Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Post-apartheid land reform, South Africa'

Scope of the work and sequence of material The published worksl and additional work2 deal with the following topics and themes under the subject of apartheid land law and reform:- • The legal historical antecedents of racial segregation land law; • The development of modern apartheid land legislation from 1910 to the 1980's; • A descriptive model to explain the complexities of apartheid land law as it existed by 1990; • An analysis and discussion of the major issues for post-apartheid land reform, and the dilemmas inherent in the choices; • An examination and critique of the land-related claims in the predominant political manifesto of the major liberation movement (the Freedom Charter of the African National Congress); • A critique of land reform solutions proposed by prominent social scientists in South Africa; • An assessment of developments in land affairs in the period immediately prior to the advent of rapid political change from about 1991 until the elections in 1994; • An appraisal of the issues and themes in South African land reform from a comparative perspective, with particular emphasis on land reform in Latin America; • An analysis of post-apartheid land reform to date, with emphasis on (1) the role of law in land reform and (2) the role of land in social reconstruction.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy by Publication (PhD)
Griffith Law School
Arts, Education and Law
Full Text

This thesis considers different groupings that have come together in their participation in the policy processes relating to tenure reform in post-apartheid South Africa. It is methodologically and theoretically grounded in Bourdieu&rsquo
s notion of cultural &lsquo
fields&rsquo
, spaces of ongoing contestation and struggle, but in which actors develop a shared &lsquo
habitus&rsquo
, an embodied history. In these land reform policies and law-making activities, individuals and groups from different fields &ndash
the bureaucratic, activist and legal &ndash
have interacted in their contestations relating to the legitimation of their forms of knowledge. The resulting compromises are illuminated by a case study of a village in the former Gazankulu &lsquo
homeland&rsquo
&ndash
a fourth &lsquo
cultural field&rsquo
. Rather than seeing these fields as bounded, the thesis recognises the influence of wider political discourses and materialities, or the wider &lsquo
field of power&rsquo
. In each of the four very different fields, as a result of a shared history, actors within them have developed practices based upon particular shared discourses, institutions and values.

The study examines land and agrarian reforms in democratic South Africa focusing on projects implemented under the Comprehensive Rural Development Programme (CRDP) since 2009. Focusing on Bushbuckridge municipal area, the study reviews wide ranging transformative efforts initiated to address agrarian sector inequalities and rural poverty. The review illustrates that modest achievements have been made in restructuring the apartheid political geography manifesting in high levels of asset poverty amongst rural populations and vulnerability to food insecurity. While several factors are explored to explain this, it is discernible that a disjuncture exists between the social justice imperatives and the neoliberal development ideology adopted since transition to democracy. Adopting the sustainable livelihoods approach, the study examines whether the CRDP is adequate to address the needs for land equity in redistribution and to improve rural livelihoods in Mpumalanga, with particular focus on Bushbuckridge municipal area. Furthermore, the study examines the extent to which the implementation of CRDP has met the objective of equitable land redistribution as specified in the policy and also explores the outcomes of implementation, whether necessary conditions to promote the small-scale agricultural sector have been created; for instance, investments in agricultural infrastructure, support services such as credit measures, inputs and capacity building programmes for subsistence sector farming. Through a qualitative inquiry challenges are identified regarding the achievement of equity in land distribution and sustainable livelihoods. The conclusive chapter argues for paradigm shifts in land acquisition, public engagement, gender equity, funding models for subsistence farming, intersectoral co-operation, funding of rural infrastructural projects particularly markets and agro-processing facilities.

Thesis (M.A. (Political Science))--University of Limpopo, 2007
Since 1913 black South Africans have been forcefully dispossessed of land under the racist land laws of the successive white South African governments. In 1994 the black government began to pass land laws that were supposed to provide blacks with land ownership rights. Ten years later blacks have re-claimed less than four percent of the eighty seven percent of the land they were dispossessed of. The failure to return dispossessed land to blacks is attributed to the ideology of the current government with respect to its land policy. This study attempts to fill the void regarding the ideological implications of the land reform policy of the post-apartheid government. We speculate that neo-liberal implications are dominant within this policy. Social democracy can overcome the failure of the policy as it is cost-effective and efficient and attempts to achieve social justice. It can therefore afford dispossessed and landless blacks land ownership.

