals of platform capitalism have been important to left populism. Edward Snowden’s revelations of ubiquitous surveillance and the Facebook-Cambridge Analytica-Russian hacker imbroglio around the 2016 US election have fuelled a “techlash” against giant digital corporations that is now an important component of left populist sentiment. Drawing on policy documents, manifestos, speeches, position paper, this paper analyses the policy platforms in which left populist parties confront platform capitalism around issues of content regulation; concentration of ownership; the rights of digital workers; alternative ownership models; and proposals for a high-tech driven transition to “postcapitalism” (Mason 2016). It considers the similarities and difference between and within left populist parties on these issues; the extent of their departure from neoliberal policies; and their differences, and occasional erratic similarities, with right-wing populisms, such as that of Trump. It then reviews critiques of left populism made from Marxist and ecological anti-capitalist positions, with particular reference to technological issues. The paper concludes with a summary of the opportunities and problems for a left wing “data populism” (Morozov 2016) in the current political conjuncture.
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de Marenne, Éric Touya. ""La France ne se sent pas bien": Fractures, populisme, démocratie et l'élection présidentielle de 2022." French Review 96, no. 4 (May 2023): 81–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tfr.2023.0084.
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Morieson, Nicholas. "Understanding Civilizational Populism in Europe and North America: The United States, France, and Poland." Religions 14, no. 2 (January 28, 2023): 154. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14020154.
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This article tests the salience of the concept of “civilizational populism” in the European and North American contexts. Right-wing populism is increasingly successful across a range of countries in Europe and North America. While right-wing populism is oriented toward nationalism and nativism, many right-wing populist parties increasingly perceive, as Brubaker puts it, the “opposition between self and other” and “the boundaries of belonging” not in narrow “national but in broader civilizational terms”. Yilmaz and Morieson describe this phenomenon as “civilizational populism”. Using Cas Mudde’s ideological/ideational definition of populism, Yilmaz and Morieson describe civilizational populism as “a group of ideas that together considers that politics should be an expression of the volonté générale (general will) of the people, and society to be ultimately separated into two homogenous and antagonistic groups, ‘the pure people’ versus ‘the corrupt elite’ who collaborate with the dangerous others belonging to other civilizations that are hostile and present a clear and present danger to the civilization and way of life of the pure people”. Civilizational populism appears to be widespread across Europe, and it is also present in the United States, although there is curiously little research on this phenomenon, and Yilmaz and Morieson’s conception of civilizational populism has not been extensively tested. To test the salience of this concept, this article examines three distinct manifestations of civilizational rhetoric in three different countries: the Trump administration in the United States, National Rally in France, and PiS in Poland. The article asks the following two questions. What role does civilizationalism play in populist discourses? How do the civilizational populists in France, Poland, and the United States define “the people”, “elites”, and “others”, and what are the similarities and differences between the parties/movements examined? The article finds that all three parties/movements may be termed “civilizational populists” under the definition given by Yilmaz and Morieson. It finds that the civilizational populists examined in the article posit that “elites” are immoral insofar as they have both turned away from the “good” religion-derived cultural values of “the people” and permitted or desired the immigration of people who do not share the culture and values as “the people”, instead belonging to a foreign civilization—Islam—with different and even antithetical values. However, the article finds that “the people”, “elites”, and “others” are described by Trump, Le Pen, and Kaczyński in significantly different ways.
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Li, Muxi. "Research on Populism and Political Polarization in France." Advances in Economics, Management and Political Sciences 15, no. 1 (September 13, 2023): 168–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2754-1169/15/20230907.
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In recent years, populism has risen rapidly worldwide, especially in many European countries. Populism in France is the most typical example in Europe, which has impacted the existing order of the European Union. From the perspectives of historical origin, domestic structure, external environment, and realistic conflicts, this paper focus on the French populist party National Front (FN) and explores the nature and motivation of populist political polarization based on the theory of supply and demand. The extreme dissatisfaction of societys middle and lower classes is the root cause of populist political polarization. Economic instability and voters distrust of mainstream politics have fueled populism. Populist parties use various tools, including polarized discourses, ideologies, and leaders unique political personalities, to drive voters toward extremes. The refugee issue has driven populism into a fanatical far-right, posing a challenge to Western democracy and the EU order. Finally, this paper discusses the influence and significance of the current populism in French society.
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Keating, John. "Populist discourse and active metaphors in the 2016 US presidential elections." Intercultural Pragmatics 18, no. 4 (August 30, 2021): 499–531. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ip-2021-4004.
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Abstract In recent years, the specter of populism has grown increasingly restless in the Western world and beyond. This new populism has been observed in different political movements in Europe; the Brexit movement in the UK, Podemos and Vox in Spain, Rassemblement National in France, Partij voor de Vrijheid in the Netherlands, and Viktor Orbán’s illiberal democracy in Hungary. Inevitably, it is most commonly associated with the election of Donald Trump as president of the USA in 2016. In this paper, a pragmatic interaction theory of metaphorical utterances is applied to a corpus of speeches given by candidates during the American 2016 presidential elections. First, speeches and candidates were graded for populism according to a holistic grading method. Secondly, speeches were analyzed using quantitative and qualitative methods to investigate if and how active metaphorical language was used to construct the populist frame. The findings suggest that active metaphors can be useful for politicians who wish to counter the dominant conventional frames, and so can serve the ideological purposes of populists and non-populists alike. Therefore, this paper also argues that novel metaphorical concepts and active metaphorical utterances make important contributions to the communication of ideologies in political discourse and should not be overlooked by analysts.
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Guisan, Catherine. "Right-Wing Populism and the European Parliament’s Agonistic Politics." Populism 5, no. 1 (February 15, 2022): 48–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25888072-bja10032.
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Abstract How is it that the European Parliament (EP), the only directly elected institution of the European Union (EU), has both empowered right-wing populist politicians in the UK and France, and helped challenge the right-wing populist governments of Hungary and Poland? Part of the response lies in institutional rules shaping the EP’s elections and its authority, which this article discusses critically. The paradoxical impact of the EP on European right-wing populism leads to another question: Should the EP privilege the rights of right-wing populist and anti-system actors; or, to the contrary, should it “protect democracy against democracy”? This article draws from political theorist Chantal Mouffe’s agonistic politics to assess comparatively the measures the EP majority has taken to limit the influence of right-wing populists within the chamber and beyond in EU member states. It critiques the exclusionary cordon sanitaire within, and conditionality and the “judicialization of conflicts” without, which the EP discusses passionately also.
