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1
Meijer, Fred G. "De portretten van Jan van Huysum door Arnold Boonen en anderen." Oud Holland - Quarterly for Dutch Art History 108, no. 3 (1994): 127–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187501794x00440.
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AbstractThe Ashmolcan Museum in Oxford owns a portrait of Jan van Huysum, thc famous painter of still lifes and landscapes, which has always been considered a self-portrait (fig. 1). Stylistic comparison, however, justifies the attribution of this portrait to Arnold Boonen. As early as the mid-eighteenth century the artist and writer Jan van Gool mentioned and illustrated a portrait of Van Huysum by Boonen (fig. 3). That picture can very probably be identified with a painting which was on the London art market in 1981, allegedly as a self-portrait of Jan's father, Justus van Huysum (fig.4). In an Amsterdam auction of 1773 a third, smaller, portrait of Van Huysum by Boonen came up for sale, and in recent decadcs a (studio) version of the Oxford painting has been on the market (fig. 5). From old catalogues it would appear that still more portraits of the painter by Boonen have existed. Printed portraits of Jan van Huysum, among them illustrations in biographical works, were apparently all derived, one way or another, from portraits by Boonen (figs, 3 , 6 and 8-10); even Kremer's romantic representation of the artist known only from a print- appears to be distantly related (fig. 12). The source for a nineteenth-century lithograph remains somewhat uncertain, although it, too, was probably inspired by Boonen (fig. 11). Clearly not a portrait of Jan van Huysum is Heroman van der Mijn's painting at Amsterdam (fig. 13), but a work at Quimper, now considered by the museum to be an anonymous French portrait of an unknown man, might be a fairly early effigy of Jan van Huysum after all (fig. 14).
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Keshavmurthy, Prashant. "Bīdil’s Portrait." Philological Encounters 1, no. 1-4 (January 26, 2016): 313–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24519197-00000009.
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In 1704 the Indo-Persian Sufi and poet Mirzā ʿAbdul Qādir ʿBīdil’ completed an autobiography entitled The Four Elements (Chahār ʿunṣur). Into the fourth “Element” of this text he set an account of a portrait of himself painted around 1677 by Anūp Chhatr, a painter famous for his portraits in the imperial Mughal ateliers of the time. Initially refusing his painter-acquaintance permission to paint him, Bīdil finally yields and is astonished at how the resulting portrait duplicates him like a mirror. After marveling at it for a decade, he falls ill. His friends visit him in his sickbed and one of them, leafing through his anthology of texts, comes upon the painting. He exclaims at how faded it is. Bīdil himself can barely make it out on the page. When he recovers his health, he opens the anthology to examine the faded portrait and is astonished and shocked, as his friends are, to see that it has recovered its brilliant colors. He tears the painting up.This essay reads this ekphrastic account of self-transformation as an autobiographical and iconoclastic interpretation, playing on philosophical, literary and painterly traditions of visuality, in particular Ibn ʿArabi’s (d. 1240, Andalusia) theory of the imagination. Among the questions that will be pursued are: what understandings of self and self-transformation did Bīdil renew by this interpretation? How is this episode a focusing of concerns that pervade all of The Four Elements? What kind of reader and reading practices did this autobiography assume? And, finally, does an understanding of Bīdil’s iconoclastic self-transformation—turning on this episode—prepare us to better understand his works in other genres?
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Ekkart, Rudolf E. O. "De Rotterdamse portrettist Jan Daemen Cool (ca. 1589 -1660)." Oud Holland - Quarterly for Dutch Art History 111, no. 4 (1997): 201–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187501797x00230.
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AbstractUntil now, the Rotterdam portraitist Jan Daemen Cool was known in the literature only as the maker of a group portrait painted in 1653 of the governors and administrator of the Holy Ghost Hospital at Rotterdam, and of a portrait of Piet Hein, which is dated 1629. Closer scrutiny of his activities reveals that the artist, who never signed his work, was Rotterdam's leading portrait painter in the second quarter of the 17th century. Jan Daemen Cool was born in Rotterdam in 1589 or thereabouts. He may have studied with Michiel Jansz. van Mierevelt in Delft, where he married Agniesje Jaspersdr. in 1613 and was admitted to the guild in 1614. He probably returned to Rotterdam in 1614 and spent the rest of his life there. After his first wife's death in 1622 he married again in 1623, this time to Lijsbeth Cornelisdr., the widow of Lowijs Porcellis. Many archive records indicate that Cool was a very prosperous man. After the death of his second wife in 1652. he bought himself a place in the Rotterdam almshouse; he also pledged to paint a group portrait of the governors. He died in 1660. An important starting point in reconstructing the artist's oeuvre is the portrait of the governors of 1653 (cat.no. 28), the authorship of which is substantiated by archive records. However, the portrait of Piet Hein, painted in 1629 (cat.no. I, 1st version), attributed on the basis of the inscription on Willem Hondius' print, is not an authentic Cool but probably an old copy after a portrait which he had painted a few years earlier. A systematic investigation of Rotterdam portraits from the period between 1620 and 1660 has yielded a closely related group of portraits which may be regarded as the work of one man and which include the 1653 governors piece. Combining this information with additional data and further indications has facilitated the reconstruction of Jan Daemen Cool's oeuvre. Pride of place in that oeuvre is occupied by a group of four family portraits painted between 1631 and 1637 and now in the museums at Lille (cat.no. 4), Edinburgh (cat.no. 6), Rotterdam (cat.no. 16) and Brussels (cat.no. 19). Hitherto these portraits have usually been assigned to Jacob Gerritsz. Cuyp. They are all situated in a landscape and represent an important step in the development of this type of family group in Dutch portraiture. A series of portraits of individual sitters painted be-for 1640, including companion pieces, some them identifiable a people who lived in Rotterdam, arc entirely consistent in style and execution with the aforementioned g group portraits. Elements in the portrait of Johan van Yck with his wife and son, painted in 1632 (cat.no. 5), correspond very closely with these works, but there are also discrepancies which suggest cooperation with another painter or later overpaints. A series of individual portraits dating to 1640 - 1654 link the first group of paintings and the late governors piece, the composition of which is quite exceptional in the entire production of such paintings in 17th-century Holland. Here, as in his early family groups, the artist shows himself to be quite an adroit arranger of f gures. Although this painting and two others of 1654 clearly show that he continued to paint after enterning the almshouse, ture is no extant work from the last years of his life. Along the Rotterdam portraits of the rest ched period are a few - likewise unsigned - family groups which are strongly influenced by Cool but are obviously the work of a less proficient hand (figs. 5 and 6). Comparison with a signed portrait of 1649 (fig. 7) enables them to be assigned to the painter Isaack Adamsz. de Colonia (ca. 1611-1663), presumably a pupil of Cool's. Although the work of Jan Daemen Cool bears a resemblance to that of such artists as Michiel van Mierevelt and Jan Anthonisz. van Ravesteyn, his oeuvre has a distinctive character that is most in evidence in his group portraits. There are obvious correspondences with painters such as Jacob Gerritz. Cuyp of Dordrecht, to whom various works by Cool were hitherto attributed, and Willem Willemsz. van Vliet of Delft - artists who likewise developed their own characteristic styles.
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Webster, Susan V. "Of Signatures and Status: Andrés Sánchez Gallque and Contemporary Painters in Early Colonial Quito." Americas 70, no. 04 (April 2014): 603–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500003588.
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The 1599 portrait Don Francisco de Arobe and His Sons, Pedro and Domingo by Andean artist Andres Sanchez Gallque (Figure 1) is one of the most frequently cited and reproduced paintings in the modern literature on colonial South America. The painting has been extensively praised, parsed, and interpreted by twentieth- and twenty-first-century authors, and heralded as the first signed South American portrait. “Remarkable” is the adjective most frequently employed to describe this work: modern authors express surprise and delight not only with the persuasive illusionistic power of the painting, the mesmerizing appearance of its subjects, and the artist's impressive mastery of the genre, but with the fact that the artist chose to sign and date his work, including a specific reference to his Andean identity.
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Webster, Susan V. "Of Signatures and Status: Andrés Sánchez Gallque and Contemporary Painters in Early Colonial Quito." Americas 70, no. 4 (April 2014): 603–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2014.0074.
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The 1599 portrait Don Francisco de Arobe and His Sons, Pedro and Domingo by Andean artist Andres Sanchez Gallque (Figure 1) is one of the most frequently cited and reproduced paintings in the modern literature on colonial South America. The painting has been extensively praised, parsed, and interpreted by twentieth- and twenty-first-century authors, and heralded as the first signed South American portrait. “Remarkable” is the adjective most frequently employed to describe this work: modern authors express surprise and delight not only with the persuasive illusionistic power of the painting, the mesmerizing appearance of its subjects, and the artist's impressive mastery of the genre, but with the fact that the artist chose to sign and date his work, including a specific reference to his Andean identity.
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Garrard, Mary D. "Here's Looking at Me: Sofonisba Anguissola and the Problem of the Woman Artist*." Renaissance Quarterly 47, no. 3 (1994): 556–622. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2863021.
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An Unusual Portrait by Sofonisba Anguissola has gained new prominence from its illustration in color in a recent publication. In her Women, Art, and Society (1990), Whitney Chadwick claims of the portrait in question, Bernardino Campi Painting Sofonisba Anguissola (fig. 1), that in presenting herself in the guise of a portrait being painted by her teacher, Anguissola produced “the first historical example of the woman artist consciously collapsing the subject-object position.” Chadwick's succinct observation opens up the possibility of understanding the painting in a new way, for she points to the peculiar conflation of subject and object that uniquely befell women artists in the Renaissance and complicates their art, especially their self-portraits. From this starting point, I will here explore the form of self-presentation offered by Anguissola in the Siena portrait and several other works in the context of what was a fundamental problem for the Renaissance female artist: the differentiation of herself as artist (the subject position) from her self as trope and theme for the male artist (the object position).
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Stone, Ian R. "The Arctic portraits of Stephen Pearce." Polar Record 24, no. 148 (January 1988): 55–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003224740002235x.
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AbstractBetween 1851 and 1877 Stephen Pearce (1819–1904) painted, among many other subjects, portraits of most of the distinguished 19th century British Arctic explorers. This article outlines Pearce's life, presents his most celebrated painting ‘The Arctic Council discussing a plan ofsearch for John Franklin’, and catalogues the 25 Arctic portraits held by the National Portrait Gallery. A selection of four portraits spanning the artist's working life is illustrated.