This was an original case study that aimed to locate South African post-apartheid rural land social movements within existing theoretical approaches. The land social movements organize around land rights and access for landless people and for those whose land rights are weak or threatened. The study analyzed conditions contributing to the emergence of land social movements in the post-apartheid South Africa and struggle methods they employ, using a case study of the Tenure Security Coordinating Committee in KwaZulu-Natal.

The purpose of this study is to explore the role of NGOs in land reform and post-settlement support in the Albany district of the Eastern Cape using a qualitative case study of Masifunde. To discover this role, civil society, land beneficiaries, Department of Agriculture and Department of Rural Development and Land Reform were proved to have interwoven relationships. The interactions and relationships between these entities underpinned their perceptions of each other. This study is set against the backdrop of a weakening land reform program due to frequent policy changes. Evidence presented showed how out of sync land reform is with its original mandate whilst civil society organisations have remained firmly rooted by theirs. The inability to have twin perspectives on this matter diverges the direction civil society and institutions involved in land reform take on. This separation in direction demonstrates the need for engagement between government and civil society in an attempt to assist in areas government is unable to reach or address. This thesis contends that there is definitely a role that NGOs do play and need to take on when it is evident that relevant actors are unable to deliver. Themes emerging from interviews necessitate civil society and government departments to combine their resources so as to maximise the impact for desired outcomes. These are views of both civil society and government, demonstrating that NGOs indeed do play a role in land reform and post-settlement support and need to continuously do so in an attempt to cushion the blows of uneven implementation of land reform policies.

Many land reform projects have been implemented in South Africa since 1994 in an attempt to redress imbalances in land ownership which resulted from the racially biased policies of the South African government prior to 1994. The objective of land redistribution is commercially viable land reform projects, but evidence from various reports and other documents suggests that a large number of these projects have failed. Factors such as poor beneficiary selection, the problematic land acquisition process and a lack of post-settlement support have been reported in a number of studies as contributing to the failure of these projects. This study expands on the work of Kirsten and Machethe (2005) with the main aim of revisiting land reform beneficiaries who were interviewed in 2004/5 and to assess their current performance and status, and to determine whether the prediction and classifications of the 2005 review were correct. The specific objectives of this study were to determine the socio-economic profile of land reform beneficiaries over the five years since the previous study, to show changes in their farming activities, to determine factors affecting the performance of the already transferred projects in the study area and to make recommendations that may help to improve the performance of the land reform projects in South Africa. The performance of projects in 2010 was analysed and compared with that of projects in 2005. A total of 37 of the 43 land reform projects studied in 2005 were revisited and interviews were conducted with representatives of the projects using a structured questionnaire. Government officials responsible for these projects were also interviewed and field observations of the farms were made to verify the responses of the beneficiaries. The results show that the performance and situation of a number of beneficiaries of land redistribution in North West province have not improved since the previous study. Most of the beneficiaries still depend on remittances and social grants. The results indicate decreased production in 43% of the projects visited. As many as 27% of the projects are no longer in operation. Production in some of the projects that displayed success in 2004/5 has decreased, and the number of projects that are not in operation has increased. No production has taken place in four out of ten nonoperational projects visited since the acquisition of the land. The study identified poor infrastructure and limited access to capital and to the market as challenges that the beneficiaries of land reform face in their farming businesses. Conflict among project members was also reported to contribute to the poor performance of the projects and have led to the discontinuation of some projects. Most of the beneficiaries are still not aware of government support programmes such as the Comprehensive Agricultural Support Programme (CASP), even after more than five years in farming. Recommendations have been made to address the poor performance of many land reform projects, both at the programme and project levels. The effectiveness of the existing support programmes should be monitored to ensure that beneficiaries receive assistance. Suggestions from the study include a strong partnership between government and former cooperatives, acknowledging the external and internal factors affecting the relationship between farmers and these agribusinesses. Cooperation between the beneficiaries of land reform, the government and other agricultural stakeholders is essential for the success and sustainability of South Africa’s land reform projects. The results of the study can be used for future evaluations of the performance in land reform programmes. Copyright
Dissertation (MInstAgrar)--University of Pretoria, 2012.
Agricultural Economics, Extension and Rural Development
unrestricted