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Bobba, Giuliano, Cristina Cremonesi, Moreno Mancosu, and Antonella Seddone. "Populism and the Gender Gap: Comparing Digital Engagement with Populist and Non-populist Facebook Pages in France, Italy, and Spain." International Journal of Press/Politics 23, no. 4 (August 2, 2018): 458–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161218787046.
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This paper clarifies whether and to what extent populist communication could drive different gender-oriented reactions. We adopted an original research design intending Facebook as a natural environment where investigating the interaction between social media users and populist and non-populist parties. Our case selection considers three countries falling into the pluralist polarized media system: France, Italy, and Spain. A human content analysis was carried out on a sample of 2,235 Facebook posts published during thirty days in 2016 by the four main parties/leaders in each country. An original algorithm allowed to identify the gender of users liking each message. We tested whether men tend more to provide likes to messages posted by populist parties, messages published by radical populists, messages containing populist contents, and different components of populist messages. Findings confirm the existence of a gender-oriented reaction to populism: Men tend to support populist actors and parties on Facebook more than women do, by providing likes to their content. Yet the difference in gender gap between radical and moderate parties is not significant. We also found that the antielite component of populist discourse obtains more likes by male Facebook users. This pattern is common for both populist and non-populist parties.
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Sigachev, Maxim I., Ernest S. Sleptsov, and Eduard V. Fadeev. "New Right-Wing Populism: Tendencies and Prospects on the Example of Some European States (Italy, France, Germany, Austria)." RUDN Journal of Political Science 22, no. 3 (December 15, 2020): 458–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2020-22-3-458-474.
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The article reveals the relationship between the political crises that affected the European Union from 2015 to 2020, and the growing sympathy of voters for populist-Eurosceptic parties. Particular attention is paid to the political situation in Austria, where in 2017-2019. The government included right-wing populists, as well as the results of the European Parliament elections in May 2019, which testify to the strengthening of the position of a new populism, especially the right-wing one, represented by the Eurosceptics group Identity and Democracy. The purpose of the article is to analyze the current state of the right-wing populist parties and to describe the current patterns of their development in terms of political prospects and the impact on the internal politics of the EU member states. The following research questions are formulated: 1. Has the influence of right-wing populist parties intensified or waned during the migration crisis? 2. Do right-wing populists constitute a coherent pan-European political force? 3. What is the specificity of Italian, Austrian and German right-wing populists?. To answer these questions, a quantitative (first of all, thematic literature and publications in the media) and quantitative analysis (dynamics of relevant statistical information was evaluated). As a result of the study, the authors come to the following conclusions: 1. The entry of the Austrian right-wing populists (APS) into a coalition with S. Kurtz in 2017-2019. - This is part of the regular fluctuations in the balance of power between the three political camps inside Austria, and not a sharp turnaround in established political models (right turn). 2. The German right-wing populists, on the contrary, despite local and really sudden successes (AdG), are in systemic isolation. 3. In Italy, right-wing populists have made significant progress, but the prospects for their unity with other European new right-wingers remain controversial. 4. With some caution, it can be stated that the period 2017-2019, was successful for right-wing populists. The recognition of the right-wing populist parties, their media coverage and presence in government has increased markedly. The perception of the importance of migration themes and cultural identity has increased in comparison with the first half of the 2010s. Moreover, in 2020. this trend is beginning to decline, the themes of culture and migration are gradually giving way to topics of safety, health and the environment.
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Purbantina, Adiasri, and Nafila Maulina Priyanto. "ANALISIS POSTER KAMPANYE LEGISLATIF PARTAI RASAMBLEMENT NATIONAL DI PERANCIS TAHUN 2017." PROCEEDING INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS ON INDONESIAN FOREIGN POLICY CONFERENCE 1, no. 1 (December 2, 2021): 149–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.33005/irofonic.v1i1.20.
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Radical right populism is a phenomena that happens in almost every part of Europe, including France. In France, Rassamblement National Party (RN) which used to be called Front National Party (FN) steps up their campaign rhetoric using the anti-refugee agenda to mobilize their voters. Using the concept of Right Wing Populism and Critical Discourse Analysis Method, this paper seeks to analyse whether or not the campaign narrative of Rassamblement National Party meets the characters of Radical Right Populist party. This Paper uses a number of posters as a media to reveal their characteristics of Radical Right Populist Party. This paper argues that even if the use of poster is still one of the most dominant campaign media in France, the party’s characters as a radical right populist party are not being well portrayed in their campaign posters.
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Houard-Vial, Emilien. "Cervera-Marzal (Manuel) – Le populisme de gauche. Sociologie de la France insoumise . – Paris, La Découverte, 2021 (Sciences humaines). 392 p. Bibliogr." Revue française de science politique Vol. 72, no. 3 (December 19, 2022): VII. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rfsp.723.0381g.
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Boulianne, Shelley, Karolina Koc-Michalska, and Bruce Bimber. "Right-wing populism, social media and echo chambers in Western democracies." New Media & Society 22, no. 4 (April 2020): 683–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444819893983.
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Many observers are concerned that echo chamber effects in digital media are contributing to the polarization of publics and, in some places, to the rise of right-wing populism. This study employs survey data collected in France, the United Kingdom and the United States (1500 respondents in each country) from April to May 2017. Overall, we do not find evidence that online/social media explain support for right-wing populist candidates and parties. Instead, in the United States, use of online media decreases support for right-wing populism. Looking specifically at echo chamber measures, we find offline discussion with those who are similar in race, ethnicity and class positively correlates with support for populist candidates and parties in the United Kingdom and France. The findings challenge claims about the role of social media and the rise of populism.
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Myasnikov, A. I. "Left-wing Populists Internet-discourse in France as a Self-representation before the European Parliament Elections in 2024." Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue, no. 4 (December 1, 2024): 86–96. https://doi.org/10.53658/rw2024-4-4(14)-86-96.
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The article analyzes the Internet discourse of left-wing populists in France as their representation in the run-up to the 2024 European Parliament elections (using the example of the Unbowed France movement). Modern politics increasingly relies on Internet technologies that form communication channels between political forces and influence their interaction. Thus, Internet communication between activists of various parties and movements during the pre-election period has become an integral part of the political struggle in France. The electoral successes of right-wing populism in France, represented by M.Le Pen, have led to increased interest in the study of this phenomenon. At the same time, the topic of left-wing populism, support for which has also increased during the last electoral cycles in France, has not yet been sufficiently studied in domestic political science. The methodology of the study is based on the analysis of the discourses of E.Laclau and Ch.Mouffe – identifying the antagonism of discourses, determining the nodal points and socio-political contradictions that led to the statements of left-wing populists. Based on the theory of P.Ibarra and J.Kitsuse, the main rhetorical strategies of left-wing populists are determined. The study has theoretical and practical significance for the academic community and specialists in the field of socio-political parties and movements. The work may be of interest to researchers of contemporary socio-political life in France.
