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1

1965-, Nelsen Jane Taylor, ed. A prairie populist: The memoirs of Luna Kellie. Iowa City: University of Iowa Press, 1992.

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2

Schütt, Hans-Dieter. Peter-Michael Diestel: "Rebellion tut gut" : ein Populist teilt aus. Berlin: Dietz, 1992.

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3

Geert Wilders speaks out: The rhetorical frames of a European populist. The Hague, The Netherlands: Eleven International Publishing, 2011.

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4

Sandbrook, Dominic. Mad as hell: The crisis of the 1970s and the rise of the populist Right. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2011.

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5

Mad as hell: The crisis of the 1970s and the rise of the populist Right. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2010.

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6

Busby, Robert. Marketing the Populist Politician. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230244283.

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7

Sandbrook, Dominic. Mad as hell: The crisis of the 1970s and the rise of the populist Right. New York: Anchor Books, 2012.

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8

Marketing the populist politician: The demotic democrat. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.

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9

Marcowa, Anna. Przemijanie czasu. Warszawa: Ludowa Spółdzielnia Wydawnicza, 1987.

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10

Shehi, Zyhdi. Andrea Ekonomi: Mësues i popullit. Tiranë: Botimet Toena, 2000.

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11

Mierzwiński, Henryk. Tomasz Nocznicki: Życie, działalność, myśl polityczna, 1862-1944. Lublin: Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej, Wydz. Humanistyczny, 1987.

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12

Finegold, Kenneth. Experts and politicians: Reform challenges to machine politics in New York, Cleveland, and Chicago. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 1995.

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13

Grazioli, Stefano. Nel nome della "gente": Populisti, estremisti, leader carismatici nell'Europa d'oggi. Novara: Baroli, 2004.

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14

Santos, Nuno Nogueira. A varinha mágica de Valentim Loureiro: Méritos, truques e habilidades populistas. [Alcabideche, Portugal]: Prime books, 2008.

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15

Santos, Nuno Nogueira. A varinha mágica de Valentim Loureiro: Méritos, truques e habilidades populistas. [Alcabideche, Portugal]: Prime books, 2008.

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16

Santos, Nuno Nogueira. A varinha mágica de Valentim Loureiro: Méritos, truques e habilidades populistas. [Alcabideche, Portugal]: Prime books, 2008.

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17

Istituto per lo studio dell'innovazione nei media e per la multimedialità., ed. Ai confini dell'immaginario: Governator Schwarzenegger, i tele-populisti e oltre. Milano: Bevivino, 2006.

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18

Marion Butler and American Populism. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003.

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19

Cárdenas, Rodolfo José. COPEI en el Trienio Populista, 1945-1948: La tentación totalitaria de Acción Democrática. [Madrid, Spain?: s.n., 1987.

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20

Vox populi: The O'Shaughnessy files. New York: Fordham University Press, 2011.

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21

Kozyrski, Damian. Józef Grudziński (1903-1944): Polityk ruchu ludowego. Warszawa: Ludowe Tow. Naukowo-Kulturalne, Zarząd Oddz. w Lublinie, 2004.

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22

Durlej, Stanisław. Sagi świętokrzyskie: 105 lat polskiego ruchu ludowego 1895-2000. Kielce: Ludowe Tow. Naukowo-Kulturalne, Oddz. w Kielcach, 2000.

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23

Finegold, Kenneth. Experts and politicians: Reform challenges to machine politics in New York, Cleveland, and Chicago. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 1995.

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24

Harrison, Trevor. Requiem for a lightweight: Stockwell Day and image politics. Montréal: Black Rose Books, 2002.

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25

A godly hero: The life of William Jennings Bryan. New York: Knopf, 2006.

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26

Kazin, Michael. William Jennings Bryan: A godly hero. New York: Knopf, 2006.

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27

Socialist cowboy. Winnipeg: Roseway Publishing, 2014.

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28

Kazin, Michael. A godly hero: The life of William Jennings Bryan. New York: Knopf, 2006.

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29

Kazin, Michael. A godly hero: The life of William Jennings Bryan. New York: Knopf, 2006.

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30

Cantrell, Gregg. Feeding the wolf: John B. Rayner and the politics of race, 1850-1918. Wheeling, Ill: Harlan Davidson, 2001.

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31

Sang-in, Chŏn, ed. Hanʼguk hyŏndaesa: Chinsil kwa haesŏk. Kyŏnggi-do Pʻaju-si: Nanam Chʻulpʻan, 2005.

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32

A Prairie Populist: The Memoirs of Luna Kellie (Singular Lives). University Of Iowa Press, 1992.

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33

Hellmann, Olli. Populism in East Asia. Edited by Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser, Paul Taggart, Paulina Ochoa Espejo, and Pierre Ostiguy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198803560.013.10.

