Relevant bibliographies by topics / Populist politicians

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Populist politicians'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 20 February 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Populist politicians"

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Vuković, Silvija. "Celebrities turning into populists." Medijske studije 13, no. 25 (August 4, 2022): 50–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/ms.13.25.3.

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Populist politicians performing as celebrities and celebrities becoming populist politicians is a phenomenon that illustrates how populism and celebrity politics can easily be combined in contemporary political communication. This study aims to gain a deeper understanding of the latter type of celebrity populist by analyzing the Facebook posts of Croatian musician and populist politician, Miroslav Škoro, during the 2019 presidential campaign in Croatia. The conducted qualitative content analysis led to the conclusion that, in the context of celebrity populism, the concept of “the people” attains more meaning and power, as celebrity capital is used for an even stronger emphasis of populist appeal to “the people.” This is seen through two main categories that emerged from the analysis: 1) representation of celebrity fans as “the people” and 2) using celebrity background as proof of unity with the people.
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Negrea-Busuioc, Elena. "‘Of the People or for the People’? An Analysis of Populist Discourse in the 2014 European Parliament Elections in Romania." Romanian Journal of Communication and Public Relations 18, no. 2 (August 24, 2016): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.21018/rjcpr.2016.2.208.

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<p>Populism is on the rise in Europe; this is a fact attested by the success of populist parties in recent elections (regional, national, European). Populists’ electoral performance can be explained from a variety of perspectives, depending on the focus of the analysis; e.g. ideological, socio-economic, political factors. This paper aims to contribute insightful observations to the attempts to show how these parties have managed to score so well in elections by analyzing the communication and discursive practices used by populist politicians. I will focus on examining elements of populist rhetoric used by populist politicians, as well as by mainstream politicians in televised debates and election posters from the 2014 European Parliament election campaign in Romania.</p>
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Acemoglu, Daron, Georgy Egorov, and Konstantin Sonin. "A Political Theory of Populism *." Quarterly Journal of Economics 128, no. 2 (February 13, 2013): 771–805. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/qje/qjs077.

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Abstract When voters fear that politicians may be influenced or corrupted by the rich elite, signals of integrity are valuable. As a consequence, an honest politician seeking reelection chooses “populist” policies—that is, policies to the left of the median voter—as a way of signaling that he is not beholden to the interests of the right. Politicians that are influenced by right-wing special interests respond by choosing moderate or even left-of-center policies. This populist bias of policy is greater when the value of remaining in office is higher for the politician; when there is greater polarization between the policy preferences of the median voter and right-wing special interests; when politicians are perceived as more likely to be corrupt; when there is an intermediate amount of noise in the information that voters receive; when politicians are more forward-looking; and when there is greater uncertainty about the type of the incumbent. We also show that soft term limits may exacerbate, rather than reduce, the populist bias of policies.
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Schneiker, Andrea. "Populist Leadership: The Superhero Donald Trump as Savior in Times of Crisis." Political Studies 68, no. 4 (May 11, 2020): 857–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321720916604.

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The current debate on populism is mainly concerned with populist parties and movements. Less is written about populist leadership. Yet, political scientists need to pay more attention to populist leadership, especially in order to understand how populism functions in the absence of a populist party. In situations in which a political leader adopts a populist way of exercising political power without the backing of what is considered a populist party, populism is often reduced to a particular style of acting and speaking of that particular politician. By formulating a theory-based concept of political leadership based on the literature of celebrity politicians—the superhero—I show that populist leadership is not limited to a particular style, but also allows to explain particular policy choices. The concept of the superhero goes beyond that of charismatic leadership, because it explains how the leader’s exceptionality is performed and how this performance can be analyzed.
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Nai, Alessandro. "Populist voters like dark politicians." Personality and Individual Differences 187 (March 2022): 111412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2021.111412.

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Blassnig, Sina, and Dominique S. Wirz. "Populist and Popular: An Experiment on the Drivers of User Reactions to Populist Posts on Facebook." Social Media + Society 5, no. 4 (October 2019): 205630511989006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305119890062.