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Leon Penuela, Fabian Andres. "Peuples et populisme. Catherine Colliot-Thélène et Florant Guénard (dir.) Presses Universitaires de France (PUF), La Vie des Idées, Paris, 2014, 104 pages." Canadian Journal of Political Science 48, no. 2 (June 2015): 480–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423915000657.
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Oswald, Michael T., Meike Fromm, and Elena Broda. "Strategic clustering in right-wing-populism? ‘Green policies’ in Germany and France." Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft 15, no. 2 (June 2021): 185–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12286-021-00485-6.
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AbstractPast research pointed to the idea that right-wing ideology and climate-change skepticism are inherently linked. Empirical reality proves differently however, since right-wing populist parties are starting to adapt pro environmentalist stances. In this paper, we look into two prominent cases of diametrical diverging environmental strategies by right-wing-populist-parties: France’s Rassemblement National and Germany’s Alternative für Deutschland. In order convey this point, we use comparative qualitative content analysis and examine several decisive determinants regarding environmental strategies of right-wing populist parties. We argue that right-wing-populism is remarkably adaptable considering political opportunity structures, even clustering in ideologically diametrical versions of the same issue while each party coherently extends its policy-orientation to its respective alignment of the issue. That means, populism might be far less ideological than assumed in the past.
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Kufel, Annie. "The Seeds of Farmer Populism: French Food Politics, Productivist Agriculture, and the Shortfalls of Globalization." Interdependent: Journal of Undergraduate Research in Global Studies 4 (2023): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.33682/2pcf-t9a6.
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Over the past decade, populist politics have increasingly enthralled the French farming community, presenting farmers as a silenced, yet indispensable fabric of the French countryside. To assess the phenomenon of French farmer populism, the following questions will be addressed: What are the causes of rising populism among French farmers? What role have both material structures (government, policy, economy) and cultural institutions (French culinary heritage and peasant imaginary) played in promoting widespread rural backlash? Farmer populism in France will be analyzed with particular reference to the notion of gastronationalism, which marries the real expression of nationalist attitudes with the cultural posture of agro-food within a French context. This article argues that farmer frustration caused by structural power imbalances has manifested into (gastro)nationalist populism, characterized by the denouncement of policy-making institutions and the simultaneous reclamation of traditional paysan imaginary. Thus, the convergence of material and symbolic grievances, fueled by gastronationalism, is ultimately the distinguishing characteristic of peasant populism in France.
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Jansma, Judith. "Culture in the Name of the People? Towards a typology of populism and culture." Debats. Revista de cultura, poder i societat 4 (January 22, 2020): 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.28939/iam.debats-en.2019-10.
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Populism is a topic that has been widely studied over the past decades but mostly from a political perspective. These contributions mainly focus on the analysis of populism as a (socio) political phenomenon placed in a historical, global context. A second field of interest covers the mass appeal of populist parties. The latter is not only a timely, highly relevant issue right now but also sheds light on the flaws of liberal democracy. While a lot of academic effort has been put into defining populism and explaining the reasons for its success, the underlying cultural beliefs on which populist ‘us and them” dichotomies are based remain unclear. We shall therefore come up with a typology of culture and populism. This typology will reveal how various aspects of culture (such as popular culture, cultural images,and literary works) are prevalent in the populist construction of ‘us’ and ‘them’.Based on examples from France and The Netherlands (two countries with major right-wing populist parties), the typology will differentiate between sociofacts, mentifacts and artifacts (cf. Huxley), and their use and appropriation by populist actors. The artifacts category comprises what I call ‘organic authors’ and ‘appropriated authors’, a terminology borrowed from Gramsci. The difference between the two, as will be shown, is the author’s identification with and articulation of certain kinds of ideas
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Fournier, Théo. "From rhetoric to action, a constitutional analysis of populism." German Law Journal 20, no. 3 (April 2019): 362–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/glj.2019.22.
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AbstractThe article considers populism not as common ideology but as a common strategy for implementing various distinct ideologies. Constitutional democracy and populist strategy are inherently connected. Populist strategies develop a specific rhetoric which takes root in the features of constitutional democracy. The populist rhetoric manipulates the rule-of-law and the majoritarian pillars of constitutional democracy by convincing a fictional majority that constitutional democracy gives rise to a tyranny of minorities. Populism in action represents the second facet of the populist strategy. It corresponds to a specific constitutional strategy of legal and constitutional reforms aiming at disrupting constitutional democracy. After exposing my theoretical assumption, I move to a comparative study of two countries, France and Hungary, selected according to the most different cases approach. I analyze first how Viktor Orban based his constitutional strategy on a progressive deconstruction of the post-communist legacy. I study then how Marine le Pen’s strategy consisted of a comprehensive reform of the French semi-presidential system via referendum. I finally conclude by recalling the essential role academics have to play in the fight against populism. My last point is a provocation, what if calling populism by its real diversity (fascism, racism and antisemitism) was the most efficient way to fight them?
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Schmidt, Franzisca. "Drivers of Populism: A Four-country Comparison of Party Communication in the Run-up to the 2014 European Parliament Elections." Political Studies 66, no. 2 (September 27, 2017): 459–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321717723506.
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The aim of this article is to analyse what different types of populist communication styles emerged during the 2014 European Parliament election campaign and under which conditions political parties selected specific populist communication styles. To do this, a comparative quantitative content analysis of press releases in the run-up of the latest European Parliament elections has been conducted for parties in France, Germany, Austria and Greece. The article presents a definition of populism based on the contemporary academic discourse, which focuses on the transnational nature of the European political field. It is shown that populist party communication is more pronounced on the fringes of the political spectrum and in countries struggling with severe macroeconomic difficulties. Contrary to intuitive expectations, the perceived populist rhetoric of exclusivity in the context of the European sovereign debt crisis, which is identified as a central feature of right-wing populism, barely takes place within populist party communication.
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Gerbaudo, Paolo, Ciro Clemente De Falco, Giulia Giorgi, Silvia Keeling, Antonia Murolo, and Federica Nunziata. "Angry Posts Mobilize: Emotional Communication and Online Mobilization in the Facebook Pages of Western European Right-Wing Populist Leaders." Social Media + Society 9, no. 1 (January 2023): 205630512311633. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20563051231163327.