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Kupchynska, Larysa. "A portrait of Klymentii Sheptytskyi by artist Mykhailo Shalabavka." Proceedings of Vasyl Stefanyk National Scientific Library of Ukraine in Lviv, no. 12(28) (2020): 382–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.37222/2524-0315-2020-12(28)-13.
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The article covers the life and creative development of one of the little known Ukrainian photographers and painters of the first half of the twentieth century, who was Mykhaylo Shalabavka. In order to disclose his biographical data in more detail, the information provided by modern researchers 399 has been supplemented with archival materials. Due to their analysis, first of all, M. Shalabavka’s letters to Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytskyi presented many new facts that characterize the artist’s participation in public life in the formation of the Ukrainian school of photography first in Lviv, his beliefs about further ways of its development. Emphasizing his active participation in public life, the article stated that he executed hundreds of photographs of national liberation competitions of the Ukrainian people of the early twentieth century, life and way of life of Boykivschyna, Hutsulschyna and Podillya, architecture of Lviv. Particular attention is paid to the photo portraits that brought the author glory. One of his most famous works, Portrait of Oleksa Novakivskyi, and little-known photographs of prominent representatives of the Greek Catholic Church of the twentieth century, discovered in the collections of the Vasyl Stefanyk National Scientific Library of Ukraine in Lviv named after, are analyzed in detail. It is substantiated that by performing portraits, M. Shalabavka worked according to the requirements of the time, which included the use of the traditions of the portrait genre of previous centuries. This has significantly influenced the artist’s works, securing them a proper place in the history of photography. Due to many years of work by photographer M. Shalabavka in the late 1930’s, he turned to painting, performed an oil painting «Portrait of Klymentii Sheptytskyi». He is one of the later artists and sums up his multidimensional experience. Keywords: Mykhaylo Shalabavka, Ukrainian photographers, history, life and way of life, portrait, Klymentii Sheptytskyi.
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Guillen-Nuñez, César. "The Portrait of Matteo Ricci." Journal of Jesuit Studies 1, no. 3 (April 1, 2014): 443–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00103005.
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This article discusses a rather unusual portrait that depicts the Italian missionary Matteo Ricci (1552–1610), to be found today in the Gesù church in Rome. When it was first exhibited it aroused such excitement among Jesuits that it was displayed next to the portraits of St. Ignatius of Loyola and St. Francis Xavier. At an uncertain date, a small inscription was attached to the frame with Ricci’s name, his years of birth and death, and a statement that the painting had been exhibited in the vestibule of the Gesù residence in 1617, but that its artist was unknown. Although the painter’s name was disclosed as that of the Chinese-Macanese Jesuit brother You Wenhui (alias Manuel Pereira) in an account by Sabatino de Ursis soon after Ricci’s death, both the painter and his work have remained practically ignored by most researchers. This article studies the portrait and its creator from an art-historical perspective in much greater detail than previously. Stylistic and iconographic influences of Chinese Ming portraiture observable in the style of the work are identified, as are features from late sixteenth-century Counter-Reformation portraits. Certain aspects of Ricci’s contributions to Chinese science are also discussed, along with a number of contemporary theological arguments that tell us much about the nature of the portrait, its subject, its creator, and its deep spiritual significance.
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Subedi, Abhi. "My Understanding of Manuj Babu and his Art." SIRJANĀ – A Journal on Arts and Art Education 5, no. 1 (December 1, 2018): 6–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/sirjana.v5i1.39737.
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Manuj Babu Mishra (1936-2018) was a modern artist who is mainly known for his paintings and his drawings. Nepali art critic Narayan Bahadur Singh as early as 1976 mentioned about his multiple skills in art. But Mishra was also one of those painters who ushered in an era of modern consciousness shared equally by painters and poets. His contemporaries some of whom are still painting though on a smaller scale, made experiments with their arts in modernist style. An era of distorting forms, breaking the fine figurality and using flatness by shunning the illusion of three dimensional shapes rather than representative forms was seen in Nepali modernist paintings too. Manuj Babu Mishra adopted a method of using figurality in paintings that used semi surrealistic and abstract paintings. Mishra was trained in Dhaka of the then East Pakistan in the late sixties of the last century. Despite his political statements occasionally, he was basically an artist. He was a peaceful man behind the hurricanes of hard times he created. He was also a portraitist who believed that the portrait of a person is also the portrait of the world outside him or her. He had said that to me when he was drawing my portrait.
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Tomić, Radoslav. "Novi podaci o slici Teodora Matteinija u trogirskoj katedrali." Ars Adriatica, no. 1 (January 1, 2011): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/ars.435.
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The article presents new information about the altar painting “Blessed Augustin Kažotić, St John Evangelist and St James” in Trogir Cathedral. In the lower right corner, a previously unknown inscription was discovered during the restoration: Teodoro Matteini F. in Venezia 1805. Apart from the name of the distinguished Italian painter, Teodoro Matteini (Pistoia, 1754 - Venice, 1831), it states that it was made in Venice in 1805. This indisputably confirms the opinion published so far by Croatian and Italian art historians. Based on Italian and Croatian documents, it can be concluded that the key role in the commission of the painting was played by brothers Ivan Dominik (1761-1848) and Ivan Luka Garagnin (1764-1841), the noblemen of Trogir and respectable representatives of Dalmatian society in the early nineteenth century. They knew Matteini well because he was the painter who in 1798 painted a portrait of Ivan Dominik Garagnin who is mentioned in a letter as a steward of Trogir Cathedral. In the process of commissioning and designing the painting’s composition and details, an active part was played by the learned brothers’ friend and confidant, Giovanni de Lazara (Padua 1744-1833), a nobleman from Padua, knight of Malta, bibliophile, collector and inspector-conservationist of paintings in Padua and its environment from 1793 onwards.The painting shows St James, St John the Evangelist and a Trogir saint - blessed Augustin Kažotić (c. 1260-1323) - who was a bishop of Zagreb and Lucera. According to archival records, the citizens of Trogir provided Matteini with information about the saint and an older painting which served as a model for the new portrait. The painting was set in the new marble altar which had been installed by Nicolò and Zuane Degani in 1802.At Ca’ Pesaro (Galleria Internazionale d’Arte Moderna) in Venice, there is a drawing from 1805 signed by Matteini (pencil on paper, 431 x 283 mm) which depicts St James and is a preparatory sketch for his portrait on the Trogir painting.
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Agafonov, Anatoly I. "Armorial Images on Portraits of the Military Ataman of the Don Army D. E. Efremov and Features of the Formation of the Southern Russian Nobility in the 18th Century." IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, no. 2 (210) (June 28, 2021): 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2021-2-23-34.
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The article is devoted to the study of the coat of arms on the portraits of the military ataman of the Don ar-my Danila Efremovich Efremov, the formation of the nobility in the southern outskirts of Russia. The first portraits of D. Efremov were painted in the Kiev-Pechersk Lavra and on the Don under the influence of the Polish, Malorussian and Russian artistic traditions. The painting of the coat of arms was based on the status of the military ataman D. E. Efremov, the award of the ranks of Major General and privy councilor, the acquisition of the nobility. The author characterizes the controversial issues of the origin of the portrait gallery of D. E. Efremov, and suggests a new dating of its painting based on the study of imperial grants, military and political events on the Don and in Russia. The composition and symbolism of the portraits are revealed, some anthropometric data of the military ataman are described, it is shown that the portraits of D. E. Efremov and his armorial images had a huge impact on the development of the Don ceremonial ataman and senior (starshina) portrait. It is stated and argued that the portrait from the Kiev-Pechersk Lavra in 1752 was preceded by other, not preserved works, from which “freeˮ copies were made. The latter can be independent creations. The author examines the government's attitude to the Don elder, the legal framework that regulated the sta-tus of the regional elite, individuals and positions.
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Piccolo, Olga. "The Portrait of an Italian Woman by Olga Boznanska Exhibited at the Venice Biennale in 1938: New Elements from a Stylistic and Archival Perspective." Perspektywy Kultury 30, no. 3 (December 20, 2020): 211–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35765/pk.2020.3003.14.
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This targeted stylistic, bibliographical, and archival investigation casts a major light on a relevant portrait of a woman by the Polish painter Olga Boznanska, highlighting its rich exhibition and collection. The recent appearance in a Polish auction of a similar painting by Boznanska leads to the hypothesis that the subject of the painting—whose identity still remains a mystery—is the same in both paintings.
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Ekkart, Rudolf E. O. "Jan Cornelisz. van 't Woudt als portretschilder." Oud Holland - Quarterly for Dutch Art History 103, no. 4 (1989): 223–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187501789x00176.
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AbstractIn 1986 B. W. F. van Riemsdijk published an article on the painter/draughtsman Jan Cornelisz. van't Woudt, better known as Woudanus. As well as providing biographical particulars, the article dwelt on some of the artist's paintings and various copper engravings after his designs. Archive research enables us to supplement these biographical details. Jan Cornelisz. is thought to have been born around 1565-1570 in Het Woudt, a village near Delft. He was probably a pupil of the Delft artist Jacob Willemsz. Delff the Elder, whose influence is most apparent in his work. Shortly after his marriage in 1594, Woudanus moved to Leiden, where his bride came from and where Isaac Claesz. van Swanenburg 1537-1614) was a leading painter of the day. For some tweny years Woudanus worked as a painter and print designer in Leiden, where he died in 1615. Of the engravings after his designs, four depicting university institutions - executed by Willem van Swanenburg - are best known. One signed painting by Woudanus is extant: The Surrender of Weinsberg of 1603, in the Lakenhal Museum in Leiden (fig. 1). This large painting corresponds remarkably with the stage directions for a play on the same subject written by Jacob Duym for the local dramatic society, or rederijkerskamer, published three years previously. Woudanus' painting was undoubtedly influenced by the directions in Duym's play. Among the figures in the foreground (figs. 2 and 3) are several portraits, including likenesses of the painter, Dirck Volckertsz. Coornhert and, presumably, Jacob Duym. The rendering of The Surrender of Weinsberg displays a number of special characteristics, such as the use of light and dark patches and the depiction of the hands. There are strong grounds for attributing the blazon of the Leiden Chamber of Rhetoric, D'Oraigne Lelie, of 1606 (fig.4), to Woudanus. Archivalia (see the Appendix) and prints (figs. 5 and 6) show that the artist also painted portraits. A systematic investigation into Leiden portraiture of the late 16th and early 17th century yielded portraits with the same characteristics as The Surrcnder of Weinsberg and which can duly be attributed to Woudanus. The portraits in question are of the Leiden merchant and regent, Huyg van Nes, and his wife, painted in 1606 (figs. 7 and 8), and of another citizen of Leiden, a dyer and former mayor, Claes Willemsz. van Warmondt, and his wife, painted in 1607 (figs. 9 and 10). In view of the discrepancy in size, the latter two portraits are not companion pieces; each is probably half of another pair painted that year in a different format but otherwise identical. The four portraits bear a strong stylistic resemblance to the work of Woudanus' putative teacher Delff. A fifth portrait of 1596, very likely a female member of the Stalpert van Wiele family (fig. 11), may be added to the group with certainty. Differently set up but technically entirely in keeping with Woudanus' work is the profile portrait of the famous scholar Josephus Justus Scaliger in the Leiden Senate Room, dating from 1608 or 1609 (fig. 12). Although not a particularly important artist, Jan Cornelisz. van 't Woudt played a significant role in Leiden between 1596 and 1615 as a history and portrait painter and as a designer of prints depicting a variety of subjects.