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Populist politicians are often associated with the successful use of social networking sites (SNS). However, it is still unclear whether the popularity of populist posts is driven by the nature of the messages, by the populist actors as the source, or by the interaction of both factors. By following a 2 × 2 experimental design ( N = 647) and by manipulating populist versus nonpopulist messages in a Facebook post and a typically populist versus mainstream politician as the source, this study contributes to the existing literature in two ways. First, it shows that both populist messages and populist actors foster the perception of a Facebook post as populist but that only populist messages are drivers of user reactions. Second, complementing content analyses on populism and user reactions, the study demonstrates that the effect of populist communication on user reactions is moderated by recipients’ populist attitudes. Users with strong populist attitudes share populist messages more often than they share nonpopulist messages.
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Askola, Heli. "Taking the Bait? Lessons from a Hate Speech Prosecution." Canadian Journal of Law and Society / Revue Canadienne Droit et Société 30, no. 01 (September 23, 2014): 51–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cls.2014.15.

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AbstractThis article uses one case study to explore the use of criminal hate speech provisions against populist politicians. In a high-profile Finnish case, a populist politician was found guilty of hate speech after a four-year criminal process. Though the prosecution was ultimately successful, the various problems with the case helped boost the political popularity of the accused who was turned into a well-known public figure and member of Parliament. The case might thus be seen to warn against tackling populist politicians by means of criminal law. However, further analysis of the political context and a comparison with the Dutch prosecution against anti-immigration politician Geert Wilders complicate this conclusion. This article examines the consequences of hate speech prosecutions of politicians and sheds light on the conditions under which they can achieve (some of) their aims. The case also has lessons for other jurisdictions about when hate speech prosecutions of politicians are likely to be successful in terms of countering prejudice and disempowering those who spread it for electoral purposes.
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Jungkunz, Sebastian, Robert A. Fahey, and Airo Hino. "How populist attitudes scales fail to capture support for populists in power." PLOS ONE 16, no. 12 (December 31, 2021): e0261658. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0261658.

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Populist attitudes are generally measured in surveys through three necessary and non-compensatory elements of populism, namely anti-elitism, people-centrism, and Manicheanism. Using Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 5 (2016–2020) data for 30 countries, we evaluate whether this approach explains voting for populist parties across countries in Asia, Europe and the Americas. We show that the existing scales of populist attitudes effectively explain voting for populists in countries where populist leaders and parties are in opposition but fail to explain voting for populist parties in countries where they are in power. We argue that current approaches assume “the elite” to mean “politicians”, thus failing to capture attitudes towards “non-political elites” often targeted by populists in office—in particular, journalists, academics/experts, bureaucrats, and corporate business leaders. The results reveal limits to the usefulness of existing survey batteries in cross-national studies of populism and emphasize the need to develop approaches that are more generalizable across political and national contexts.
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Corso, Lucia. "When Anti-Politics Becomes Political: What can the Italian Five Star Movement Tell us about the Relationship Between Populism and Legalism." European Constitutional Law Review 15, no. 3 (September 2019): 462–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019619000282.

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Populist politicians have to deal with a foundational paradox, i.e. ruling without being contaminated by the corrupting influence of power - Strategies to shield populists’ political actions from the accusations that populist parties have flung against pre-existing elites – The Italian Five Star Movement as a populist political discourse resorting to legalist strategies – Legalism as a way of introducing political reforms as mandatory actions, required by some sort of exclusionary, pre-existing legal rule rather than the product of ideological confrontation and political compromise – Populism as an anti-political response to factionalism – Lottery system, absolute neutrality and the end of politics
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Hameleers, Michael. "Populist Disinformation: Exploring Intersections between Online Populism and Disinformation in the US and the Netherlands." Politics and Governance 8, no. 1 (March 5, 2020): 146–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i1.2478.