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The rise of right-wing populists in Western Europe has often been linked to their ability to exploit social media affordances to fuel anger. While scholarship has already examined the emotional dimension of the populist right’s online communication, with some researchers studying specifically the fuelling of anger among social media users, we still lack empirical proof of the mobilizational effectiveness of what we describe as “anger-triggering communication.” To explore this question, in this article, we develop a statistical and topic analysis of right-wing populists’ Facebook pages in Italy, France, Spain, and Germany during the 2019 European Union (EU) election campaign. We find that (a) right-wing populists on Facebook have a significantly higher number of “Angry” Facebook reactions per post compared to their political adversaries; (b) there is a positive and significant effect of the number of Angry reactions on the number of times a post is shared; (c) Angry reactions and Shares are overrepresented in posts on immigration and security, but anger-fuelled mobilization is not limited to these topics. These findings contribute to the scholarship on social media, emotional communication, and populism, adding insights on the mobilizational effectiveness of negative campaigning. The article highlights that stoking public anger, especially around controversial issues such as immigration and security, is a rewarding tactic because it increases motivational strength, and contributes to triggering high-threshold interactions such as sharing, which, in turn, are key for achieving virality in the diffusion of political messages.
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Giurlando, Philip, and Carla Monteleone. "Institutional change, sovereigntist contestation and the limits of populism: evidence from southern Europe." International Affairs 100, no. 5 (September 2024): 2047–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiae058.
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Abstract It is widely recognized that populists oppose the delegation of more decision-making to supranational actors and that this tendency can be constrained by other branches of government, geopolitical power pressures or factors such as whether populists are minor or major members of coalitions. The literature, however, has not elaborated on how the transformation of international organizations can affect populist politics. We aim to fill this gap with an examination of how the NextGenerationEU (NGEU), a redistributionist and solidaristic form of supranational governance, undermined populist opposition to the European Union in selected beneficiary countries. To demonstrate this, we explore populist discourses in France, Italy and Spain during four successive crises in the EU's history in which its structure and identity were at stake and which prompted debates on the future in/of the EU: the referendum on the Constitutional Treaty of 2005, the Greek referendum of 2015, the Brexit referendum of 2016 and the COVID–19 crisis, followed by the Recovery Fund/NGEU of 2020. Observing populist discourses during the acute phases of these four crises allows us to observe a consolidated trend of populist contestation until 2020, when the NGEU was announced, and supports the conclusion that populists, especially in Spain and Italy, went in a less sovereigntist direction as a result of the NGEU.
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Bergem, Ingeborg Misje. "Left-Wing or Right-Wing Populism?" French Politics, Culture & Society 41, no. 1 (March 1, 2023): 22–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2023.410102.
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Abstract This article reviews the political views of the Yellow Vest Movement (YVM) and explores whether it can best be described as a left-wing populist movement, understood as being primarily inclusionary and focused on socioeconomic issues, or a right-wing populist movement, understood as being primarily exclusionary and attentive to struggles over ethnic identity. This examination will be done by comparing the YVM's political demands to the presidential programs of the Rassemblement National (RN) and La France Insoumise (LFI), which in this article is used as prototypes on right-wing populism and left-wing populism. Since its early beginning in 2018, the YVM has been branded as an avatar of the extreme right. By comparing the claims of the YVM to the programs of the RN and LFI, I argue that this interpretation of the YVM is not substantiated by their actual political demands, which are more aligned with LFI than with the RN.
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Wirz, Dominique S., Martin Wettstein, Anne Schulz, Philipp Müller, Christian Schemer, Nicole Ernst, Frank Esser, and Werner Wirth. "The Effects of Right-Wing Populist Communication on Emotions and Cognitions toward Immigrants." International Journal of Press/Politics 23, no. 4 (August 2, 2018): 496–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161218788956.
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The persuasiveness of right-wing populist communication has become a widely discussed topic; it is often assumed that such messages might foster anti-immigrant attitudes among citizens. The present study explores the effects of the different components of right-wing populist communication—anti-immigrant messages, populist content, and populist style—on attitudes toward immigrants. By combining a media content analysis ( N = 605 articles) with a panel survey ( N = 1,968) in metropolitan areas of four Western European countries (France, Germany, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom), this study analyzes how citizens’ attitudes toward immigrants are influenced by the right-wing populist communication with which they are confronted in their individual media diet. The results show that anti-immigrant statements in the media lead to more negative cognitions toward immigrants, while populist content leads to more negative emotions. The study, thus, demonstrates that not only anti-immigrant rhetoric but also populism as a thin-centered ideology influence citizens’ attitudes toward immigrants on top of pre-existing attitudes.
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Rooduijn, Matthijs. "The Nucleus of Populism: In Search of the Lowest Common Denominator." Government and Opposition 49, no. 4 (September 11, 2013): 573–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2013.30.
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There are different area-based bodies of literature on populism, which generally define the concept in slightly different ways. As a result, the term ‘populism’ has been attached to a wide variety of political actors, from Perot in the US to Berlusconi in Italy, and from Perón in Argentina to Le Pen in France. Is it an unfortunate coincidence that the same word has been used for completely different parties and politicians, or is it possible to discern the lowest common denominator that these actors share? By means of a comparison of six cases, based on a most-different systems design, I demonstrate that populists in different times and places have four characteristics in common: (1) they emphasize the central position of the people; (2) they criticize the elite; (3) they perceive the people as a homogeneous entity; and (4) they proclaim a serious crisis. These four characteristics constitute the core elements of populism.
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Balci, Tamer. "Kemalism and Populism." Sociology of Islam 9, no. 2 (November 9, 2021): 152–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131418-00902004.
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Abstract This article examines the trajectory of populism/halkçilik, one of the least studied principles of Kemalism, from its origins in the ideas of Enlightenment to its practices in modern Turkey. Unlike its commonly perceived negative connotation that is often associated with irrational political objectives, populism is a manifestation of equality premise of Enlightenment. Populism gained popularity among the nineteenth-century American and Russian farmers as well as fin de siècle French intellectuals and politicians. Neither the Russian Narodnik movement nor the American Populist Party were as influential as the French solidarists who were backed by Vatican to carve a middle path between unrefined Capitalism and revolutionary Marxism. Inspired by its earlier counterparts in France and Russia, Kemalist principle of Populism aimed to end inherited socio-economic inequalities that had existed in the former Ottoman Empire. While modern Turkey curbed some inequalities, it has stumbled upon the same core obstacle, unequal distribution of resources. The never-ending human fight for equality will carry on whether it carries the banner of Kemalism or any other ideology.
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Rahmadan, Yanuar. "The Discourse of Populist Party: Slovenian Democratic Party (SDS) through the Anti-immigrant Rhetoric." TRANSBORDERS: International Relations Journal 4, no. 2 (June 30, 2021): 57–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.23969/transborders.v4i2.3324.