Thesis (LLM (Public Law))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The 1996 Constitution provides in s 25(7) that individuals and communities who had been dispossessed of rights in land after 19 June 1913, as a result of past discriminatory laws, may claim restitution or equitable redress. The Restitution of Land Rights Act 22 of 1994 reiterates the 1913 cut-off date for restitution claims. The cut-off date appears to preclude pre-1913 land dispossessions. Various reasons are cited for this date, the most obvious being that it reflects the date on which the Black Land Act came into effect. The Richtersveld and Popela decisions of the lower courts appear to confirm the view that historically based land claims for dispossessions that occurred prior to 1913 are excluded from the restitution process. In Australia and Canada restitution orders have been made possible by the judicially crafted doctrine of aboriginal land rights. However, historical restitution claims based on this doctrine are constrained by the assumption that the Crown, in establishing title during colonisation, extinguished all existing titles to land. This would have meant that the indigenous proprietary systems would have been lost irrevocably through colonisation. In seeking to overcome the sovereignty issue, Australian and Canadian courts have distinguished between the loss of sovereignty and the loss of title to land. In this way, the sovereignty of the Crown is left intact while restitution orders are rendered possible. South African courts do not have to grapple with the sovereignty issue since post-apartheid legislation authorises the land restitution process. The appeal decisions in Richtersveld and Popela recognised that some use rights survived the colonial dispossession of ownership. This surviving right was later the subject of a second dispossession under apartheid. By using this construction, which is not unlike the logic of the doctrine of aboriginal title in fragmenting proprietary interests, the second dispossession could then be said to meet the 1913 cut-off date, so that all historically based land claims are not necessarily excluded by the 1913 cut-off date. However, it is still possible that some pre-1913 dispossessions could not be brought under the umbrella of the Richtersveld and Popela construction, and the question whether historically based restitution claims are possible despite the 1913 cut-off date will resurface, especially if the claimants are not accommodated in the government’s land redistribution programme
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die 1996 Grondwet bepaal in a 25(7) dat individue en gemeenskappe wat na 19 Junie 1913 van ‘n reg in grond ontneem is, as gevolg van rasgebaseerde wetgewing en praktyke, geregtig is om herstel van sodanige regte of gelykwaardige vergoeding te eis. Die Wet op Herstel van Grondregte 22 van 1994herhaal die 1913-afsnydatum vir grondeise. Dit lyk dus asof die afsnydatum die ontneming van grond voor 1913 uitsluit. Verskeie redes word vir hierdie datum aangevoer, waarvan die bekendste is dat dit die datum is waarop die Swart Grond Wet in werking getree het. Dit beslissing van die laer howe in beide die Richtersveld- en die Popela-beslissings bevestig blykbaar dat ontneming van grond of regte in grond voor 1913 van die restitusie-proses uitgesluit word. In Australië en Kanada is restitusiebevele moontlik gemaak deur die leerstuk van inheemse grondregte. Historiese restitusie-eise in hierdie jurisdiksies word egter aan bande gelê deur die veronderstelling dat die Kroon, deur die vestiging van titel gedurende kolonialisering, alle vorige titels op die grond uitgewis het. Dit sou beteken dat die inheemsregtelike grondregsisteme onherroeplik verlore geraak het deur kolonialisering. Ten einde die soewereiniteitsprobleem te oorkom het die Australiese en Kanadese howe onderskei tussen die verlies van soewereiniteit en die verlies van titel tot die grond. Op hierdie wyse word die soewereiniteit van die Kroon onaangeraak gelaat terwyl restitusiebevele steeds ‘n moontlikheid is. Suid-Afrikaanse howe het nie nodig gehad om die soewereiniteitskwessie aan te spreek nie omdat post-apartheid wetgewing die herstel van grondregte magtig. Die appélbeslissings in Richtersveld en Popela erken dat sekere gebruiksregte die koloniale ontneming van eiendom oorleef het. Die oorblywende gebruiksregte is later ‘n tweede keer ontneem as gevolg van apartheid. Deur gebruikmaking van hierdie konstruksie, wat dieselfde logika volg as die leerstuk van inheemsregtelike regte en berus op fragmentasie van eiendomsaansprake, kan gesê word dat die tweede ontneming van grond wel binne die 1913-afsnydatum val. Gevolglik sal alle historiese restitusie-eise nie noodwendig deur die 1913- afsnydatum uitgesluit word nie. Dit is steeds moontlik dat sommige pre-1913 ontnemings nooit onder die vaandel van die Richtersveld- en Popela-beslissings gebring sal kan word nie, en die vraag of histories gebaseerde eise moontlik is ongeag die 1913-afsnydatum sal daarom weer opduik, veral indien die grondeisers nie geakkommodeer word in die grondherverdelingsprogram van die staat nie.