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Broos, Ben. "The wanderings of Rembrandt's Portrait of Aeltje Uylenburgh." Oud Holland - Quarterly for Dutch Art History 123, no. 2 (2010): 89–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/003067212x13397495480745.
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AbstractFor more than a century the only eyewitness account of Rembrandt's Portrait of an old woman (fig. 1) was a description made by Wilhelm Bode in 1883. At the time, he was unable to decipher the date, 1632; nor did he know anything about Aeltje Uylenburgh or the history of the panel. However, the painting's provenance has since been revealed, and it can be traced back in an almost unbroken line to its commission, a rare occurrence in Rembrandt's oeuvre. A pendant portrait, now lost, featured the preacher Johannes Sylvius, who is also the subject of an etching by Rembrandt dating from 1633 (fig. 2). Rembrandt had a close relationship with the Sylvius couple and he married their cousin Saskia Uylenburgh in 1634. After Aeltje's death in 1644, the couple's son Cornelis Sylvius inherited the portraits. We know that Cornelis moved to Haarlem in 1647, and that in 1681 he made a will bequeathing the pendants to his son Johannes Sylvius Junior. For the most part of a century they remained in the family. We lose track of the portrait of Johannes Sylvius when, in 1721, Cornelis II Sylvius refurbishes a house on the Kruisstraat in Haarlem. However, thanks to a handful of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century copies, it has been possible to reconstruct the trail followed by Aeltje. In 1778, a copy from Dessau turned up at auction in Frankfurt. It was bought under the name of Johann Heinrich Roos by Henriette Amalie von Anhalt-Dessau. There is a copy of this copy in the museum of Marseilles, attributed Ferdinand Bol (fig. 3). In 2000 an article in the Tribune de Genève revealed that the original had belonged to the Burlamacchi Collection in the eighteenth century, and was then thought to be a portrait of Rembrandt's mother. Jean-Jacques Burlamacchi (1694-1748), a prominent Geneva collector, acquired major works of art, including probably the Rembrandt portrait, while travelling in Holland and Britain around 1720. It was the heirs of Burlamacchi, the Misses de Chapeaurouge, who opened the famous collection to the public. In 1790 or thereabouts, the Swiss portrait painter Marc-Louis Arlaud produced a copy, now in the museum at Lausanne (fig. 4), which for many years was thought to be an autograph work by Rembrandt. The painter Georges Chaix also made a copy, which he exhibited in Geneva in 1823. This work still belongs to the artist's family; unfortunately it has not been possible to obtain an image. After the Burlamacchi Collection was sold in about 1825, the painting was referred to somewhat nostalgically as 'Un Rembrandt "genevois"'. It was bought for 18,000 francs by the Paris art dealer Dubois, who sold it to the London banker William Coesvelt. In 1828, Coesvelt in turn sold the portrait through the London dealer John Smith, who described it as 'the painter's mother, at the age of 62'. We know that the picture was subsequently acquired from Albertus Brondgeest by the banker James de Rothschild (1792-1868) for his country house at Boulogne, as this is mentioned in the 1864 description of Rothschild's collection by Charles Blanc. Baron James's widow, Betty de Rothschild, inherited the portrait in 1868 and it was in Paris that the Berlin museum director Wilhelm Bode (fig. 5) first saw the painting. In his description of 1883 he states that the woman was not, in his opinion, Rembrandt's mother. In 1886 the portrait fell to Betty's son, Baron Alphonse (1827-1905). Bode published a heliogravure of the work in 1897, which remained for many years the only available reproduction (fig. 6). Rembrandt's portrait of a woman was a showpiece in Baron Alphonse's Paris smoking room (fig. 7). Few art historians came to the Rothschild residence and neither Valentiner nor Bredius, who published catalogues of Rembrandt in 1909 and 1935, respectively, had seen the painting. Alphonse's heir was Baron Edouard de Rothschild, who in 1940 fled to America with his daughter Bethsabée. The Germans looted the painting, but immediately after the war it was exhibited, undamaged, in a frame carrying the (deliberately?) misleading name 'Romney' (fig. 8). In 1949, Bethsabée de Rothschild became the rightful owner of the portrait. She took it with her when she moved to Israel in 1962, where under the name of Bathsheva de Rothschild she became a well-known patron of modern dance. In 1978, J. Bruyn en S. Levie of the Rembrandt Research Project (RRP) travelled to Tel Aviv to examine the painting. Although the surface was covered with a thick nicotine film, they were impressed by its condition. Bruyn and Levie were doubtful, however, that the panel's oval format was original, as emerges from the 'Rembrandt-Corpus' report of 1986. Not having seen the copies mentioned earlier, they were unaware that one nineteenth-century replica was also oval (fig. 9). Their important discovery that the woman's age was 62 was not further investigated at the time. Baroness Bathsheva de Rothschild died childless in 1999. On 13 December 2000 the painting was sold by Christie's, London, after a surprising new identity for the elderly sitter had been put forward. It had long been known that Rembrandt painted portraits of Aeltje Uylenburgh and her husband, the minister Cornelis Sylvius. Aeltje, who was a first cousin of Rembrandt's wife, Saskia Uylenburgh, would have been about 60 years old at the time. Given that the age of the woman in the portrait was now known to be 62, it was suggested that she could be Aeltje. The portrait was acquired for more than 28 million US dollars by the art dealer Robert Noortman, who put it on the market as 'Aeltje' with a question mark. In 2005, Noortman sold the portrait for 36.5 million to the American-Dutch collectors Mr and Mrs De Mol van Otterloo. At the time, the Mauritshuis in The Hague felt that trying to buy the portrait would be too extravagant, while the Rijksmuseum was more interested in acquiring a female portrait from Rembrandt's later period. Aeltje was thus destined to leave the Netherlands for good. A chronicle of the Sylvius family published in 2006 shows that Aeltje Uylenburgh would have been born in 1570 (fig. 10), demonstrating that she could indeed be the 62-year-old woman depicted by Rembrandt in 1632. We know that Aeltje was godmother to Rembrandt's children and that Saskia was godmother to Aeltje's granddaughter. Further evidence of the close ties between the two families is provided by Rembrandt's etching of Aeltje's son Petrus, produced in 1637. It is now generally accepted that the woman in the portrait is Aeltje. She was last shown in the Netherlands at the 'Dutch Portraits' exhibition in The Hague. In February 2008 the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston announced that it had received on long-term loan one the finest Rembrandts still in private ownership.
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Priever, Andreas. "Liesborn in Amsterdam. Jacob de Wits Porträt des Liesborner Abtes Gregor Waltmann von 1716." Oud Holland - Quarterly for Dutch Art History 121, no. 4 (2008): 245–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187501708788426666.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn 1971 the Museum Abtei Lieborn of the Warendorf area came into possession of a remarkable and qualitative Portrait of Gregor Waltmann (1661-1739), who had been the abbot of the Benedictine Abbey of Liesborn between 1698 and 1739. During its restoration, the portrait could be identified as a signed work of the Amsterdam painter Jacob de Wit (1695-1754), dated 1716. To this day the only known portrait of De Wit was the Portrait of Pater Aegidius de Glabbais of 1718 (collection Commissie Monumentenzorg Minderbroeders Franciscanen Nederland).This article reconstructs the provenance of the Portrait of Gregor Waltmann, which was most likely assigned to Jacob de Wit by Gregor's brother Jan Woltman in Amsterdam. Most likely the abbot himself never saw his portrait; there is no account of a journey to Amsterdam in 1716, nor is there evidence that Gregor Waltmann knew the catholic painter personally. De Wit returned to Amsterdam from Antwerp in 1715 and devoted himself with success to portrait painting and was initially supported by the catholic community.In the early nineteenth century the portrait was still owned by the Woltman family, who had emigrated to Amsterdam from Lüdinghausen, Westfalen in the 1690s and who over generations had run the soap factory De Vergulde Hand. While the name of the painter over the course of time became forgotten, the catholic family kept the memory of the in 1739 deceased abbot alive with a memorial note.Hardly known outside the county of Münster the signed and dated portrait is an important prerequisite for the determination of further, possibly still preserved portraits of Jacob de Wit.
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Nicolaisen, Jan. "Selbstdarstellung und Spezialistentum in der niederländischen Malerei des I7. Jahrhunderts - ein neuer Fund zur Biographie Hendrick van Steenwijcks d.J." Oud Holland - Quarterly for Dutch Art History 118, no. 3-4 (2005): 121–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187501705x00321.
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AbstractAn inscription in a painting of I636 depicting a church interior by the painter Hendrick van Steenwijck the Younger in the Museum der bildenden Künste Leipzig (Maximilian Speck von Stern-burg Foundation, Inv.No. I62I) has not been read correctly until today. It deserves attention, since it turns out to be the artist's signature and the only surviving source of information about the place and date of Steenwijck the Younger's birth. It reads: H.V.S. nat(us). Ant(werpen).// Ao MDLXXX M(ens). Sept(embris). The inscription is part of an epitaph in which there is also a portrait of Steenwijck the Younger, resembling his portrait by Anton van Dyck in the portrait series of the "Iconographie" published around the same date. The article links this rare case of an artist's self-representation in a painting with the biographical situation of Steenwijck, who probably returned from London to The Hague in I638. An analysis of the painting shows how Steenwijck the Younger integrated this monumental self-representation with the painting and its decoration with altarpieces. The artist himself looks out of the painting, stimulating a direct contact with the viewer, who is furthermore encouraged by numerous minute and delicately painted details to look closely at the painting.