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The populist movements have become a global phenomenon and have gotten significant votes in many European countries, such as Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) in Germany, Rassemblement National (RN) in France, and Five Star Movement in Italy. The issues being used by the populist movement mainly fall under two categories: the economic insecurity and the cultural backlash. Globalisation and the internet are contributing to the emergence of the populist movement. The massive coverage provides the populist movement as a symbolisation of “the alternative voice” that challenges the perceived “evil” elites. This article discusses the definition of populism from three different approaches and sees how they are translated into a case study on the Slovenian Democratic Party (SDS). SDS is depicted as the representative of “the Slovenian people” by accentuating the anti-immigrant discourse in their political campaign. The discourse is visible through their posters and slogan. The party also uses alternative media to spread its discourse, especially to attack its political opponents.
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Avram, Răzvan-Samir. "Populism or the Broken Promises of Democracy. Concepts, Causes and Solutions." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Studia Europaea 65, no. 2 (December 30, 2020): 303–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbeuropaea.2020.2.14.
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"Europe's response to the consequences of the Two World Wars was the need for joint association in a European project. Later on, the communist revolutions have sparked hopes on the European continent in creating a much-dreamed prosperity. One by one, the Eastern European Countries have joined the European project, the last country being Croatia in 2013. Time has passed, but not all problems seem to be resolved, on the contrary, we could say, extremism is on the rise, intolerance of migrants and foreigners it’s a topic on any internal debate. And s as if it weren't enough, Brexit, in conjunction with the rise in the voting intentions for the populist leaders like Marine Le Pen with The National Front in France, Matteo Salvini with Lega Nord in Italy and Nigel Farage with UKIP and later on with Reform Part. This Article aims to provide some clarifications in relation with the conceptual nature of populism, in order to define the concept and identifying and analyzing the main key messages within the populist speech, and also to identify why such messages have success, using as a starting point the idea that populism is only the result of stagnation of the current political class, as well as of the shortcomings of the democratic system. Keywords: democracy, populism, unemployment, civic-unrest, crisis, elitism, fake-news. "
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Ernst, Nicole, Frank Esser, Sina Blassnig, and Sven Engesser. "Favorable Opportunity Structures for Populist Communication: Comparing Different Types of Politicians and Issues in Social Media, Television and the Press." International Journal of Press/Politics 24, no. 2 (December 22, 2018): 165–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161218819430.
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The aim of this study is to explore favorable opportunity structures for populist communication of politicians in Western democracies. We analyze the content and style of 2,517 statements from 103 politicians from six countries (France, Italy, Germany, Switzerland, United Kingdom, and United States) who differ in their party affiliation (populist versus nonpopulist) and hierarchical position (backbencher vs. frontbencher). To learn more about their media strategies and chances of success, we investigate four communication channels (Facebook, Twitter, talk shows, and news media) that systematically differ in their degree of journalistic intervention and examine fourteen often-raised topics that differ in their suitability for populist mobilization. Our content analysis shows the highest probability of populist communication comes from (1) members of populist parties and (2) backbenchers who address (3) mobilizable issues in (4) social media or newspaper articles. We conclude by explaining why populists have become so successful in getting their messages into newspapers.
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Magaldi Fernández, Adrián. "primer populismo de la democracia española." Brocar. Cuadernos de Investigación Histórica, no. 47 (January 23, 2024): 243–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.18172/brocar.5790.
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Este artículo pretende analizar la figura de Juan Hormaechea y el movimiento populista en torno a él vertebrado, primero como alcalde de Santander y, posteriormente, como presidente de Cantabria. El intento de dominar las instituciones, el desprecio al adversario, la identificación personalista con la comunidad y el desarrollo de redes clientelares a través de un programa de elevado gasto público salpicado de numerosas irregularidades, fueron los cimientos de la que constituyó la primera gran experiencia populista de la nueva democracia alcanzada tras la muerte de Franco. A través de numeroso material hemerográfico pretende trazarse un recorrido por su trayectoria política para comprender e identificar ese populismo basado en la excentricidad y el personalismo del que Hormaechea sería su primer y mayor representante.
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Tant, Cédric. "Le Média – A Populist Critique of Journalists and the Media by Journalists." Brazilian journalism research 17, no. 3 (December 30, 2021): 628–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.25200/bjr.v17n3.2021.1431.
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ABSTRACT – This paper aims to question the critique of journalists and the media by Le Média, a French press body close to a populist party (La France insoumise), which means regularly opposing “the people” and “the elites” (De Cleen & Stavrakakis, 2017; De Cleen, 2019). Through a methodology inspired by the sociolinguistics of Gee (2014) and by the concept of “social goods”, the results bring to light: a metajournalistic critique based on the opposition between “the people” and “the elites”, a desire to delegitimize legacy media and the wish to make journalism a “social good” in the service of “the people”. RÉSUMÉ – Cette recherche vise à interroger la critique des journalistes et des médias par Le Média, un organe de presse français proche d’un parti populiste (La France insoumise), c’est-à-dire qui met régulièrement en avant l’opposition entre le “peuple” et les “élites” (De Cleen & Stavrakakis, 2017; De Cleen, 2019). Plus particulièrement, à travers une méthodologie inspirée de la sociolinguistique de Gee (2014) et notamment du concept de “social goods”, ce travail met au jour une critique métajournalistique, basée sur l’opposition entre le peuple et les élites, qui, tout en délégitimant les médias traditionnels, pose le journalisme en véritable “bien social” au service du peuple. RESUMO – Esta pesquisa busca questionar a crítica sobre os jornalistas e a mídia feitas por Le Média, um veículo da imprensa francesa próximo a um partido populista (La France insoumise), ou seja, que destaca regularmente a oposição entre o “povo” e as “elites” (De Cleen & Stavrakakis, 2017; De Cleen, 2019). De forma mais específica, por meio de uma metodologia inspirada na sociolinguística de Gee (2014) e, particularmente, no conceito de “social goods”, a pesquisa atualiza uma crítica metajornalística, baseada na oposição entre povo e elites, que, ao mesmo em que deslegitimam as mídias tradicionais, definem o jornalismo como um verdadeiro “bem social” a serviço do povo. RESUMEN – Este estudio tiene como objetivo interrogar la critica de los periodistas y de los medios por Le Média, una entidad de prensa francesa cercana al partido populista (La France insoumise), es decir que destaca a menudo la oposición entre el “pueblo” y las “elites” (De Cleen & Stavrakakis, 2017; De Cleen, 2019). Y más específicamente, a través de una metodología inspirada de la sociolingüística de Gee (2014) y del concepto de “social goods” que pone al dia una critica metaperiodista, basado en la oposición entre el pueblo y las élites que, al tiempo que deslegitima los medios tradicionales, plantea al periodismo como un verdadero “social good” al servicio del pueblo.