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Based on a strict interpretation of the ideological definition of populism, this chapter argues that populist politicians are a rare breed in the electoral democracies of Northeast and Southeast Asia. In fact, multiparty politics have only thrown up three true cases of populism in the past: Joseph Estrada in the Philippines, Thaksin Shinawatra in Thailand, and Prabowo Subianto in Indonesia. Through the analytical framework of discursive institutionalism, the chapter explains the general absence of populist politicians by highlighting the distinctiveness of East Asia as an ideological setting. Specifically, the ideational context that is East Asia does not provide broader frameworks that would allow politicians to draw a moral distinction between “the people” and “the elite” in ways that are meaningful to voters.
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34

Hawkins, Kirk, Madeleine Read, and Teun Pauwels. Populism and Its Causes. Edited by Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser, Paul Taggart, Paulina Ochoa Espejo, and Pierre Ostiguy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198803560.013.13.

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Studies of populism increasingly theorize about its causes. Most arguments highlight the rational, material side of populist appeals or their connection to political identity. However, these arguments focus on regional varieties of populism, give little attention to the individual level of voter cognition, and overlook the role of populist ideas. In this chapter, we outline and critique these theories while offering a new approach. This theory builds on the ideational definition championed by other contributors to the Handbook, arguing that populism is a normative response to perceived crises of democratic legitimacy. Populist attitudes are not invented by politicians to fill a gap in the citizens’ psyche, but constitute a pre-existing set of beliefs that can be activated under certain contexts.
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35

Kenny, Paul D. Populism and Patronage. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198807872.003.0009.

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This chapter tests the theory through a quantitative analysis of populist electoral success. It conducts a statistical analysis of the performance of populist candidates in all democracies across Asia, Europe, the, and Australasia. This analysis shows that as subnational units gain autonomy, the electoral performance of populist politicians is enhanced in patronage democracies but not in non-patronage democracies. This finding suggests that there exists a pathway to populist success that is distinctive to patronage democracies. To deal with the high number of cases in which populists receive no votes, the main analysis is a “double-hurdle” model. To control for the endogeneity of these decentralizing processes to party-system stability, the chapter employs an instrumental variables (IV) estimation strategy, in which autonomy is instrumented for by a number of structural features of a polity (area, population, and territorial contiguity). The model also holds up to this IV estimation.
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36

Taggart, Paul. Populism in Western Europe. Edited by Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser, Paul Taggart, Paulina Ochoa Espejo, and Pierre Ostiguy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198803560.013.12.

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This chapter examines populism in contemporary Western Europe. The argument is made that populism in this region tends to primarily focus on four different issues as a result of the national context in which it arises. The chapter illustrates how various populist parties in Western Europe focus on these four issues of immigration, regionalism, corruption, and Euroskepticism. The argument is made that we can only understand populism in this region if we also understand that populism politicizes these issues. The argument is also that these issue areas, taken at their broadest meaning, constitute attacks on the core pillars of contemporary Western Europe and therefore that populist forces tell us about the fault lines of politics in the region.
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37

Busby, Robert. Marketing the Populist Politician: The Demotic Democrat. Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.

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38

Busby, R. Marketing the Populist Politician: The Demotic Democrat. Palgrave Macmillan Limited, 2009.

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39

Marco, Vega, and Martinelli César. The Monetary and Fiscal History of Peru, 1960-2017: Radical Policy Experiments, Inflation and Stabilization. Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.18800/2079-8474.0468.

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We show that Peru’s chronic inflation through the 1970s and 1980s was the result of the need for inflationary taxation in a regime of fiscal dominance of monetary policy. Hyperinflation occurred when debt accumulation became unavailable, and a populist administration engaged in a counterproductive policy of price controls and loose credit. We interpret the fiscal difficulties preceding the stabilization as a process of social learning to live within the realities of fiscal budget balance. The credibility of the policy regime change in the 1990s may be linked ultimately to the change in public opinion giving proper incentives to politicians, after the traumatic consequences of the hyperstagflation of 1987–1990.
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40

Tamir, Yael. Why Nationalism. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691210780.001.0001.

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Around the world today, nationalism is back—and it's often deeply troubling. Populist politicians exploit nationalism for authoritarian, chauvinistic, racist, and xenophobic purposes, reinforcing the view that it is fundamentally reactionary and antidemocratic. But this book makes a passionate argument for a very different kind of nationalism: one that revives its participatory, creative, and egalitarian virtues, answers many of the problems caused by neoliberalism and hyperglobalism, and is essential to democracy at its best. The book explains why it is more important than ever for the Left to recognize these positive qualities of nationalism, to reclaim it from right-wing extremists, and to redirect its power to progressive ends. Provocative and hopeful, the book is a timely and essential rethinking of a defining feature of our politics.
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41

Populisten, Revolutionäre, Staatsmänner. (German Edition). Iberoamericana Vervuert Publishing Corp., 2010.