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The discursive construction of a populist divide between the ‘good’ people and ‘corrupt’ elites can conceptually be linked to disinformation. More specifically, (right-wing) populists are not only attributing blame to the political elites, but increasingly vent anti-media sentiments in which the mainstream press is scapegoated for not representing the people. In an era of post-truth relativism, ‘fake news’ is increasingly politicized and used as a label to delegitimize political opponents or the press. To better understand the affinity between disinformation and populism, this article conceptualizes two relationships between these concepts: (1) blame attributions to the dishonest media as part of the corrupt elites that mislead the people; and (2) the expression of populist boundaries in a people-centric, anti-expert, and evidence-free way. The results of a comparative qualitative content analysis in the US and Netherlands indicate that the political leaders Donald Trump and Geert Wilders blame legacy media in populist ways by regarding them as part of the corrupt and lying establishment. Compared to left-wing populist and mainstream politicians, these politicians are the most central players in the discursive construction of populist disinformation. Both politicians bypassed empirical evidence and expert knowledge whilst prioritizing the people’s truth and common sense at the center stage of honesty and reality. These expressions resonated with public opinion on Facebook, although citizens were more likely to frame mis- and disinformation in terms of ideological cleavages. These findings have important implications for our understanding of the role of populist discourse in a post-factual era.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Populist politicians"

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Koh, Youngjoon. "Programmatic Populism and Electoral Success in Thailand and the Philippines." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2022. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/29489.

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The rise of populist politicians has been the subject of vibrant scholarly research in the social sciences for the past decade. From Donald Trump to Jair Bolsonaro, the success of populist politicians at the polls has led to voluminous scholarship documenting and explaining this phenomenon. Yet there has been little research analyzing why some populist politicians lose the national election. This dissertation seeks to advance the study of populism by focusing on the conditions under which populist politicians succeed and fail by examining Southeast Asian populists Thaksin Shinawatra and Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit in Thailand, and Rodrigo Duterte in the Philippines. The thesis advances the concept of programmatic populism to explain the rise of populist leaders in Thailand and the Philippines. It argues that these populist politicians focused their electoral programs to align with the views of most voters. The thesis demonstrates that Shinawatra and Duterte were programmatic rather than clientalistic in their respective election campaigns meaning that programmatic populism became a sufficient condition of their election victories. The research makes two contributions. Firstly, populism can be understood as a simple and direct communication. The study shows that ‘simplicity’ and ‘directness’ feature prominently in populism in Thailand and the Philippines. Secondly, the study contributes to the understanding of why populists win or lose national elections.
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Scheibe, Anna. "Issue Competition in the 2017 German Federal Election Campaign : How did Right-Wing Populist Politicians of the AfD use Social Media to Navigate the Hybrid Media System?" Thesis, Stockholms universitet, JMK, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-157032.

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A body of research has established the political relevance of Social Media (SM) platforms for populist parties, claiming that populist politicians utilize a ‘bypassing-strategy’. However, the rather reluctant employment of Facebook and Twitter by German citizens other than, for example, media professionals and politicians, raises questions of the utilization intention for public actors. Even though multiple scholars already indicated the necessity of research on the ‘embeddedness of digital tools’ in journalists’ routines (Jungherr, 2016: 374) such studies remain scarce. Therefore this study aims to shed light on how power is exercised by political actors through the use of SM within Chadwick’s (2017) hybrid media system. In order to do so it firstly examines the existence of references to the Twitter and Facebook pages of politicians of the German right-wing populist party AfD within the coverage of four German newspapers about the party during the final phase of the 2017 General Federal Election campaign. Secondly, by employing issue competition theory, issues and topics that three AfD politicians communicated about on their SM pages are compared with those that the party has been covered in relation to in newspaper articles. The findings of the quantitative content analysis on the newspaper articles showed only few cases in which AfD politicians’ SM statements were quoted. In regard to issue competition theory, the quantitative mapping of issues and topics in newspaper coverage about the AfD as well its politicians’ SM statements however, demonstrate prevailing similarities between the issues and topics that dominated the newspaper coverage about the party as well as its politicians SM pages. A thematic analysis on the latter found three themes that suggest a possible explanation for the few cases in which newspaper articles referenced SM statements: All three politicians used SM differently to promote, circulate and comment on issues and topics which influenced whether statements originated from the platform or from other contexts, such as rally events, tv debates, media article etc. These different types of content distributed and published on the politicians’ SM pages could be a possible explanation for the limited instances in which SM statements were quoted by newspaper articles. These findings suggest that the AfD did indeed pursued a bypassing strategy and employed SM platforms to directly communicate with its supporters. However, future studies should continue research on the embeddedness of SM statements in contexts other than campaigning times. Furthermore insights from qualitative interviews with politicians about their utilization strategies and journalists regarding their possible hesitance to quote politicians’ SM Statements, that may be grounded in professional standards, are necessary in order to obtain a more complete assessment of the role of SM for political actors in navigating the hybrid media system.
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Books on the topic "Populist politicians"

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1965-, Nelsen Jane Taylor, ed. A prairie populist: The memoirs of Luna Kellie. Iowa City: University of Iowa Press, 1992.