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Rodriguês, Theófilo Machado. "Populismo de esquerda versus populismo de direita no início do século XXI: o conflito político nos EUA, Inglaterra, França e Alemanha." Revista Estudos Políticos 9, no. 17 (December 10, 2019): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.22409/rep.v9i17.39851.
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Com a publicação, em 2005, de A razão populista, Ernesto Laclau trouxe o tema do populismo de volta para a agenda da teoria política. Mas o tema não ficou circunscrito somente aos debates teóricos. Nesse início de século assistimos ao crescimento de uma miríade de forças eleitorais que articulam a política sob o método do populismo. Essa forma de articulação de demandas e reivindicações ocorre tanto à direita quanto à esquerda do espectro ideológico. Tendo como suporte analítico o conceito de populismo de Laclau, o presente artigo investiga as recentes investidas eleitorais que atuam sob essa forma em quatro países: Estados Unidos, Inglaterra, França e Alemanha. A primeira seção é dedicada ao conceito de populismo em Laclau. A segunda seção observa o processo eleitoral estadunidense de 2016 com a pré-candidatura de Bernie Sanders e a vitória de Donald Trump. Na terceira parte é analisada a ascensão de Jeremy Corbyn no Partido Trabalhista britânico e de seu oposto, Nigel Farage, do UKIP. Na quarta, foram comparados os extremos que se apresentaram para a eleição presidencial francesa de 2017: Marine Le Pen, da Frente Nacional; e Jean-Luc Mélenchon, da antiga Front de Gauche, atual France Insoumise.Por fim, observa-se o crescimento do Die Linke e da AfD na Alemanha. A hipótese apresentada é a de que o conceito de populismo formulado por Ernesto Laclau e reafirmado por ChantalMouffe possui validade explicativa não apenas para países da América Latina, como já vem ressaltando uma parcela da literatura, mas também para os países do “norte”.
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SHMELEV, D. V. "Left-wing populism in Western countries. The Phenomenon of J.-L. Mélenchon." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 11, no. 3 (August 17, 2018): 69–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2018-11-3-69-84.
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The article studies the phenomenon of left populism in Western Europe. On the example of France, the author examines the specifics and historical origins of left populism, its ideas and slogans, electoral technologies, factors of presence on the political scene. The author focuses on the political activities of Jean-Luc Mélenchon, his election campaign for the presidential and parliamentary elections in 2017 in France. The article considers the key stages of Mélenchon’s political career, the features of his political discourse and program, the creation of the Left front, the conditions for the rise and the specifics of left populism in France. Among the specific features of French left populism, anti-elitism, antisystem, egalitarianism and the demand for social justice, pacifism and criticism of the neoliberal version of globalization are highlighted. The author believes that the rise of left populism in France has led to significant changes in the balance of political forces during the presidential and parliamentary campaigns of spring and summer of 2017, putting it to the forefront of political struggle. In the light of the evolution of the political situation in France, the article analyzes Mélenchon’s subsequent activities related to his position around the debate on the reform of labor legislation, social protests in autumn 2017 and spring 2018, relations with other left-wing parties and movements, structural changes within the “La France insoumise”. The article emphasizes the undeniable leadership of the Mélenchon movement among the far left organizations; it is noted that the preservation of the horizontal structures of “La France insoumise” (social networks, Autonomous initiatives, activism), media strategy, the specifics of political discourse and appeal to different layers of the electorate, participation in social protests allow us to talk about the French left populism and Mélenchon as the main political rival of President Macron.
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Koller, Veronika, and Marlene Miglbauer. "What Drives the Right-Wing Populist Vote? Topics, Motivations and Representations in an Online Vox Pop with Voters for the Alternative für Deutschland." Zeitschrift für Anglistik und Amerikanistik 67, no. 3 (September 25, 2019): 283–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zaa-2019-0024.
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Abstract In a recent study (Miglbauer, Marlene and Veronika Koller (2019). “‘The British People have Spoken’: Voter Motivations and Identities in Vox Pops on the British EU Referendum.” Veronika Koller, Susanne Kopf and Marlene Miglbauer, eds. Discourses of Brexit. Abingdon: Routledge, 86–103.), we investigated vox pops (short for ‘vox populi,’ i.e. ‘voice of the people’) with self-declared Leave voters in the run-up to the 2016 British EU referendum. The study presented here complements this research with a comparative perspective, exploring the motivations expressed by voters for the German right-wing populist party AfD (Alternative für Deutschland). On the day of the 2017 general election, the German news website Zeit online (ZON) invited its readers to say why they voted AfD. Although the AfD voter profile and the ZON readership profile are noticeably different, the question elicited 468 replies numbering a total of around 59,000 words, which we compiled into a corpus. Working with corpus analysis software AntConc 3.4.1w, we first prised out topics and motivations by analysing this collection of online vox pops for word frequencies as well as collocates and concordances for selected lexical units, before manually grouping the different lexemes into ten topics. In a second step, we manually analysed the data for social actor representation (van Leeuwen, Theo (2008). Discourse and Practice: New Tools for Critical Discourse Analysis. Oxford: Oxford University Press.) and appraisal (Martin, James R. and Peter R. R. White (2005). Appraisal in English. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.). The results of the analysis show that next to previously documented motivations for right-wing populist votes – e.g. in-group bias and rejection of the Other as morally deficient (Heinisch, Reinhard (2008). “Austria: The Structure and Agency of Austrian Populism.” Daniele Albertazzi and Duncan McDonnell, eds. Twenty-First Century Populism: The Spectre of Western European Democracy. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 67–83.) –, the group of AfD voters represented in the written vox pop have specific additional reasons, namely a focus on German chancellor Merkel as an ‘anti-hero’ and a belief of being victimised by the media. An additional, unexpected finding was that a number of posters to the dedicated comment forum explicitly distance themselves from perceived stereotypes of right-wing populist voters. Our findings therefore also problematise previously identified characteristics of right-wing populist discourse as anti-elitist and anti-intellectual (Wodak, Ruth (2015b). The Politics of Fear: What Right-Wing Populist Discourses Mean. Los Angeles: SAGE.) and call into question the support from workers, and associated fears of wage pressure and competition for welfare benefits, as one of the main factors in the success of right-wing populism (Oesch, Daniel (2008). “Explaining Workers’ Support for Right-Wing Populist Parties in Western Europe: Evidence from Austria, Belgium, France, Norway, and Switzerland.” International Political Science Review 29.3, 349–373.).