The Land Reform projects are primarily challenged by post-settlement support. They mainly rely on government grants to survive and in some instances, projects have failed due to lack of sufficient post-settlement support. There are many government and private institutions and mandated and private businesses that offer post-settlement support to LRAD beneficiaries. Their impact can only be measured against improvements in the livelihoods of beneficiaries. While land reform has been in existence in SA, the main source of support evidently seems to have been the Comprehensive Agricultural Support Programme (CASP) in the form of a government grants. The existence of other sources of post-settlement support cannot be ignored, but the extents to which these support mechanisms are combined have contributed to the improvement of sustainable livelihood of the beneficiaries, as measured through livelihood assets. The main aim of this study is to explore how the LRAD beneficiaries in the Witzenberg Municipality in the Western Cape employ their livelihood strategies. It explores the types of support received by the beneficiaries and how the support has been used. To determine the progress made through the post-settlement support received by the beneficiaries in an attempt to achieve rural livelihoods strategies, the study discusses the status of the farms during the inception and also the current status. Many studies done by role players and academics in the field of land reform mainly explore the monetary benefit and ignore or pay less attention to the livelihood in five capitals. The needs confronting beneficiaries in the form of livelihood strategies are presented in the form of capital; for example, physical, natural, human, social, economic and financial capitals. This paper seeks to establish an understanding of how beneficiaries of land reform achieve their livelihood, given the constraints of post-settlement support to land reform in South Africa.

The purpose of the research was to discover if the dismantling of apartheid had ameliorated the poor pay and conditions of domestic servants in the Eastern Cape, South Africa. I situated these workers in the wider societal context in order to examine their 'quality of life' in addition to their 'quality of work'. Universal features of domestic service have been the depersonalising of the worker and the denial of their adulthood to that of a child. Enriching the data with consideration of some of the life details of the domestic servants interviewed challenges these lingering social practices. I favoured an interpretive methodology in order to give my interviewees the opportunity to 'speak for themselves' and facilitate the exploration of the hidden meanings within the domestic service relationship. Having argued through the thesis that domestic servants are often social constructed, caricatured and 'trapped' into being the 'other', their words are a reaffirmation of their adult status. Hegel's Lordship/bondage paradigm was the starting point of the theoretical analysis, from which I developed my own 'chains of otherness' conception. I sacrificed representativeness in my sample in order to focus on contextualising my theoretical arguments in nine diverse case studies. The outcome was that my research question narrowed to considering improvements in the lives of my nine domestic workers interviewed. However, I have also incorporated quantitative data within the thesis to add depth to my investigation. Grahamstown was the deliberate choice for the research site, as this was also the site of Cock's (1989/79) much-cited Maids and Madams. To return to an original area of investigation was imperative, as within the remit of the research question being asked was a comparison of domestic service during and after apartheid. The distortions of regionalism were minimalised and validated my use of Cock's results as a starting point for my own findings. Mandela's book title Long Walk to Freedom is an apt description of what I discovered. Improvements are beginning to be made but there is still much more to be achieved. Domestic service's inclusion in the ambit of labour legislation and improved conditions of work are positive shifts, but wages are still extremely low and social practices still have racial orientations. In addition to the application of my theoretical arguments, I moved beyond answering the original research question to consider the effects of poverty in the lives of domestic workers and formulated strategies of empowerment. As the thesis has favoured a qualitative approach I not only considered the material factors that are necessary to empower, but also the interrelations between one another that can recognise and promote human dignity.