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Schütt, Hans-Dieter. Peter-Michael Diestel: "Rebellion tut gut" : ein Populist teilt aus. Berlin: Dietz, 1992.

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Geert Wilders speaks out: The rhetorical frames of a European populist. The Hague, The Netherlands: Eleven International Publishing, 2011.

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Sandbrook, Dominic. Mad as hell: The crisis of the 1970s and the rise of the populist Right. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2011.

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Mad as hell: The crisis of the 1970s and the rise of the populist Right. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2010.

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Busby, Robert. Marketing the Populist Politician. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230244283.

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Sandbrook, Dominic. Mad as hell: The crisis of the 1970s and the rise of the populist Right. New York: Anchor Books, 2012.

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Marketing the populist politician: The demotic democrat. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.

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Marcowa, Anna. Przemijanie czasu. Warszawa: Ludowa Spółdzielnia Wydawnicza, 1987.

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Shehi, Zyhdi. Andrea Ekonomi: Mësues i popullit. Tiranë: Botimet Toena, 2000.

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Book chapters on the topic "Populist politicians"

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Sánchez-García, Francisco José. "Popular Culture in the Service of Populist Politics in Spain: Pablo Iglesias’ Parliamentary Speech as Leader of the Podemos Party." In When Politicians Talk, 239–55. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-3579-3_14.

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Fossum, John Erik. "The Context of Fake News, Disinformation, and Manipulation." In Europe in the Age of Post-Truth Politics, 31–52. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-13694-8_3.

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AbstractThe purpose of this chapter is to discuss how, and the extent to which, we may consider fake news, disinformation, and manipulation as bellwethers for the health of democracy. The chapter argues that there are two quite different readings of the democratic implications of the fake news, disinformation, and manipulation challenge: on the one hand, as the rise of a certain type of political actor that claims that established politicians and their conduct of politics have lost touch with ordinary people and their concerns, and in addition, actively seeks to undermine confidence in science and scientists. Thus, the factual and evidence-based foundation of democratic politics is challenged by the rise of a particular species of populist politician and populist parties marked by a distinct style, and relatively unencumbered by conventional party politics. If these phenomena can be identified with and confined to a specific set of actors, parties, and their supporters, then the political challenge is how best to contain or isolate them. The other reading approaches the democratic challenge from a more structural angle and searches for the roots of anti-political sentiment and the trust gap in the circumstances surrounding policymaking and politics. The two readings suggest different causal dynamics in terms of how fake news, disinformation, and manipulation affect democracy. If structural changes are important sources of fake news, disinformation, and manipulation, then the rise of populism is hardly the only source of fake news and disinformation. If so, the irony in focusing on the most blatant manifestations of fake news as espoused by populist politicians is that it may detract attention from those factors that helped create such traits in the first place.
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Hameleers, Michael. "The discursive framing of populism and (un)truthfulness by politicians." In Populist Disinformation in Fragmented Information Settings, 40–61. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003194668-3.

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Lewandowsky, Marcel. "Populist Politicians: Populism, Democratic Dissatisfaction and the Perception of Representation. The Case of Greece." In Continuity and Change of Party Democracies in Europe, 253–81. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-28988-1_9.

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Pettersson, Katarina. "The Discursive Denial of Racism by Finnish Populist Radical Right Politicians Accused of Anti-Muslim Hate-Speech." In Nostalgia and Hope: Intersections between Politics of Culture, Welfare, and Migration in Europe, 35–50. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-41694-2_3.