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Житко, А. О. "ФЕНОМЕН «СУЧАСНИЙ ПОПУЛІЗМ» У КОНТЕКСТІ РИЗИКІВ І ВИКЛИКІВ ЛІБЕРАЛЬНИХ ДЕМОКРАТІЙ ХХІ СТОЛІТТЯ." Сучасне суспільство: політичні науки, соціологічні науки, культурологічні науки 2, no. 2-19 (2019): 17–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.34142/24130060.2019.19.2.02.
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In the article attempts of description and analyze of research studies are undertaken, which are recognized in the modern scientific world as «strong points» in the study of the phenomenon of populism, in particular - G. Ionesk, E. Gellner, D. Bell, M. Kenovan, P. Tagart, E. Laclau, I. Me, I. Sorel et other, and the latest Western and domestic theoretical constructs, which lead to the knowledge and the nature and essence of the phenomenon of «modern populism», namely - Z. Bauman, W. Beck, F. Venturi, A. Grimimal-Buss, K. Davyst, J. Judis, R. Itwell, J.-V. Muller, T. Snyder, etc.; T. Andrushchenko, V. Bebyk, S. Datsyuk, I. Kiananka, G. Kuts, O. Lisnichuk, L. Matlai, I. Pobochi, T. Pryadko, T. Rad, O. Yarosha and others. It is determined that the overwhelming majority of modern researchers express a consolidated position on the complexity of definition («populism is the phenomenon dispersed, i.e. it is a component of many political phenomena, embodied in various ideological forms and political strategies») and a huge variety of manifestation of modern populism D. Trump (USA), Brexit (UK), Yellow Vest Movement (France), Five Star Movement (Italy), Podemos (Spain), G. Wilders (Netherlands), V. Orban (Hungary), R. Erdogan (Turkey), etc. Attention is drawn to the fact that the «global success of populists» in the 21st century creates a real threat to liberal-democratic values - individual freedom, pluralism, free speech, free elections, etc. The key factors that provoked «the outburst of populism» are characterized, in particular, the dominance of the contemporary voter in the socio-political moods of feelings of «disappointment», «confusion», «uncertainty» and others. The author attempts to find effective strategies for counteracting «aggressive populism» in the context of the mediation of contemporary political processes, in particular, the formation of critical thinking and media literacy of the modern voter. It is stated that the «wave» of populism also seized the political space of modern Ukraine, in which the mediation of political processes created a new format of communication between voters and politicians, which, in fact, attested to the results of recent presidential and parliamentary election campaigns.
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Paerregaard, Karsten. "VIEWPOINT Grasping the Fear: How Xenophobia Intersects with Climatephobia and Robotphobia and how their Co-production Creates Feelings of Abandonment, Self-pity and Destruction." Migration Letters 16, no. 4 (September 30, 2019): 647–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v16i4.848.
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The aim of this article is to discuss an issue that has been on my mind for several years: the fear that fuels the rightist populist movements in Europe and America. As we all know, xenophobia is at the heart of the political rhetoric of Lega in Italy, Vox in Spain, Rassemplement National in France, UKIP in UK, Die Freiheitspartei in Austria, Alternative für Deutschland in Germany, Vlaams Belang in Belgium, Partij voor de Vrijheid in Holland, the nationalist parties of Eastern Europe and the Nordic countries, and, of course, the Republican Party led by President Trump in the US. In Europe, anti-Muslim sentiments have become a driver of rightist populism in many countries, and in America, Mexicans and other Latino groups are recurring targets of Trump’s many tweets. But even though I agree that xenophobia is crucial to the surge of populism in the Western world, I believe other equally important sentiments of fear co-produce the image of foreigners as a threat. Two such elements are the threats that a future climate disaster and the introduction of AI (artificial intelligence) represent to our lives and livelihoods.
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bin Zaid, Hamzah, and Devin K. Joshi. "Where does Right-Wing Populism Succeed Sub-Nationally? Explaining Regional Variation within France." Populism 1, no. 2 (December 4, 2018): 87–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25888072-00001011.
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AbstractWhile many scholars have studied how right-wing populist parties (RWPP) have recently increased their vote shares in national elections in many countries, fewer studies have assessed why some sub-national regions favor RWPP more than others. Addressing this gap in the literature, we analyze regional variation in voter support for one of Europe’s most successful RWPP, the Front National (FN) Party of France which recently made it to the second round of France’s 2017 presidential elections. Our research design examines electoral results across French regions between 1992 and 2017 through the lens of four case studies analyzing regions where the FN has been consistently popular, gained in popularity, declined in popularity, and been consistently unpopular. Comparing these diverse regional cases, our study concludes that regional unemployment, urban support, and to a lesser degree past voting behavior are significant demand-side factors behind regional voting for right wing populism.
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López Ballesteros, Adriana. "Ascenso al poder por medio del discurso populista: casos de Henrique Capriles (Venezuela) y marine le pen (Francia)." Ad-gnosis 6, no. 6 (December 29, 2017): 65–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.21803/adnogsis.v6i6.191.
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Este artículo presenta una revisión detallada de la práctica del populismo en diferentes regiones del mundo, en este caso específico entre Europa y América Latina, abarcando desde los rasgos positivos vinculados con la democracia; los cuales comprenden al populismo como respuesta frente a la debili-dad de las instituciones democráticas, y negativos que exponen que el populismo puede representar una amenaza a la estabilidad política de un estado. En esta investigación compararemos los discursos expuestos por aquellos candidatos (Marine Le Pen, Francia y Henrique Capriles, Venezuela) de carác-ter ejecutivo que a la hora de desarrollar sus ideas para una campaña electoral. Estos podrían acoger aspectos populistas y accionaron bajo las características propias del mismo, dando como resultado discursos que podrían ser vistos con matices de esta índole.
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Khakhalkina, E. V., K. P. Andreev, and A. V. Munko. "New Face of European Union: Right-Wing Populism in the EU-Countries." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 6 (December 31, 2020): 99–132. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-6-75-99-132.