Abstract Title: Building Trust: The contradiction between security and democracy in post apartheid South Africa Author: Magnus Persson Supervisor: Svante Lundberg This paper aims to investigate the contradiction between security and democracy in post-apartheid South African policing, and was executed on the field together with the South African Police Service (SAPS). The theoretical point of departure is that trust between people, in relation to the institutions of society, is fundamental to democratic development. This in combination with previous research on police reform, police academy socialization, community policing and militarization has lead to the conclusion that a remilitarization process is under way and that a militaristic approach to policing is likely to be counterproductive in terms of achieving democratic development. The study has been executed on a South African police academy as well as at two different police stations with the combined methods of participatory observation and interviews.

Magister Artium (Development Studies) - MA(DVS)
This research places in context a proposed case study of land and property rights of a dispossessed Stockenström (Eastern Cape) community forcibly removed to Friemersheim (Western Cape) during the apartheid era, between 1985 and 1986. This dispossessed community has yet to receive appropriate compensation for that expropriation in the form of restoration of their property rights. This study examines the specifics of the legislative framework, which underpinned the circumstances of their land expropriation, as well as the pattern of land dispossession in South Africa during this era. To this end, it examines the impact of land-related apartheid legislation, which directly and indirectly influenced this community. It focuses on discussions, many of the parliamentary proclamations and statutes such as those passed in 1913, and beyond, which provided the legal context for large-scale land grabs, and contrasts these with the post-1994 land reformation programme. Finally, this research examines the practical implementation of the 1994 land reform programme, especially the component of restitution, with particular reference to the displaced Stockenström community who find themselves facing huge challenges in a democratic South Africa, even after they applied the new rights accorded to them in the land reform programme. It outlines the significance of the new legislative rights conferred on those dispossessed and tracks their land claims successes and failures.

The main aim of this thesis is to examine the processes and procedures for promoting local government democracy in post-apartheid South Africa. This study principally investigates the extent to which local government reforms empower women in local politics, given the context, constraints and contested discourses in the historical meaning of „women‟, as well as the history of institution making in South Africa. In order to achieve this, the study explores local government reforms processes‟ contribution to the nature of women‟s political participation and representation in local politics. The study further explains the relationship between political parties‟ and that of government in the participation of women in local politics. Lastly, the study identifies ingrained factors shaping women‟s participation in local politics prevalent in spite of reforms. The study has adopted an institutionalist approach and uses critical theory in order gain deeper insights about women‟s participation and representation in local politics. The study adopts a qualitative research strategy, due to the fact that it favours particular instruments that are suited to explore some of the experiences and practices of the main actors involved in local politics. It triangulates both secondary and primary sources of data gathered in South Africa. In-depth interviews were conducted with 30 interviewees from two selected municipalities in the province of KwaZulu-Natal, and two sampled political parties as an endeavour to obtain a diversity of viewpoints about the political reforms. Furthermore, the secondary data from government sources and political parties‟ sources was used. Archival research was complemented with municipal reports and policies in order to establish the relationship between national directives and local implementation on institutional development. These methodological approaches were used due to the fact that they highlight the multiplicity and diversity of political institutions that exist even at local level. The findings show that there are political spaces opened through reforms for women to participate in political processes in local government politics. The study found that there are local municipalities led by women mayors and some were under women‟s political leadership from the beginning -- following the second reorganisation of local government. Nonetheless, the levels of state (national, provincial and local) and diverse interests of societal actors in local politics challenged the democratisation processes. Basically, the government has contradictory dominant roles in the reform processes. However, societal actors, which comprise political parties and traditional authorities influence reforms (in) directly. Further findings show contradictions among institutions, which favours other actors in local politics, while restricting women‟s long-term political careers. Overall, this study concludes that the reform process has achieved the objective in opening political spaces for women in local politics. However, these new spaces in a post-apartheid society seem to be depoliticised, which eclipses how the political system remains prone to the influence of multiple discourses of liberation, as well as the partial historical convergence of interests at the local political level.