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Guasti, Petra. "Same Same, but Different: Domestic Conditions of Illiberal Backlash Against Universal Rights in the Czech Republic and Slovakia." In Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics, 179–206. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54674-8_8.

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Abstract In recent years, mobilisation along the cultural dimension intensified in East-Central Europe. Conservative groups, the Catholic Church and the radical right, as well as radicalised mainstream politicians, are increasingly adopting the populist socially conservative rhetoric, blocking pro-universal rights legislation and running electoral campaigns on the rollback of universal rights. These dynamics are an integral part of the illiberal backlash which centres around the notion of sovereignty. It rejects demands for universal rights as foreign-forced on the country by the EU or CoE. Using historical institutionalism to compare domestic processes around minority rights in the Czech Republic and Slovakia, this chapter shows that the mechanics of the EU member states’ backlash against minority accommodation can be mainly attributed to the domestic actors. As a result of different domestic configurations, some European norms take root, while in other cases, domestic actors seek to prevent accommodation and rollback rights.
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Busby, Robert. "Introduction." In Marketing the Populist Politician, 1–8. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230244283_1.

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Busby, Robert. "Leadership and Ordinariness." In Marketing the Populist Politician, 9–39. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230244283_2.

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Busby, Robert. "Cloth Coats and Camelot." In Marketing the Populist Politician, 40–63. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230244283_3.

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Busby, Robert. "Thatcher and Major: Marketing a Conservative Identity." In Marketing the Populist Politician, 64–87. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230244283_4.

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Conference papers on the topic "Populist politicians"

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Pérez, Carmen Patricia. "Phonostylistic study of Spanish-speaking politicians: Populist vs. Conservative." In 7th Tutorial and Research Workshop on Experimental Linguistics. ExLing Society, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36505/exling-2016/07/0032/000291.

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Connolly, Michael. "Multiculturalism, Compassion, and the Law." In Debating Multiculturalism 1. Dialogue Society, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/pgba2762.

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The most visible and heavily reported problems of different cultures living together, unsurprisingly perhaps, centre on housing and accommodation. The principal areas of tension appear to be two-fold. First, recent immigrants being housed in already- deprived areas. Second, Romany Travellers, with their own form of desperation, trying to settle en masse against the wishes of locals and often in breach of planning laws. This problem has grown in recent times as their nomadic lifestyle has been increasingly outlawed, beginning most notably in recent times with section 39 of the Public Order Act 1986, expressed to prevent New Age Travellers from converging on or around festival sites, such as Stonehenge, but used from day one against Romany Travellers on the waysides of England. These facts alone are enough to explain the tensions between different cultures. But a slightly deeper look reveals a rather more contradictory picture. It involves the politicians, who pass equality laws to protect such people, yet with their public comments, provoke animosity towards the same people. The matter is aggravated by some more subtle, but equally populist, judicial comments. These comments, alongside some of saddest events in recent British social history, are considered below. It is suggested that Britain’s equality laws cannot achieve their potential to facilitate multiculturalism whilst being undermined by the lawmakers.
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Rahmawati, Devie, Geger Riyanto, Deddy Mulyana, Mila Viendyasari, and Wiratri Anindhita. "Architecture of Populism: Online Media and the Rise of Popular Common Politicians in Indonesian Political Landscape." In ICVEAST. Basel Switzerland: MDPI, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/proceedings2022083044.

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Velinova, Neli, Lora Metanova, Mariyan Tomov, and Lilia Raycheva. "Fuzzy Choice – The Facebook Facade of The Triple Parliamentary Election Campaign 2021 In Bulgaria." In 13th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2022). AHFE International, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1002522.