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The European Union undergoes several qualitative transformations. Today it faces major demographic changes, the distance between the EU and national states is growing because of Brexit and high rates of immigration to Europe. The configuration of mainstream parties is also transforming in an unpredictable way. All these processes bring the phenomenon of right-wing populism to the forefront of political life of the European Union. This phenomenon was an answer both to internal andexternal challenges. The aim of the article is to identify the components of right-wing populism using the examples of some memberstates, to show its threats and risks, as well as ways to minimize the impact of this phenomenon on all aspects of the EU life. To achieve this goal, party programs (primarily right-wing populist ones), national and European elections data, materials from the Eurobarometer and other public opinion services, speeches and interviews of leading politicians, and other materials are used. The methodological approach is based on the principles of interdisciplinarity. The authors used comparative-typological, functional and structural methods. The problems of immigration and Islamophobia in the EU are explained with the help of the civilizational concept of A.J. Toynbee. The structure of the article provides the study of the phenomenon of right-wing populism through such indicators as separation of elites from the population (including European democracy and lack of democracy), immigration (and Islamophobia), as well as the EU identity. The article provides a detailed analysis of the member- state cases including the United Kingdom, Austria, Germany, Italy, France, Sweden, the countries of Eastern Europe and others. The authors conclude that right-wing populism has dual nature, its significance in individual countries of the European Union increases, and it is deeply integrated into the party and parliamentary mechanism of European democracies.
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Martynov, Andrii. "Bifurcation in the Process of European Integration under the Influence of a Pandemic." European Historical Studies, no. 16 (2020): 19–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2020.16.2.
Full textAbstract:
The coronavirus pandemic has become the most serious challenge since the European Union’s existence. The challenge is complex. The first blow was struck on four freedoms: movement of capital, goods, labor and services. Discontinuing production under the influence of a pandemic will mean both insufficient supply and too low demand. Quarantine measures have split the Common Market into “national containers”. The monetary union is also facing a serious crisis before the pandemic. The next blow to European solidarity was the crisis with illegal migrants. The humanitarian crisis has benefited populists to intensify xenophobic sentiment and terrorist movements to send their killers to the EU. The pretext of left and right populism is wandering Europe. Security threats are real. The UK’s exit from the EU has created a deficit in the EU budget. Germany and France should increase their contributions proportionally. The Visegrad bloc countries oppose their greater financial responsibility. Austria does not agree with the single Eurozone budget. Polls in the spring of 2016 showed an increase in the position of European skeptics in France, Italy, Austria, the Netherlands, Germany, the Greek part of Cyprus, the Czech Republic and Hungary. Contemporary political discourse offers European optimistic and European pessimistic scenarios. The European Republic is decentralized (European regions), post-national, parliamentary-democratic and social. This concerns a possible shift from the United States of Europe project to the European Republic. The concept of republic is a common ideological and political heritage of Europe. A New Europe Demands New Political Thinking without Populism and Nationalism. The European Republic should be at the center of the triangle: liberalism (liberty), socialism (equality) and nationalism (brotherhood). The pessimistic scenario focuses on the fragmentation of the European Union. The basis of such fragmentation can be the project of European integration of different speeds.
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Herbet, Dominique. "Derrière l’information sur l’AfD, une stratégie des médias français ?" Allemagne d'aujourd'hui N° 247, no. 1 (February 26, 2024): 106–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/all.247.0106.
Full textAbstract:
Au croisement des sciences politiques et des médias, l’étude constate la forte récurrence dans les médias d’articles traitant de la montée des populismes de droite et de gauche en Europe et dans le monde, notamment dans la perspective des grands scrutins électoraux telles les élections européennes de juin 2024. Dans les médias français, de nombreux reportages sont consacrés à l’AfD, le parti d’extrême droite allemand. Peut-on alors parler d’une stratégie ciblée de ces médias qui constituerait une information en miroir par rapport au Rassemblement national en France dont l’entreprise de normalisation et la progression dans les sondages inquiètent. Dans un premier temps l’étude vise à situer ces partis dits populistes et s’articule ensuite autour d’une mise en perspective entre AfD et RN, puis entre droite extrême et droite conservatrice, interrogeant les notions de « Plafond de verre », « Front républicain » ou dé-crédibilisation par l’intégration, avant d’aborder des questions plus ponctuelles comme la convergence entre extrême droite et extrême gauche sur la Russie ou les stratégie et prospective dans la perspective des élections européennes.
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KANINSKAYA, G. N. "The Metabolism of the Right Populism in France of the 21st Century." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 11, no. 3 (August 17, 2018): 85–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2018-11-3-85-101.
Full textAbstract:
The phenomenon of a right populism in modern France is analyzed. In such context, the theoretical approaches of leading French historians, sociologists and political scientists to the definition of populism are considered. The main differences in the definition of populism by different specialists are shown. Different manifestations of populism such as the left-, rightwing, and emanating from the masses and the ruling elite are characterized. The features of a modern right-wing populism are reviewed on the example of the National Front Party (NF), headed by Marin Le Pen. The political, cultural, electoral and institutional factors that led to the growing popularity of the NF are studied. The specifics of the success of the “fronts” in various elections, beginning in 2012, are presented in a “long-term”, “medium-term” and “short-term” perspective. Weaknesses in governing the country of systemic ruling left and right parties, and the growth of distrust towards them by civil society are shown. The evolution of the National Front since the founding of the party by Jean-Marie Le Pen and internal party crises are considered. The author comes to the conclusion that, despite the fact that in the doctrinal plan the “marinists” have not moved away from the “national populism” that followed the NF congress on March 10-11, 2018, tactical actions and a change in the name of the party suggest that that the party is trying to become the second system right-wing party in France. Besides, the strong assertion of populism in global political culture has become a challenge to liberal democracy in the 21st century, so it could be expected to manifest itself in other far-right associations.
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Dang, Enqi. "French Foreign Policy Shifts in a Multi-dimensional Perspective: The Impact and Consequences of Populism." Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 39 (November 7, 2024): 249–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/athxn005.
Full textAbstract:
French foreign policy has played an important role in global politics in history. As one of the core countries in Europe, France's diplomatic decisions not only affect its own interests, but also have a far-reaching impact on the political landscape of Europe and even the world. In the past few decades, the process of globalization, regional conflicts, EU internal dynamics and other factors have continuously reshaped France's diplomatic strategy. In recent years, the rise of populism has been particularly eye-catching. It not only triggered great changes in domestic politics, but also had a far-reaching impact on France's foreign policy. As a political phenomenon, populism is usually characterized by anti-elite, anti-dism and an emphasis on national sovereignty and the will of the people. In France, the rise of populism is reflected not only in the words and deeds of politicians and political parties, but also in the attitude and voting behavior of voters. The impact of populism on French foreign policy is mainly reflected in its attitude towards the European Union, its position on immigration and refugee issues, and its attitude towards international cooperation and multilateralism. This article aims to explore the foreign policy transformation of France under the influence of populism from a multidimensional perspective and analyze the consequences of this change. By comparing France's diplomatic strategies in different historical periods, people can more clearly understand the role of populism in it and its potential impact on future international relations.