The premise of the thesis is that the developmental use of urban land should be ethical, fair and promote social justice. Using multiple research approaches and mixed methods this thesis examines the urban land question in South Africa and particularly Cape Town where land distribution and ownership are inequitable. The thesis unpacks land redistribution, land tenure reform and land restitution within this context. It is argued that the South African Constitution commits government to protect the property rights of those who currently own property and at the same time redistribute land to those who have been dispossessed and explores what this tension means for urban land redistribution and reform using the freedoms approach developed by Amartya Sen as a conceptual framework and as alternative to the neo-classical model. The main findings of the thesis can be summarized as follows. a) The thesis demonstrates that there is no logical reason why the freedoms approach cannot be extended to include urban land. b) The entitlements and endowments that urban land could bestow on the urban poor are shaped by how the State invests in land through the instruments of land planning and land use management which call for a significant role for the State as custodian of public land to not only make explicit the land asset register under public ownership but also instill trust in the poorer sectors of urban society. c) A two track system of land planning and land use management may be more appropriate in the post apartheid South African city, one stream for market driven land and one for targeted public land programmes that directly address urban poverty provided that the State is able to make strong connections between the philosophical and the technical aspects of land and land use management systems. d) As a two track system is suggested the land use management system requires to be reframed. To facilitate land redistribution and reform in urban areas of South Africa therefore, the thesis suggests that a deliberative and systemic planning approach needs to be adopted that is intervention focused. Only when the State assumes a more critical interventionist role in public land programmes would it be possible to obtain social justice and the principles of the good city in the South African urban context. e) Gaining access to and control over land resources beyond the market is possible but limiting for the majority of the urban poor when land and housing debates are conflated. This conflation results in other land debates being silenced yet these have the potential to offer alternatives to the neo-classical model of land and land use management as well as promote a wider role for public land than just housing.

Implementation research in the 1970s claimed that implementation was the missing link between policy intent and policy outcomes. This led to the politics-administration dichotomy, which says that there is a boundary between those who make public policy and those who implement it. Although there have been efforts to show that this boundary does not exist, implementation research is considered to have hit a dead end. The ‘missing link’ discourse is still being used and referred to, both in research and in practice. Public policy literature lacks policy analysis frameworks that study policy processes holistically. Using a theory of change approach, this research study proposes a dynamic policy analysis framework that looks at policy context, social networks between policy actors, actors’ beliefs, influences, and their interactions with institutions; in  an effort to understand how public policy processes, affect implementation, and consequently policy outcomes. As a case study this research looks at post-apartheid education policy change in South Africa, which was based on Outcomes Based Education (OBE), and judged to have failed at implementation. The research finds that implementation is affected by policy interpretation and that in the South African case; the new curriculum (Curriculum 2005) was interpreted differently by different actors, leading to a divergence of outcomes from policy objectives. This was mainly a result of poor information flow between policy actors, which in turn was facilitated by social forces underlying policy processes. The research also finds that context is important; Curriculum 2005 was designed and implemented without a proper understanding of what teachers and learners needed at the classroom level.

The thesis examines the political economy of trade policy reform in post-apartheid South Africa. It challenges mainstream accounts of contemporary trade policy in South Africa, which have advanced a solely economic rationale to explain the policy choices made by the ANC governments since 1994. The thesis argues that, far more than these accounts concede, international and domestic political economy considerations have also played a central part in the ANC governments' calculations to undertake trade reform to the degree it has. Trade reform in South Africa has been the linchpin of a global adjustment strategy pursued by the domestic political elites by which they have sought to fulfill South Africa's global, regional and domestic political and economic objectives. At the global level, the South African state has vigorously pursued trade liberalisation in order to shed its past image of international pariah and reintegrate itself into the global economy on the basis of outward-oriented growth. Restoring South Africa's international political respectability has been as important as reversing its economic marginalisation in the international division of labour. At the regional level, the South African state has used trade policy reform as a foreign economic policy tool not only to rebuild political and diplomatic relations with African countries strained during the apartheid era - but also to advance its hegemonic ambitions, particularly in Southern Africa, as well as reinforce the region's ability to engage with the forces of economic globalisation. The extent to which South Africa's regional hegemonic ambitions can be achieved, however, lies ultimately with how adeptly the country can reconcile these regional aspirations with its domestic pressures. At the domestic level, trade reform has been deployed by the decision-making elites not only to lock in the government's austere macroeconomic policy but also to curtail the power of domestic interests that have benefited from trade protectionism in the past. In return for their co-operation, the South African state has allowed these interests, notably business and labour, enhanced institutional representation in economic policymaking. In this sense trade policy has been employed to serve domestic as much as foreign political and economic policy ends.