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The rapid advancement of ICTs has outstripped the theoretical rationalization, regulatory framework, business models, professional practices and audiences’ participation in contemporary democratic processes (Kaid L., Mazoleni G., Blumler JG, Esser F.). This new ‘mosaic culture’ is characterized by demassification of media and of society itself. A virtual online culture has been created which, due to its interactive nature, acts as integrating while having an alienating and restrictive impact on people, destroying ‘live’ communication. Nevertheless, media still stays among the main factors of the deliberative democracy, which should ensure fair and reasonable debate among citizens. Compared to traditional media, internet platforms and especially social networks are becoming increasingly popular channels for politicians to communicate with the electorate. The aim of the study undertaken by an academic team of the Faculty of Journalism and Mass Communication at the St. Kliment Ohridsky Sofia University of Bulgaria and supported by the National Scientific Fund (research project KP-06-M35/4-18.12.2019) focuses on the deficits of media literacy in pre-election online communication. The object is the dynamics of the online campaign for the three parliamentary elections in Bulgaria in 2021: one regular (April 4) and two preliminary (July 11 and November 14). They have been held under the shadow of social distance and strict observance of the anti-epidemic measures against COVID-19 and in conditions of political confrontation, hostile public speech, and neglected professional standards. The subject is related to the Facebook messages in the profiles of the political leaders within the one-month period of the three campaigns. The methodology is an empirical study and comparative analysis. The scope of the survey includes those political forces that have passed the 4% electoral threshold. The main research question of the study is how Facebook messages affect voter choiceThe results showed that during all the three election campaigns, Bulgarians preferred to be informed first by television, then by online platforms and most of all - by Facebook. However, the number of posts, the frequency of Facebook use, and the funds invested did not turn out to be directly proportional to the success achieved by the politicians. Relying on populism in various dimensions was a more profitable strategy. Thus, for some of the new political formations, aggressive rhetoric was winning. Online communication replaced politicians' live contact with the public, but numerous likes, comments and shares expanded the audience's reach. In the long run few of the Facebook profiles of political leaders who were elected MPs clearly presented their intentions in such a way that voters could have the opportunity to make informed choices. The results are indicative of the extent to which insufficient information, media and digital literacy as part of the civic education of electoral actors - regulators, politicians, media, analysts and audiences - affect informed voter choice. For successful participation of citizens in public debates on protecting, sustaining and developing of civic rights and democracy, a serious awareness of the risks and opportunities of the deliberative communication process needs to be studied.
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Reports on the topic "Populist politicians"

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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Zahid Ahmed, Galib Bashirov, Nicholas Morieson, and Kainat Shakil. Islamist Populists in Power: Promises, Compromises and Attacks on Democratic Institutions. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), August 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0013.

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This paper comparatively examines the ruling religious populist governments in Turkey and Pakistan through a theoretical framework that focuses on populists’ promises, their compromises, and their attacks on democratic institutions. Through our three-legged framework, we examine how these religious populists behave in power and how strategic necessities, the realities of governing, and structural constraints shape their policies. Similar to the other populists in other parts of the world, before coming to power, Islamist populists make sweeping promises to the people and quick fixes to major problems of the country—most famously, quick and substantial economic development. While they may want to retain their uncompromising style and lofty goals, the realities of governing force populists to make serious compromises to their designated ‘enemies’ and on their values once they are in power. Finally, like other authoritarian politicians, Islamist populists attack formal institutions of democracy such as the judiciary, the media, and civil society; they politicize them, evacuate them, and eventually capture them from within. Keywords: Religion, populism, Islamism, authoritarianism, populists in power, democratic backsliding, Turkey, Pakistan
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, and Nicholas Morieson. Nationalism, Religion, and Archaeology: The Civilizational Populism of Benjamin Netanyahu and Likud. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), October 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0015.

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This paper examines civilizational populism in Israel and focuses on the largest and most powerful party in Israel since the 1980s, National Liberal Movement (Likud), and its most significant leader of the past twenty years, the populist politician Benjamin Netanyahu. We show how Netanyahu incorporates ‘civilizationism’ into his populist discourses by, first, using the notion that Jewish civilization predates all others in the region to establish the legitimacy of the state of Israel, the hegemony of Jewish culture within Israel, and at times his own political decisions. Second, through his portrayal of the Arab-Muslim world as an antisemitic and barbaric bloc that, far from being a civilization, threatens Western civilization through its barbarism. Equally, this paper shows how Netanyahu argues that Israel is akin to protective wall that protects Western Civilization from the Islamist barbarians who wish to destroy it, and therefore on this basis calls for Europeans and North Americans to support Israel in its battle for civilization and against “the forces of barbarism.”
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