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Laarmann, Frauke. "Hendrick Cornelisz. van Vliet: Het gezin van Michiel van der Dussen." Oud Holland - Quarterly for Dutch Art History 113, no. 1-2 (1999): 53–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187501799x00599.
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AbstractSince I998 the Stedelijk Museum Het Prinsenhofin Delft owns a family portrait by Hendrick Cornelisz van Vliet. Signed in full and dated I640, the painting shows a wealthy and — in view of the details—Catholic family with five children. It predates Van Vliet's well-known architectural paintings by more than a decade, and is therefore very significant for our knowledge of his early oeuvre. In this article, however, attention is focused on the painting's unusual position in the pictorial and iconographic tradition of the North Netherlandish family portrait. We see a husband and wife with their five children, the sons making music with their father. Contrary to what is frequently stated in the literature, i.e. that music is an important attribute in the depiction of harmonieus family life, music hardly features at all in North Netherlandish family portraits of the first half of the seventeenth century. Highly exceptional in Van Vliet's painting is the circumstance that only the males are making music, as is the choice of instruments. The recorders, popular instruments but unique in the tradition of the group portrait, suggest that the sitters were fond of the instrument and wished to be portrayed while engaged in their favourite pastime. The instrument and the music book of the two sons, combined with the other children's attributes, hint at a representation of the five senses. The daughters are respectively depicted with a pecking parakeet (touch), a basket of fruit (taste) and flowers (smell). In this context the sons' attributes stand for hearing and sight, the two most highly ranked senses. With the aid of details in the painting — the obvious references to Catholic religion, the precise dating of the work and the name 'Michiel' in the piece on the music stand — the sitters have been identified as Michiel van der Dussen and Willemina van Setten with their five children: Cornelis, Otto, Anna, Maria and Elizabeth. This insubstantiates the traditional identification of another painting in the Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten in Antwerp as Michiel van der Dussen's family. The Van der Dussens were prominent regents in Delft; however, Michiel's branch of the family was Catholic and thus excluded from holding official executive positions in Delft. They must therefore have been active in other spheres. They are not recorded as having pursued a particular profession; their wealth seems to have accrued from their ownership of property and land. The Van der Dussens are likely to have been of independent means due to the family's erstwhile noble status. Their higher ambitions were confirmed by the marriage of a granddaughter of Michiel van der Dussen to a Baron van Leefdael. This family portrait with its extremely rich imagery, painted in a period when repression of the Catholics in Delft was at its strongest, represents the selfconndence and ambitions of a Catholic family.
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Pottasch, Carol. "The transformation of Adriaen Thomasz. Key’s Portrait of William of Orange." Ge-conservacion 18, no. 1 (December 10, 2020): 190–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.37558/gec.v18i1.827.
Full textAbstract:
When the iconic portrait of William of Orange by Adriaen Thomasz Key was brought to the conservation studio of the Mauritshuis, examination of the radiograph showed that part of the painting was not original. Prior to the painting’s arrival in the Mauritshuis, the left plank of the original oak support had been lost or removed, and replaced by another plank. Also, the whole painted surface, except for the face, was broadly overpainted. During the recent treatment, the conservators made the decision to remove most of the overpaint, and retouch the painting in an illusionistic way. Different options were considered for re-integrating the addition. This paper discusses the ethical and historical aspects that played an important role in the decisions to restore this painting.
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Giometti, Cristiano, and Loredana Lorizzo. "Rondinini paintings rediscovered: A self-portrait by Paul Bril and a ‘witchcraft’ by Pieter van Laer." Journal of the History of Collections 31, no. 2 (September 13, 2018): 333–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jhc/fhy031.
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Abstract The Rondinini family is important for having developed a well-defined taste in collecting during the fifteenth to eighteenth centuries, with an interest in ancient sculpture and painting staged in their palaces and villas in Rome and its surroundings. The most eminent artists active in seventeenth-century Rome worked for them. The paintings presented here are the most relevant examples of a great number of works that have re-emerged during a collaborative research project conducted by the universities of Florence and Salerno on the family’s contributions to the history of collecting. The first is a signed self-portrait by the Flemish artist Paul Bril, a pioneer amongst the landscape painters active in Rome between the late 1500s and early 1600s – a work of large size for the artist (110.0 x 81.5 cm); the second is a ‘witchcraft crowded with figures’ painted by Pieter van Laer, an eminent Dutch painter and leader of the group of masters called the ‘Bamboccianti’.
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Sensibar, Judith L. "“Behind the Lines” in Edith Wharton's A Son at the Front: Rewriting a Masculinist Tradition." Journal of American Studies 24, no. 2 (August 1990): 187–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875800029716.
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A Son at the Front is the story of a war fought, as Edith Wharton said, “from the rear,” a war in which the art of portrait painting becomes a deadly weapon. In John Campton's World War I Paris, where the fashionable portrait painter wields his paintings in a behind the lines battle to gain, as he says, “possession” of his grown son, Wharton probes the sexual politics underlying the development of modernist aesthetics by writing a new kind of war novel. The novel invokes and then questions a central trope of the fiction and poetry that, until recently, has been identified as The Literature of the Great War.
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Olyunina, Margarita V. "Techniques of Yuri Annenkov’s verbal painting (on the example of the literary portrait “Boris Pasternak”)." Science and School, no. 5, 2020 (2020): 31–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31862/1819-463x-2020-5-31-36.
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The article analyzes the ways of creating a verbal portrait in the memoirs of Yu. Annenkov’s „Boris Pasternak” with the substantiation of genre and style features of the considered verbal image which allows to take a fresh look at the already textbook image of the writer. Capturing the image of the poet and prose writer B. Pasternak, the painter creates both a self-portrait and the portrait of the era. Thus, Yuri Annenkov’s literary heritage turns out to be the second portrait gallery, for which the artist once again paints his relatives and dear people, who remained on his canvases. The purpose of this work is an attempt to show the features of verbal image in Yuri Annenkov’s book of memoirs “Diary of my meetings”, “Cycle of tragedies” on the example of the essay “Boris Pasternak”, to enrich the image of the writer through the prism of perception of his contemporary artist. This study is based on comparative historical and functional methods and is based on the works of contemporary literary scholars engaged in the theory and history of prose portrait.
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Koos, Marianne. "Malerei als Augentrug. Alexander Roslins Selbstporträt mit Marie-Suzanne Giroust-Roslin an der Staffelei." Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 83, no. 4 (December 16, 2020): 506–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zkg-2020-4004.
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AbstractThis article examines the unique self-portrait of Alexander Roslin and his artist wife, Marie- Suzanne Giroust-Roslin (1767, Stockholm, Nationalmuseum), in which a male painter for once leaves the place at the easel to a painting woman. This complex multi-figure painting not only commemorates the couple’s friendship with the sitter, Henrik Villhelm Peill. Rather, it is conceived as a double image of love and advertisement – especially for her art. Further, with this painting Roslin takes a programmatic stand for his own concept of painting as much as for that of his wife: Criticized by Denis Diderot in 1765 for not painting but – like women at the toilet table – literally applying makeup, in this selfportrait with his painting wife Roslin undertakes a conspicuous narrowing of these (so different) activities. Roslin takes up the reproach of beautiful appearance and deception in order to let this criticism collapse in a second moment in the artistic concept of the artful deception of the eye – in a deceptively real painting, which – unlike women’s makeup – negates all difference between being and appearance. An in-depth analysis of the extraordinarily refined self-portrait of Madame Roslin with the laughing self-portrait of Maurice-Quentin de La Tour supports this interpretation. In a broader perspective this study is understood as a contribution to the investigation into the metaphorization of painting layers, picture surfaces, and forms of color application in pre-modern art and art criticism.
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Strauss, Roland M. "The Appearance of the Dead San Francisco Solano." OMEGA - Journal of Death and Dying 46, no. 2 (March 2003): 101–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/yavf-77x5-p62a-e1lv.
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When Fransiscan Monk Francisco Solano died, it was decided by the Franciscan order to have his portrait painted in an attempt to preserve his image. The limeñan artist Juan de Aguayo was called and asked to paint the dead priest. He was given no further instructions and started painting 24 hours after death had occurred. But, rather than portraying a lively image of the priest (as is frequently done in posthumous portraits), the artist seems to have painted the monk exactly how he found him (Figure 1). Possible reasons for this peculiar form of artistry are discussed.
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Taha,PhD, Dr Aseel Abdul-Lateef. "Abstract Expressionism Techniques in John Ashbery’s "Self-Portrait in a Convex Mirror"." ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 218, no. 1 (November 9, 2018): 129–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v218i1.531.
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John Ashbery (1927-) is one of the most prominent postmodern poets in America who is known for his innovative techniques. He continues to be the most controversial poet, as he disregards the laws of logic in picturing reality. Ashbery’s style is deeply influenced by the experimental methods of modern painting. He has been mostly associated with Abstract Expressionism that signifies the great progress in the European avant-garde visual art. The Abstract expressionists often choose to present subjects in graceful distortion, rather than attempt to record life with absolute accuracy. Ashbery’s “Self-Portrait in a Convex Mirror” is typical of ekphrastic poetry. It is inspired by a painting which has the same title by the sixteenth-century Italian painter, Francesco Mazzola. The painting is not a realistic portrait of the painter, for it is deliberately distorted as it would be in a convex reflection. Ashbery unfolds the essence of postmodern poetry which illustrates the inability of the forms of language to capture the reality beyond the mental image. Like the Abstract Expressionists, he makes of his poems a depiction of the real workings of the mind which is liberated from all the constraints. Furthermore, the poem is a verbal depiction of the painting; it assumes and transforms the inner voice of the portrait.
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Petrus, Jerzy Tadeusz. "Monachijski portret króla Zygmunta Augusta i uwagi o ikonografii ostatniego Jagiellona." Artifex Novus, no. 4 (March 9, 2021): 24–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/an.7924.
Full textAbstract:
W zbiorach Bayerische Staatsgemäldesammlungen w Monachium jest przechowywany portret króla Zygmunta Augusta, który po ponad pół wieku poszukiwań przez polskich historyków sztuki został niedawno odnaleziony i zidentyfikowany. Ma on ogromne znaczenie dla ikonografii ostatniego Jagiellona bowiem, jak dotąd, jest jego jedynym znanym malarskim przedstawieniem w całej postaci, powstałym za życia modela. Wizerunek pozostaje w związku z miniaturowym portretem monarchy w popiersiu, dawniej w kolekcji arcyksięcia Ferdynanda II Tyrolskiego w Ambras, obecnie w Münzenkabinett w wiedeńskim Kunsthistorisches Museum. Oba obrazy, tego samego autora, powstały na polskim dworze tuż przed połową XVI stulecia. Ich twórca był dobrze obeznany ze stosowanymi wówczas we Włoszech i cieszącymi się uznaniem kompozycjami portretowymi. Monachijski obraz trafił do bawarskich zbiorów Wittelsbachów, jak wszystko na to wskazuje, wraz z wyprawą ślubną królewny Anny Katarzyny Konstancji Wazówny, w roku 1642 wydanej za mąż za księcia neuburskiego Filipa Wilhelma. Należał do zespołu wizerunków członków rodziny Jagiellonów, zabranych do Bawarii przez Wazównę, lecz powstał w okolicznościach innych niż pozostałe portrety i jest dziełem o odmiennej genezie artystycznej.