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42

Finegold, Kenneth. Experts and Politicians: Reform Challenges to Machine Politics in New York, Cleveland, and Chicago. Princeton University Press, 2020.

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43

Stirewalt, Chris. Every Man a King: A Short, Colorful History of American Populists. Grand Central Publishing, 2019.

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44

Stirewalt, Chris. Every Man a King: A Short, Colorful History of American Populists. Grand Central Publishing, 2018.

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45

Every man a king: A short, colorful history of American populists. 2018.

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46

Hunt, James L. Marion Butler and American Populism. The University of North Carolina Press, 2007.

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47

Vaughan-Williams, Nick. Vernacular Border Security. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198855538.001.0001.

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Since the peak of Europe’s so-called 2015 ‘migration crisis’, the dominant governmental response has been to turn to deterrent border security across the Mediterranean and construct border walls throughout the EU. During the same timeframe, EU citizens are widely represented—by politicians, by media sources, and by opinion polls—as fearing a loss of control over national and EU borders. Despite the intensification of EU border security with visibly violent effects, EU citizens are nevertheless said to be ‘threatened majorities’. These dynamics beg the question: Why is it that tougher deterrent border security and walling appear to have heightened rather than diminished border anxieties among EU citizens? While the populist mantra of ‘taking back control’ purports to speak on behalf of EU citizens, little is known about how diverse EU citizens conceptualize, understand, and talk about the so-called ‘crisis’. Yet, if social and cultural meanings of ‘migration’ and ‘border security’ are constructed intersubjectively and contested politically, then EU citizens—as well as governmental elites and people on the move—are significant in shaping dominant framings of and responses to the ‘crisis’. This book argues that, in order to address the overarching puzzle, a conceptual and methodological shift is required in the way that border security is understood: a new approach is urgently required that complements ‘top-down’ analyses of elite governmental practices with ‘bottom-up’ vernacular studies of how those practices are both reproduced and contested in everyday life.
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48

Friedman, Jeffrey. Power without Knowledge. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190877170.001.0001.

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Technocrats claim to know how to solve the social and economic problems of complex modern societies. But this would require predicting how people will act once technocrats impose their policy solutions. Power Without Knowledge argues that people’s ideas, w hich govern their deliberate actions, are too heterogeneous for their behavior to be reliably predicted. Thus, a technocracy of social-scientific experts cannot be expected to accomplish its objectives. The author also shows that a large part of contemporary mass politics, even populist mass politics, is technocratic, as members of the general public often assume that they are competent to decide which policies or politicians will be able to solve social and economic problems. How, then, do “citizen-technocrats” make these decisions? Drawing on political psychology and survey research, the author contends that people often assume that the solutions to social problems are self-evident, such that politics becomes a matter of vetting public officials for their good intentions and strong wills, not their knowledge. Turning to the more conventional meaning of technocracy, the author argues that social scientists, too, drastically oversimplify technocratic realities, but in an entirely different manner. Neoclassical economists, for example, theorize that people respond rationally to the incentives they face. This theory is simplistic, but it creates the appearance that people’s behavior is predictable. Without such oversimplifications, the author argues, technocracy would be seen by technocrats themselves to be chimerical.
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49

Lu, Jie, and Yun-han Chu. Understandings of Democracy. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197570401.001.0001.

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While democracy is popular and still enjoys supremacy in contemporary political discourse with limited challenges from alternatives, it has also been acknowledged that democracy is in crisis. However, if most people love democracy and politicians have to live with democracy, how can democracy be in trouble? Understandings of Democracy examines this puzzling phenomenon, arguing that (1) people hold distinct understandings of democracy; (2) popular conceptions of democracy are significantly shaped by socioeconomic and political contexts; (3) such varying conceptions generate different baselines for people to assess democratic practices and to establish their views of democracy; and (4) such distinct conceptions also drive political participation in different ways. Overall, popular understandings of democracy have critically shaped how citizens respond to authoritarian or populist practices in contemporary politics. Using new survey instruments embedded in the Global Barometer Surveys (GBS), this book highlights the significance and essentialness of how people assess the tradeoffs between key democratic principles and instrumental gains when they conceptualize democracy for comparative research on popular understandings of democracy. Furthermore, weaving together GBS II survey data from seventy-two societies and survey experiments, this book scrutinizes some key micro-dynamics that drive people’s critical political attitudes and behaviors, which are centered on how people understand democracy in different ways. Overall, this book theorizes and demonstrates that, as a critical but underappreciated component of the demand-side dynamics, varying conceptions of democracy offer significant explanatory power for understanding why democracy is in trouble, even when most people profess to love democracy.
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50

Dancing Jacobins: A Venezuelan genealogy of Latin American populism. 2016.

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