Ujawniony w zbiorach monachijskich portret nie tylko w istotny sposób wzbogaca ikonografię ostatniego Jagiellona, lecz ma również znaczenie dla wiedzy o królewskim mecenacie.
Summary:
The Bayerische Staatsgemäldesammlungen collection in Munich houses a portrait of King Sigismund Augustus, which was recently discovered and identified by Polish art historians following a quest lasting more than half a century. It sheds important light on the iconography of the last Jagiellonian, as it remains to date the only known representation in pictorial form of the model during his lifetime. It is related to a bust portrait miniature of the monarch, formerly found in the collection of Archduke Ferdinand II of Tirol in Ambras, and nowadays on show in the Münzenkabinett in the Kunsthistorisches Museum in Vienna. Both paintings by the same artist were produced at the Polish court just before the mid-16th century. Their creator was well acquainted with the highly regarded compositional techniques used at the time in portraiture in Italy. All the evidence suggests that the Munich painting found its way into the Bavarian Wittelsbach collections as part of the trousseau of Princess Anna Catherine Konstancja Wazówna, who in 1642 married the Neuburian prince Philip Wilhelm. It was included in the collection of portraits of members of the Jagiellonian family, that Wazówna took with her to Bavaria. However, it was painted in circumstances different from other portraits and is a work with a different artistic genesis.
This portrait unearthed in the Munich collection not only greatly enriches the existing iconography of the last Jagiellonian, but it also makes a significant contribution to our knowledge of royal patronage.
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Ekkart, Rudolf E. O. "Vijf kinderportretten door Dirck Santvoort." Oud Holland - Quarterly for Dutch Art History 104, no. 3-4 (1990): 249–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187501790x00110.
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AbstractA portrait of a young girl with a flute, painted by the Amsterdam artist Dirck Dircksz. Santvoort, has been in the Cleveland Museum of Art since 1975 (fig.1). An inscription on the back of the unsigned painting states that the portrayed child is 'Elisabeth Spiegel'. The museum catalogue relates this painting with two other portraits of children: another unsigned one of a girl with fruit (fig. 3) and a signed painting, dated 1639, of a girl with a dog and a mirror (fig. 2). A fourth work can be added to these three, a picture of a child with a bird perched on her hand, in the National Gallery in London (fig. 4). Contrary to previous assumptions that it was painted in 1630 or 1631, it can now be dated in 1639. The choice of attributes suggest, as was recently intimated by Peter Sutton, that these portraits belong to a series of the Five Senses, the Cleveland painting representing Hearing, and the girls with fruit, the dog and mirror, and the bird picturing Taste, Sight and Touch. The fifth sense, Smell, is probably symbolized in a painting in the museum in Rodez (fig. 5), showing a girl dressed as a shepherdess with a wreath of flowers. Parallels of all depictions of the Senses arc to be found in series of prints and paintings from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Pictures of the Senses in portraits are fairly rare, and were of course only painted when a series of exactly five portraits was required, for instance by a family with five children. An investigation of the Spiegel family confirms the identification given here, yielding the information that in 1638/1639 Elbert Dircksz. Spiegel and Petronella Rocters had five daughters. The portrayed children are Rebecca (fig. 3), Elisabeth (fig. I), Petronella (fig. 5), Margaretha (fig. 2) and Geertruyt Spiegel (fig. 4), born respectively in 1625, 1628, 1630, 1631 and 1635. Evidence that the descendants of the sisters portrayed by Santvoort upheld the tradition of the Five Senses theme in the late seventeenth century is supplied bv an old inventory of a series of portraits of five children from the Slicher family. The respective mothers of their parents, Elbert Slicher and Catharina dc Hochepied, were Elisabeth and Geertruyt Spiegel.
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Kovács, Imre. "The portrait of Liszt as an allegory of the artist in Ary Scheffer’s Three Magi." Studia Musicologica 49, no. 1-2 (March 1, 2008): 91–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/smus.49.2008.1-2.5.
Full textAbstract:
This study examines an allegorical painting by Ary Scheffer, the Three Magi , which represents Liszt posing in the guise of the youngest king, depicted in a sentimental manner. It explores the intellectual background of the picture, the meaning and the reasons behind this peculiar role-play. By identifying the portrait of Liszt with one of the three kings, Scheffer promoted the Artist to a rank that was only attainable by the Biblical kings and the monarchs of this world looking for a model of identification in them through their portraits. The painter wished to provide a pictorial form to the ideal Artist as imagined by Liszt, thus creating the spiritual portrait of the musician desiring to theoretically define himself as an artist. For this reason the painter historicized the representational type of the character of the inspired artist and ingeniously associated it with the iconographic type of the Three Magi . The Three Magi thus becoming a framework-topic, emerged as a metaphor of the concept of the Artist of the age.
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Peklar, Barbara. "The Imaginary Self-portrait in the Poem Roman de la Rose." Ars & Humanitas 11, no. 1 (July 31, 2017): 90–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/ah.11.1.90-105.
Full textAbstract:
“Every portrait that is painted with feeling is a portrait of the artist, not of the sitter…It is not he who is revealed by the painter; it is rather the painter who, on the coloured canvas, reveals himself,” explains the painter who created the evolving portrait of Dorian Gray. Guillaume de Lorris, the author of the medieval poem Roman de la Rose, also presents his soul through the character of the ideal lover, so Amans is a kind of self-portrait. But unlike an ordinary self-portrait, this one does not present the author’s personality. It is painted with words, and such an ekphrastic image is universal or influences the reader in ways that can be explained by the Iser’s reader-response theory. The poem enables the reader to feel love, and transforms him into the ideal courtly lover. As distinct from a painting, the invisible ekphrastic image in this text surpasses appearances and presents the reader with a hidden side of his soul. The object represented by ekphrasis does not exist in the outer world, therefore in the example examined here the reader’s other self is brought into existence. In contrast to a painted self-portrait, which represents the identity of the author, since the picture and the pictured are identical, a word is a sign which refers to something else. A verbal self-portrait which expresses the author’s feelings opens itself up to the reader, who has to complete the image with his imagination. This imaginary image then differs from the external appearance, because it reveals the associated feelings, enables the reader to feel what the author feels, and presents the reader with his other self. The imaginary self-portrait thus does not represent the actual self, but the self that is transformed or improved by the art of love.
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Peklar, Barbara. "The Imaginary Self-portrait in the Poem Roman de la Rose." Ars & Humanitas 11, no. 1 (July 31, 2017): 90–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/ars.11.1.90-105.
Full textAbstract:
“Every portrait that is painted with feeling is a portrait of the artist, not of the sitter…It is not he who is revealed by the painter; it is rather the painter who, on the coloured canvas, reveals himself,” explains the painter who created the evolving portrait of Dorian Gray. Guillaume de Lorris, the author of the medieval poem Roman de la Rose, also presents his soul through the character of the ideal lover, so Amans is a kind of self-portrait. But unlike an ordinary self-portrait, this one does not present the author’s personality. It is painted with words, and such an ekphrastic image is universal or influences the reader in ways that can be explained by the Iser’s reader-response theory. The poem enables the reader to feel love, and transforms him into the ideal courtly lover. As distinct from a painting, the invisible ekphrastic image in this text surpasses appearances and presents the reader with a hidden side of his soul. The object represented by ekphrasis does not exist in the outer world, therefore in the example examined here the reader’s other self is brought into existence. In contrast to a painted self-portrait, which represents the identity of the author, since the picture and the pictured are identical, a word is a sign which refers to something else. A verbal self-portrait which expresses the author’s feelings opens itself up to the reader, who has to complete the image with his imagination. This imaginary image then differs from the external appearance, because it reveals the associated feelings, enables the reader to feel what the author feels, and presents the reader with his other self. The imaginary self-portrait thus does not represent the actual self, but the self that is transformed or improved by the art of love.
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Leonhard, Karin. "Painted Gems. The Color Worlds of Portrait Miniature Painting in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century Britain." Early Science and Medicine 20, no. 4-6 (December 7, 2015): 428–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733823-02046p06.
Full textAbstract:
It has been argued persuasively that we should see the art of the portrait miniaturist as being closely related to the art of the goldsmith – with the painted ‘jewel’ of the portrait set into a richly ornamented piece of jewelry. Indeed, there is a close affinity between Nicholas Hilliard’s art of portrait miniature painting and goldsmithery. His Treatise’s famous section devoted to precious stones reflects this idea, as it is concerned with the relationship of those stones to the colors used in the miniatures, colors that can be seen as surrogates for the stones themselves. Color, light and shadow – these three aspects of how to render the natural world into paint are closely related: it is the complexity of the relationship that demanded a painting technique that took care not to create chiaroscuro-effects and specifically not let color be ‘corrupted’ by shadows or ‘mixed’ with other colors.
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Wagner-Pacifici, Robin. "Portraits of courage: Caught in the sovereign’s gaze." European Journal of Cultural Studies 24, no. 1 (January 9, 2021): 107–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367549420985844.
Full textAbstract:
Reversing the normal vector of sovereign representation, former US President George W. Bush is engaged in an ongoing project of painting his former subjects, hundreds of portraits of wounded US veterans of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. This article explores what it means to have a sovereign observe and render in oil the very subjects he sent to war. It will track the politically vexed communicative exchanges of deference, recognition, power, and identity in such portrait making. Furthermore, assessing the meaning of the invitation to wounded veterans to be painted by one’s former Commander in Chief, the article raises complex issues of victimhood and responsibility. Asking the questions, ‘Who gets to look at whom?’ and ‘Who gets to render whom?’, the article takes as its model Foucault’s analysis of the troubled ‘reciprocal visibility’ in Velazquez’s painting, Las Meninas.
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Bruyn, J. "Een portret van Pieter Aertsen en de Amsterdamse portretschilderkunst 1550-1600." Oud Holland - Quarterly for Dutch Art History 113, no. 3 (1999): 107–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187501799x00445.
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AbstractThe portrait of Symon Marten Dircksz. (1504-1574) preserved in Athens (fig. I, notes 1, 2), was identified on the strength of his coat of arms. The sitter was a staunch Catholic and held high offices in the Amsterdam city government. His portrait, dated 1565, is the earliest specimen of a type that was produced during the last decades of the sixteenth century by the sons of Pieter Aertsen (1507/ 08-1574), Pieter (1540/41-1603) and Aert Pietersz. (1550-1612) (figs. 2, 3, 4, 8, 9). In view of the documented relations between Pieter Aertsen and various prominent Amsterdam citizens and also because of clearly Mannerist features, the portrait may be attributed to the father. It holds a place of its own among Amsterdam portraits of the period and does not relate to any traditional portrait type either in Amsterdam or in Antwerp, where Aertsen had worked until C. 1555. In spite of similarities in the sitters' postures and the ornate background, the portraits attributable to Pieter Pietersz. and Aert Pictersz. (figs. 2, 3, 4, 8, 9) show the style of a younger generation; pictorial space is rendered in a credible way and the figures also appear more three-dimensonal. A late example is the portrait of Hendrick Buyck, signed by Aert Pietersz. and dated 1605 (fig. 8, note 28). The sitter was a successful merchant and joined the Reformed Church, as did most of his brothers and sisters. His portrait contains a wealth of details which may in part point to the traditional idea of transience but also convey information of a more personal nature, as do the texts on the pages of a open cash-book. At his death in 1613 Hendrick Buyck's estate included a small number of paintings, mostly portraits, and one of The Four Evangelists by Pieter Aertsen ('Lange Pier'). This picture may be tentatively identified with one now at Aachen (fig. 10, note 46). A copy of it bears the date 1613 and was in all likelihood made for some member of the Buyck family when the original was inheritcd by the Protestant Hendrick's illegitimate son. The original bears the date 1559 and may well have already been in the possession of Hendrick's grandfather, Cornelis Buyck, who was Pieter Aertsen's neighbour until his death in 1562. POSTSCRIPT HUYBRECHT BEUCKELAER : AN ANTWERP SOLUTION FOR AN AMSTERDAM AND AN ENGLISH PROBLEM The long-standing debate as to whether or not the Monogrammist HB or Hb (figs. 11 and 12) could be identical with Joachim Bcuckclacr, was convincingly settled by Detlev Kreidl (note 27). This author not only analyzed the artist's distinct style but also showed that it was connected with that of Agnolo Bronzino, in whose studio the Monogrammist probably worked. Infrared reflectography subsequently revealed that the Kitchen-maid with a boy and a girl in Brussels (fig. 12), usually thought to be by Pieter Aertsen but attributed by Kreidl to the Monogrammist, bears the signature in full of one H[uybrecht] Beuckelaer, probably a brother of Joachim (note 27). Documents provide scant information on the artist's life. There is evidence of extensive travelling in 1567/68; a letter of 1574 was sent from Bordeaux. His earliest works date from 1563 but only in 1579 did he become a master in the Antwerp guild. This surprisingly late date may be accounted for by the assumption that until then the artist merely (or mainly) assisted other painters. Van Mander relates that Joachim Beuckelaer assisted Antonis Mor for davwages by painting the sitters' attire in their portraits. This piece of information would however seem rather to apply to Huybrecht, who (contrary to Joachim) paid much attention to the rendering of his figures' clothes. An example of his collaboration with Mor may well be the portrait of a nobleman, signed bv Mor and dated 1561, in the Mauritshuis, The Hague (fig. 15, note 64). A number of features in this picture recur in the Brussels Prodigal Son, which bears Huybrecht Beuckelaer's monogram (fig. 11). Huybrecht appears also to have been a portrait painter in his own right. The Style of his Prodigal Son may be recognized in a portrait of Thecla Occo, a member of the powerful Catholic family of that name in Amsterdam (fig. 13, notes 11 and 52). This picture suggests that Huybrecht was familiar with Mor's 1559 portrait of the wife of Jean le Cocq, now in Kassel, where a similar dog (a symbol of conjugal fidelity) lies in its mistress's arm. However, the main inspiration for the style of the Occo portrait comes from portraits Bronzino painted in the mid-1550s. This is borne out by the build of the tall figure with a slender hand dangling from an arm-rest as well as by the narrow shape of the head, enhanced by the strong shadow zone along the right side of the face (cf. fig. 14). From this (and from a similar case to be discussed below) it may be inferred that Huvbrecht visited Bronzino's workshop carly in his career, before working in Mor's studio around 1560. After 1584 there is no further mention of Huybrecht Beuckelaer in Antwerp documents. There is however evidence that he settled in England, probably after the taking of Antwerp by the Spaniards in 1585. A first clue to this effect is supplied by a portrait of Francis Cottington (1578/79-1652), later first Lord Cottington, that was sold at auction in 1922 (fig. 16, note 65). The picture is in many respects very similar to the Prodigal Son though it must, judging by the sitter's age and costume, be dated to the years around 1600, possibly to 1605 when Cottington was appointed secretary to the English ambassador in Spain. The artist's style had remained remarkably constant over the years, and so had his use of Bronzino prototypes. The latter's portrait of the youthful Lodovico Capponi (New York, Frick Collection) must have been in Huybrccht's mind when he designed young Cottington's portrait (fig. 17). There must have been quite a few portraits of distinguished English patrons by Huybrecht Beuckelaer besides the one of Cottington (which is not documented). This is supported by inventories from the years 1583-1590 which mention works by one Hubbert or Hubbard, long considered to have been a Netherlandish artist named Hubert (or Huybrecht - the artist actually used both forms of his name). The works described (notes 72, 73, 75 -77) were mostly portraits. But the earliest mention of his name occurs in connection with A Butcher and a Maid Buying Meat in the Earl of Leicester's collection in 1583. This was obviously a work in the Aertsen-Beuckelaer tradition, such as one might expect from Huybrecht Beuckelaer.
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Sawant, Shukla. "The Trace Beneath: The Photographic Residue in the Early Twentieth-century Paintings of the “Bombay School”." BioScope: South Asian Screen Studies 8, no. 1 (June 2017): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974927617700768.
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This essay examines the interface between the indexical and the gestural, through the practice of early twentieth-century painters active in the Bombay Presidency and adjoining princely states such as Kolhapur and Aundh. It draws upon archival materials such as biographies, memoirs, and photographs documenting artists at work in the studio, as well as remains of posed photographs that were produced as aide-mémoire for paintings. It throws light on the fraught place of photography as aesthetic practice in the art academy, its association with colonial protocols of scientific accuracy, capture and control, and its use to construct suggestive representational hybrids of the anatomical and the painterly outside the academy. The article explores patterns of patronage and of the use of photography in the practices of art production, publication, and exhibition, looking, in particular, at the role of the photographic basis of the portrait painting, and how photography became a supplement to “life-study” or the practice of drawing from nude models. The gendered politics of this interface, between artist, technology, and female model is a recurrent thread of analysis, drawing on critical debates that were published in Marathi periodicals of the time. The article explores the braiding of technologies in artistic practice in different sites, from the academy and the artist’s studio through to publication and exhibition in galleries, and illustrated magazines. While the essay considers a number of artists, including Ravi Varma, Durandhar, and Thakur Singh, it focuses, in particular, on Baburao Painter for his engagement with photography and painting in a career which traversed theater, painting, photography, and film production.
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Wijnands, Clim. "Reflections of the Hidden Duchess and the Moon King: The Tabula Scalata and the Engaged Beholder in Sixteenth-Century Italy." Ikonotheka, no. 29 (September 16, 2020): 79–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/10.31338/2657-6015ik.29.2.
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A tabula scalata consists of triangular slats painted on two sides and attached to a panel, creating a “double image”. Sometimes, a mirror was placed at straight angles of the upper frame, allowing the beholder to see both painted sides at the same time – but only when standing in the right position. This contribution analyses how these scarcely studied devices relied on the beholder’s active participation to convey intertwined layers of artistic, scientific, political, and poetic meanings. To do so, it discusses two sixteenth-century case studies. The first is a lost painting created in French royal court circles around 1550 and subsequently making its way to Rome as a diplomatic gift. The device combined a portrait of Henry II of France, a moon symbol, and a puzzle-ridden poem to convey interrelated political and poetic meanings. The second painting is Ludovico Buti’s Portrait of Charles III of Lorraine and Christina de’ Medici. It was commissioned by the Medici, and originally hung in a room filled with maps and geographical devices. This article considers three aspects central to the paintings’ reception: motion, sensory perception, and ideology. Operating in an intellectual culture fuelled by curiosity and designed to evoke wonder, these devices aimed to prolong the beholders’ attention by establishing thresholds within the artistic experience. As such, they straddled the vague boundaries between painting, scientific instrument, and poem to stimulate the beholders’ senses and involve them in an interactive game of meaning-making.
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Hilje, Emil. "Autoportreti zadarskog bilježnika Ilije iz 14. stoljeća." Ars Adriatica, no. 6 (January 1, 2016): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/ars.178.
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Notarial signs serving to authenticate private and public legal documents emerged in Dalmatia during the 12th century, and by the late Middle Ages they had become a mandatory part of official documents written on parchment for the legal parties. These signs were graphic as a rule: more or less elaborate drawings with decorative motifs, occasionally with integrated typography, yet without any figural elements. Among the very diverse forms of notarial signs preserved in Croatian archives, that of Split’s canon and Zadar’s notary Helias deserves special attention: instead of using a simple graphic symbol, he depicted a young man’s torso, which for several reasons may be presumed to be his self-portrait. More than fifty notarial signs by Helias have been preserved, but it may be presumed that he produced more than a thousand during more than two decades of his career as a notary. These signs are drawing of very small dimensions (3 x 1.5 cm on the average) and most probably not a result of “artistic” ambition, presuming that such terminology applies at all to the visual production of the time. As many other literate men, Helias probably indulged in drawing and incorporated some of this inclination and skill into his work in a peculiar manner. Over the period of two decades, the depicted figure went through several transformations. Starting from a relatively realistic and quite detailed depiction, in the second phase Helias simplified the drawing and enhanced its elements of caricature, ending with a partially stylized and unified version of his sign. Generally speaking, his drawings were closer to the genre of caricature than an official visual representation, which is why he could style them rather freely as compared to the norms that could be observed in the professional circles, especially in the monumental painting of the 14th century. Despite the fact that they seem somehow timeless, their visual features indicate certain knowledge of the formal language of representative painting. Helias’s skilful handling of lines and the ease with which he used a minimum of expressive devices to outline not only the portrait itself, but also the psychological characteristics of the depicted person, are basically a legacy of Gothic visual culture. Self-portrait as a form, albeit absent at least declaratively from medieval monumental painting, was nevertheless present, even if quite rarely and only in isolated cases, in medieval miniature painting (e.g. the self-portraits of St. Dunstan, the notary Vigil, the painter Hildebertus and his assistant Everwinusa, friar Rufillus, the nun Gude, the miniature painter Matthew Paris, or the illuminator Richard de Montbaston and his wife Jeanne). Nevertheless, the paucity of such examples, as well as the spatial and temporal (partly also cultural) distance, makes it difficult to assess the place of Helias’s self-portraits within a broader context. In any case, the group of some fifty portraits from the 14th century, regardless of their dimensions and character, is certainly a peculiar phenomenon in the context of European visual culture. The key point is thereby not the artistic quality of the drawings, but rather the variety of visual communication in 14th-century Dalmatia.
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Geimer, Peter. "Picturing the Black Box: On Blanks in Nineteenth Century Paintings and Photographs." Science in Context 17, no. 4 (December 2004): 467–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889704000237.
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ArgumentIn 1867 Edouard Manet painted the execution of the Mexican emperor Maximilian of Habsburg. Manet broke with the classical tradition of history painting, for he depicted the actual shooting itself instead of choosing moments before or after the execution. Thus, the painting refers to a moment that in real time would have been far too brief to be perceptible. Manet presented a portrait of living actors whose execution has already taken place. This depiction of the imperceptible invites comparison to contemporaneous photographs of extremely short periods of time: attempts to capture flying cannon balls (Thomas Kaife), to take flashlight portraits of patients that would undermine their bodies' reaction time (Albert Londe), to visualize the successive stages of a drop falling into water (Arthur Worthington). Like Manet these scientists referred to an “optical unconscious” (Walter Benjamin). A closer look at their work reveals that they dealt with a space of knowledge that went beyond the classical dichotomy between objectivity and imagination, scientific and artistic pictures.
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Kok, Erna. "A love couple revealed, Jacob Adriaensz Backer's so called David en Bathsheba identified as Isaac and Rebecca." Oud Holland - Quarterly for Dutch Art History 124, no. 2-3 (2011): 119–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187501711798264201.
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AbstractJacob Backer signed and dated (1640) a history piece that until now was entitled David and Bathsheba and is located in Tokyo. The image however, lacks the traditional iconographical motifs from which we can recognize this old biblical story. In this article I propose that the painting is a portrait historié of the wealthy Amsterdam couple Marinus Lowysse and Eva Ment represented as Isaac and Rebecca. Backer modelled his biblical love couple after Rafael's fresco Isaac and Rebecca spied upon by Abemelich in the Vatican. Backer must have known that image from Sisto Badalocchio's print of 1607 in Historia del Testamento Vecchio - this collection of fifty prints was reprinted in Amsterdam in 1638. The identification as Isaac and Rebecca does not show at first sight in the present painting. Therefore, we have to take in consideration that the current image is heavily over painted and the canvas is reduced by almost 65 %. Fortunately a drawing in Braunschweig – that was convincingly attributed by Peter van den Brink as a modello by Backer - offers a clear idea of the monumental standing format of the original painting and it's explicit erotic content. This is particular notable in the slung-leg motif that contemporaries undoubtedly would have recognized as the act of making love. The erotic allusions, the rare subject, and the unusual huge standing format are indicative of a commission. The identification of the commissioners derives from the striking likeness, in features and clothing, that the man in the Tokyo painting shows with the portrait of Marinus Lowysse, that he – as we know - commissioned from Backer in the same year of 1640, a Portrait historié of Marinus Lowysse en Eva Ment, with their children, presenting the history of Christ and the Canaanite Woman, now in Middelburg. Recently an unknown painting of Backer turned up at the art market, which is very likely another portrait of Marinus Lowysse; apparently he was an important client of Backer.
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Olyunina, Margarita V. "THE PORTRAIT OF SERGEI YESENIN IN ESSAYS-MEMOIRES OF YURY ANNENKOV AND MAXIM GORKY." Vestnik of Kostroma State University, no. 3 (2020): 165–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.34216/1998-0817-2020-26-3-165-170.
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The paper presents a comparative analysis of the methods of creating a verbal portrait in the essay by Maxim Gorky “Sergei Yesenin” and in the memoires of Yury Annenkov “Sergei Yesenin”. The possibility and necessity of comparing the two selected works is explained by both the factual material chosen by the authors (both writers devote their essays to Sergei Yesenin) and similar methods of creating a verbal portrait of the poet, and the context of the style of the era, which is reflected in the works and the individual style of each artist. The aim of this work is to substantiate the genre-style features of the considered verbal image of Sergei Yesenin in the abovementioned works, which allows clarifying the created and already axiomatic image of the poet. The study is built using comparative historical and historical functional methods, the works of Alexander Veselovsky, Yuri Lotman, Yuriy Mineralov, as well as the experience of modern literary scholars involved in the theory and history of verbal painting. In the process of the comparative analysis of the works, it was revealed that Yury Annenkov and Maxim Gorky, recreating the verbal portrait of the poet Sergei Yesenin, was primarily seeking to portray him as an exponent of the tragic era. Capturing the image of the poet Sergei Yesenin, the painter creates his self-portrait, surrounded by his beloved, at the background of the era in which he lived, the writer tries to guide the reader inside the poetry laboratory of ‟nature”.
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Davis, Ms Bob. "Glamour, Drag, and Death." TSQ: Transgender Studies Quarterly 8, no. 1 (February 1, 2021): 113–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/23289252-8749638.
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Abstract In the art of three San Francisco drag queen painters we find their highly personal responses to HIV/AIDS and their own mortality. Doris Fish's commitment to glamour wouldn't allow the disease to intrude on her paintings, though she was able to write about her illness's progress in her weekly newspaper column. Jerome Caja made art from the disease's horror by incorporating the ashes of deceased artist Charles Sexton, who died of AIDS, into her works, her way of mastering the carnage. Miss Kitty confronted the disease in an even more personal way, creating art from her own illness by incorporating her prescription for Prozac into one painting and using her emaciated, AIDS-ravaged body as the subject of a photographic portrait by Daniel Nicoletta in which her physical body fades, white on white, into an angel with wings.
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Koshelev, Georgy, and Alexandra Spiridonova. "Alexander Melamid’s Portraiture of the 2010s." Scientific and analytical journal Burganov House. The space of culture 16, no. 2 (June 10, 2020): 33–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.36340/2071-6818-2020-16-2-33-46.
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The article focuses on a comprehensive study of Alexander Melamid’s portraiture included in his first independent project after thirty years of collaborative creativity with Vitaly Komar. Throughout the entire thirty-year period of cooperation, the painters signed their works with the Komar and Melamid trademark making it difficult to determine the artists’ individual characters. A detailed analysis of the solo works of the 60-70s, before the beginning of collaborative creativity, is presented; it helps us to detect individual traits in the works of the duet and to better identify the artists’ personalities, to reconstruct the technical features of each artist’s painting style. In 2007, Alexander Melamid began creating a large-scale series of paintings which would become his new conceptual line of creative work; later, in 2009, the artist developed and supplemented the series with portraits of Italian clergy and Russian oligarchs. Characteristic features of the Holy Hip Hop! portrait series, exhibited at the Detroit Museum of Modern Art in 2008, are studied in the article. The artist paid special attention to the psychological characters of the portrayed, the entire series is painted in one color scheme, within one scale. The pictorial series is an integral conceptual statement. The purely plastic qualities of the paintings fade into the background. They are not so important for Alexander Melamid - he uses academic painting as a tool to convey more accurately the psychology of the portrayed whom he treats with ironic interest. It is important to note that Alexander Melamid erases the line between the classical and the marginal art, just as Francois Millet did in his time. The article succeeded in updating sociocultural issues with the help of contextual comparison with portraiture by Diego Velazquez and contemporary American artist Kehinde Wiley whose creative life has deeply integrated into the socio-political realities of the United States of the beginning of the 21st century and the African-American cultural tradition. Kehinde Wiley is known for his realistic large-scale portrayals of African-Americans in poses borrowed from works of classical European painting of the 17-19th centuries. The artist openly propagandizes, deliberately emphasizing the didactic function of his paintings. It is in the context of contemporaries’ works and the political situation in the USA of the 2000-2010s that Alexander Melamid’s work should be considered.
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Sinclair, Rolf. "Howard Russell Butler: Painter Extraordinary of Solar Eclipses." Culture and Cosmos 16, no. 1 and 2 (October 2012): 345–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.46472/cc.01216.0255.
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Howard Russell Butler (1856-1934) was a successful landscape and portrait painter who discovered a rare talent for seeing an image briefly and then painting it from memory and a few notes. He originally studied physics at Princeton, worked in the nascent telephone industry, and then practiced law. His avocational interest in painting grew until, at age 28, he made the decision to become a professional artist. He sometimes used his unusual talent to quickly sketch transient phenomena (or a busy patron) and then later finish the painting. Since colour photography was then unable to capture the phenomena visible only during a total solar eclipse, Butler was commissioned to capture the nuances and colours of the solar corona and prominences in the precious seconds of several eclipses. His paintings became astronomical classics. He went on to paint other astronomical themes (such as Mars seen from its Moon and design a museum’s Ideal Astronomic Hall, using the astronomical knowledge of his day. Although these scientific works were only a small part of his oeuvre, they mark him as one who uniquely brought together art and astronomy. This talk will show the range of Russell’s works and describe his unusual techniques.
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Schweidler, Walter. "Time and Trace: The Mirror of Time." Kronoscope 14, no. 2 (August 26, 2014): 150–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685241-12341302.
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Diego Velázquez’s Las Meninas is certainly one of the philosophically most interesting, most ambitious and most discussed paintings of all times. It contains a philosophical thesis or insight that can be interpreted in several ways but that also forces the interpreter to come to a precise decision concerning the concrete scenery that is reproduced in this painting. The content of this decision can be characterized quite concretely by the question of the painting’s mirror, which is constitutive for that scenery. The question is if this constitutive mirror is the one that we see in the painting, that is, the visible mirror showing the appearance (or the portrait) of the Spanish royal couple, or if it is an invisible mirror that has disappeared in the painting as we see it now. If the second interpretation is right, then the whole painting is essentially covering the tracks of what is going on in the picture. But what is going on in it? This question has an answer that is widely shared by philosophical interpreters: Las Meninas is a “painting of painting” or a “picture of picture,” that is, a monument of self-referentiality. When we accept this widely shared view and if we apply to it the second interpretation (the hypothesis of the hidden mirror), then the result is that what is at the same time shown and hidden in this picture is the time in which it has been painted. It is—like perhaps every picture or painting—in its essence a transformation of succession into simultaneity; but it is—unlike perhaps any other painting—a presentation not of the result of this transformation but of the process in which it is going on. It presents the time of its creation as a trace covered up by itself.
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Vico, Alexandre. "Lucrècia Borja. L'alteració d’una identitat i l’errònia atribució de la pintura de Flora de Bartolomeo Veneto." SCRIPTA. Revista Internacional de Literatura i Cultura Medieval i Moderna 9, no. 9 (June 12, 2017): 286. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/scripta.9.10348.
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Resum: Aquest treball pretén emfatitzar l’errònia identitat que ha arribat fins als nostres dies de Lucrècia Borja i l’equivocada atribució que se n’ha fet d’alguns retrats. Com ara, la pintura de Flora (c.1520), pintada per Bartolomeo Veneto, que ha passat a la història com una indissoluble identificació de Lucrècia. Els estudis actuals han demostrat que representa un model ideal influït pel context literari probablement relacionat amb Pietro Bembo. Durant el Renaixement, els retrats representen molt més que una identitat concreta i mimètica. Són suports de prestigi i transmissió ideològica, de virtuts morals, memòria, etc. En l’àmbit artístic venecià de principis del segle XVI sorgeixen múltiples retrats femenins de difícil identificació que la crítica freqüentment ha relacionat amb cortesanes, amants, dones. Moltes, però, representen ideals poètics a través dels quals la pintura demostra la seva capacitat de rivalitzar amb la poesia quant a demostració de l’ideal estètic de la bellesa. Aquest breu treball pretén examinar les successives interpretacions historiogràfiques que erròniament han identificat la pintura de Flora amb Lucrecia Borja a causa del valor eròtic pejorativament relacionat amb ella, però també vol posar èmfasi en les altres propostes que han permès que l’obra sigui interpretada amb l’exegesi més adequada. Paraules clau: Lucrècia Borja, Pol Coronado, Retrat, Bartolomeo Veneto, Flora Abstract: This study intended to emphasize the identity has been wrong that has reached our days of Lucrezia Borgia and the wrong attribution has been made of some pictures. One of the most paradigmatic paintings is Flora (c.1520), painted by artist Bartolomeo Veneto. This work has gone down in history as one indissoluble portrait of Lucrezia, but recent studies have shown represents an ideal model influenced by the literary context probably related to Pietro Bembo. During the Renaissance, portraits represent much more than a specific and mimetic identity. They are supports of prestige and ideological transmission, of moral virtues, memory, etc. In the Venetian art scene of the early sixteenth century, multiple female portraits often difficult to identify that criticism have related courtesans, mistresses, wives. Many of these paintings also represent poetic ideals through which painting demonstrate its ability to compete with poetry in terms of demonstrating the aesthetic ideal of beauty. This short paper aims to examine the successive historiographical interpretations erroneously identified the painting of Flora with Lucrezia Borgia due to the erotic value related to her pejoratively, but also wants to highlight other proposals that have allowed the work to be performed with the most appropriate exegesis. Keywords: Lucrezia Borgia, Pol Coronado, Portrait, Bartolomeo Veneto, Flora
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B.D. Budaichiev. "THE PAINTING OF CHUIKOV IN THE PERIOD FROM 1920 TO 1930 YEARS." Herald of KSUCTA n a N Isanov, no. 3 (September 23, 2019): 440–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.35803/1694-5298.2019.3.440-445.
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The article is devoted to the study of the works of S. A. Chuikov, painted in 1920-1940` years, during the formation of the creative way. The painter paid much attention to the creation of genre and portrait paintings. His best works - "In the mountains" (1927),"Boy with fish" (1929),"From the old to the new" (1931), "On jailoo" (1937), "Hunter with the Golden eagle" (1938), etc. attract attention with accurate color findings and definitions that convey a sense of closeness, harmonious connection between man and nature.
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Bella, Takushinova. "Parsuna – the first secular representation of the traditional Russian icon." Resourceedings 2, no. 3 (November 12, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.21625/resourceedings.v2i3.618.
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The second half of the 15th century in the Russian Church history marked a strong decline of spiritual life, which naturally found its reflection in the icon painting. The feeling of integrity of an image, its depth were lost. At the same time, the weakening influence of the Orthodox Balkans and the Byzantine Empire gave way to the influence of the Catholic West with its profoundly different principles of religious art.In this transitional period of the Russian cultural life, characterized by the transformation of the medieval worldview and the formation of new artistic ideals, appeared parsuna (a rough Russian transliteration of the Latin word “persona”) - an early secular portrait of a lay person in the iconographic style that represents an important transition in Russia’s art history. The first pasruna were painted, most probably, by the iconographers of the Moscow Kremlin Armoury in the 17th century. The painters of these portraits were usually monks that tended to be anonymous, showing a humility.Although the stylized forms used in parsuna reveal a lack of concern with preserving the actual features of a person, but rather their overall image (special attributes and signatures allow to define represented), it still can be viewed as one of the very first attempts to look at person not only through the rigid iconographic canons, but also through a prism of psychological interpretation. Thus, this transitional image may be concerned as the initial fundamental step on the way to the further introduction fo the European portrait tradition in Russia.In this study, we would like to consistently trace how parsuna, thanks to its completely new stylistic value, can be considered one of the earliest stages on the way to the secularization of the Russian art in the early 17th century, which led to the separation from the strict iconographic religious canons and, consequently, to the rapprochement with the European art.
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Sayers, Janet. "‘Dear Stokes’: Letters from Melanie Klein about Writing, Painting and Psychoanalysis." Psychoanalysis and History 14, no. 1 (January 2012): 111–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/pah.2012.0101.
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The article consists of letters from Melanie Klein (1882–1960) to the writer and painter, Adrian Stokes (1902–72). Spanning nearly 20 years (from 1940 to 1959) these letters concern family and psychoanalytic matters together with Klein's repeated request for the destruction of a portrait of her by William Coldstream, commissioned by Stokes in honour of her 70th birthday on 31 March 1952.
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Zhang, Michael W. "Boethian Philosophy in Sir Thomas More’s Familial Portrait." Moreana 53 (Number 205-, no. 3-4 (December 2016): 45–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2016.53.3-4.5.
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The works of Boethius had a profound influence on Thomas More, both in his personal life and in his writings. The lives and circumstances of the two politicians/philosophers shared many similarities as well — the two men were trusted advisors to their kings, and both were eventually sentenced to death by the man whom they had served. Beyond coincidences, this connection is rendered visible following an analysis of the familial portrait of Thomas More and his family, originally painted by Hans Holbein, and locating the various Boethian themes that can be found within the work. David R. Smith has called this image a “counter-portrait” as the painting offers a set of intellectual parodies that are produced by contradicting certain pre-conceived expectations. My work will make a more specific claim that this familial portrait of the More household is not only immersed in Boethian themes, but this “counter-portrait” presents a series of active visual contradictions that run counter to Boethian reasoning, creating parodies in the process.
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Van Thiel, Pieter J. J. "Het portret van Jacobus Hendriksz. Zaffius door Frans Hals." Oud Holland - Quarterly for Dutch Art History 107, no. 1 (1993): 84–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187501793x00126.
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AbstractThe bust of Jacobus Zaffius (figs. 1 and 2) in Haarlem's Frans Hals Museum was discovered in 1919. Since that time it has been regarded as a fragment of a large portrait of Zaffius painted by Hals in 1611 and believed to be lost. Jan van de Velde made a print of the missing portrait in 1630 (fig. 3). Recently it emerged that the panel on which the bust is painted is bevelled all round, and that the ground and paint continue over the edges. This means that it cannot be a fragment. The theory that Hals himself painted the copy is untenable. The weak design and indifferent pictorial quality suggest that the painting is a contemporary anonymous copy. An attempt to identify the companion portraits of a man and a woman in Birmingham and Chatsworth (figs. 4 and 5), variously dated as 1610/11 and 1617/18, with a view to establishing their true dates, has failed. It was hoped that if discovered to have been painted in or around 1611, they might have served as material for a stylistic comparison. The investigation yielded only a few supplementary heraldic (fig. 6) and genealogical data. Research in the Haarlem municipal archives uncovered new information pertaining to Zaffius' financial capital and family connections. As archdeacon of the diocese of Haarlem and provost of the Haarlem chapter, Jacobus Hendriksz. Zaffius (Amsterdam 1534-1618 Haarlem) experienced the turbulent history of the Dutch Catholic church during the birth of the Republic. Towards the end of his life he added a few houses to a recently founded bofje of almshouses (fig. 9). Van de Velde's print was made in 1630, when Catholicism had established itself in the Dutch archdiocese and embarked on the documentation of its own history in the form of, among others, portraits of prominent figures of the past.
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De Vrij, Marc Rudolf. "De Meester van de Magdalena-legende en de diptiek van Willem van Bibaut." Oud Holland - Quarterly for Dutch Art History 108, no. 2 (1994): 73–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187501794x00350.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractWithin the range of works attributed to the Master of the Magdalen Legend are a number of Madonnas generally considered to date back to the last decade of the 15th century. All of these pictures are comparatively small and show a rather chubby type of Madonna with the Child slightly out of proportion. The golden backgrounds are punctuated. All these pictures are by the same hand, and are considered to date from the earliest period of the artist's activity. One of these paintings, now in the Mayer-Van den Bergh Museum in Antwerp, shows the Madonna holding the Child at her left breast. There is a second version of this painting on the left-hand panel of a diptych formerly in the Wetzlar collection in Amsterdam. The right-hand panel bears the portrait of a Carthusian monk, and is inscribed Guilelmus bibaucis primas tot [ius] Ordinis Carthusiemum. 1523.. The sitter has been identified as Willem of Bibaut (1484 1535), who became abbot of the Grand Chartreuse monastery in Grenoble in 1521. The portrait was probably painted to commemorate that event. Given that the stylistically very different paintings belonging to the Magdalen altarpiece which gave the artist his name date from the same period, the Madonnas can no longer be regarded as early paintings by the Master of the Magdalen Legend. Apparently they are the work of another artist.