The unprecedented scale of health sector reform in the course of radical political transformation in post-apartheid South Africa is well-documented. This thesis examines child health policy reform as a crucial part of this process. The goals of broader health sector reform were to improve the overall health status of citizens, in particular those most vulnerable, and eliminate inequities in health service provision and health status outcomes. Although children were accorded explicit prioritisation during this time, child health indicators remain poor and some have worsened. Amidst the documented explanations for the poor progress with child health indicators, the specific role and contribution of child health policies had not been interrogated. The thesis examines the development, design and implementation of national child health policies, with particular focus on equity. The National School Health Policy serves as a case-study for the analysis. Three complementary policy analysis frameworks guide the enquiry. Findings are based on a documentary analysis of key policies and 81 qualitative interviews with national policy makers and managers, provincial and district managers, and service providers in three socioeconomically different provinces of South Africa. The common assertion by South African health system analysts, that "policies are good, but implementation is poor", is refuted by this research. The findings show that child health policies have many deficiencies in their design and development. These "poor policies" contribute to inadequate child health service provision, which in turn have a bearing on poor child health outcomes. In particular the failure in clearly defining and conceptualising equity in policy development and design contributed to the absence of equity considerations in the implementation phase. The explanations for these policy failures include: lack of strategic direction for child health services; poor policy making capacity; a lack of clear policy translation; and the diverse politics, power and passion of policy actors. Broader health system factors, such as an immature and poorly functioning district health system, compound these policy failures. The thesis deepens the understanding of child health policy reform through a retrospective policy analysis and so contributes to the body of knowledge on policy reform in South Africa and in low- and middle-income countries more generally.

South Africa, emerging from the yoke of colonialism and imperialism embarked on an ambitious land reform programme during the 1990’s. It was anticipated that land reform would take place effectively and sustainably. However, evidence to date revealed that land reform has been a failure and the cause thereof can be attributed to the lack of post settlement support. The focus of the research was to find out whether post-settlement support is the reason behind successful projects and if so to highlight the necessity of post-settlement support in land reform projects. The methodology used was through review of literature, legislations and policies on land reform and analysis of case studies. Outcome of the research indicates an intricate relationship between land reform and post-settlement support. The transfer of land to land reform beneficiaries must go hand in hand with the effective provision of post-settlement support for projects to be success and sustainable.
College of Law
LL.M

This paper undertakes an indepth study of the Kipi land restitution claim. This study focuses on the nature of the settlement achieved in the case ofthe Kipi land claim and covers the period 1993 to 1999. It compares the Cato Manor reconstruction and development process and the Kipi land restoration and housing process within the Durban Metropolitan's Inner West Council area. The study does this by tracing the history of the Kipi community's relationship with the land, documenting the communities resistance of the removal in terms of the Group Areas Act and presenting a critical examination of the communities efforts to reclaim and develop their land. The study uses the case ~tudy method to analyse the principles embedded in this settlement and attempts to draw on these to inform possible policy recommendations in respect of other urban land claims. The central thesis of this dissertation argues that the quality of restitution delivery is directly affected by the degree to which it is located within local development coordination and management institutions and structures. In the Kipi claim the Council chose negotiation rather than the apartheid planning principles of prescription and coercion. This resulted in a integration of the housing and restitution processes. It is in this light that the role of the land claims working group which was set up by the Commission and the Durban Metro Inner West local council is evaluated. While in the Cato Manor case the Council chose to follow the legal route and opposed restoration in terms of section 34 of the Restitution ofLand Rights Act. The consequences of following the legal route has been that the housing and land restitution processes have been compartmentalised. It is argued that post apartheid planning is indeed a complex process that needs to engage creatively and flexibly with issues of over due social justice and the current development needs of the urban poor. It is important that in reconstructing the urban landscape that communities are involved in planning models that focus on bottom up processes for successful outcomes.
Thesis (M.Dev.Studies)-University of Natal, Durban, 2003.

Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for MASTER OF ARTS BY COURSE WORK AND RESEARCH REPORT In the Graduate School for the Humanities, Social Sciences and Education in the faculty of Arts in the University of Witwatersrand July 2015
The purpose of this study is to investigate how the media have been reporting on land and agrarian reform developments in South Africa focusing on the post green paper (2011). Land and agrarian reform has been a sensitive field in the post-apartheid South Africa mainly because of the racial disparity on land ownership and the widening gap between the rich and poor. This study explores the literature available on land and agrarian reform, tracing the history of dispossession back to 1650 when Jan van Riebeck built a Fort in Cape Town in the shape of designated reserves. The 1894 Glen Grey Act, the 1913 Native Land Act and the 1936 Native Trust and Land Act as well as sundry other apartheid racist laws led to forced removals of native South African from their fertile lands into reserves, whilst the minority whites were acquiring vast tracks of farmland (Hendricks 2000, Baldwin 1975). This study further explores post apartheid government’s efforts to reverse the history of dispossession. The Department of Land Affairs introduced sundry policy interventions since 1994 which were supported by the Constitution of South Africa and in line with the dictates of the RDP program. These include the White Paper on Land Affairs (1997) policy framework, and several laws on land tenure, restitution and redistribution. South African democracy is more than two decades old, yet the land reform process is far from achieving the 30% target which had been set to be met in five years. More than three quarters of the productive agricultural land is still in the hands of the white minority, communal tenure system have not yet fully been addressed, farm labourers are still working under squalid, land restitution has been successful mainly on urban financial compensation claims and some rural land claims are still to be resolved. The media is the main vehicle which the government is using in communicating their land and agrarian reform policies, laws and developments. The study also debunks on the current media debates on how it has been reporting on developmental issues, particularly land and agrarian reform. Researchers argue that the duty of the South African media to inform has shifted towards a Western tradition which privilege economic, political and intellectual elites whilst ignoring the grassroots voice (Genis 2006:111-112). In order to validate this claim, the study used the agenda setting theory as a plumb-line. This theory argues that the media institutions and journalists are influenced by major institutions of society such as the economic, political and financial organizations when choosing what they want to focus on and the angles their stories will take. In order to effectively investigate the how the media has been reporting on land and agrarian reform developments in South Africa, both quantitative and qualitative content analysis were used. The researcher collected 192 stories from the following five media houses, Mail and Guardian (weekly newspaper), Daily Maverick (online daily news), SABC News Online (online daily news which captures SABC News radio and television channels), Farmers Weekly (weekly farmers’ magazine) and Business Day (daily business newspaper). The stories which focused on land and agrarian reform during the period September 2011 and August 2014 were selected from these media institutions using purposive sampling techniques. The findings were gathered, analysed, and compared. The key findings of this research were that the media partially fulfilled its role as a disseminator of land reform information. This is seen in the wide coverage of major land reform events during the study period. Of concern however, are the sources which were used, set agendas, story structures and the quality of journalistic writing. This study also established that each media outlet had its own preferred sources who dominated the land reform discourse. Most of the stories represent the interests and voice of the minority elite at the expense of the landless and the marginalised rural communities. Most criticism to the land reform proposals came from organised commercial agriculture and opposition parties. These emphasised the threats of land reform changes to food security, economic and financial viability of some proposals as well as their potential to destabilise the agricultural sector and the economy at large.

The purpose of the study was to investigate the effects of the underutilisation of the restored farmlands in the Taung area of the North West province, South Africa. The study was based on the two communal property institutions: the Sebuemang-Khaukhwe Communal Property Association (CPA) and Rethabile Mosimane Trust. This study was grounded in the theory of the Sustainable Livelihoods Framework (SLF). A qualitative research methodology was used to guide the study, while the SLF was used to guide the study, relevant data gathering methods, and the selection of measuring instruments led to the acceptable findings. The findings of the research study have confirmed that there were some effects of the underutilisation of the land in the two communal property institutions (CPIs). The underlying factors of the underutilisation of the land were found to be the institutional weaknesses of the state, and to a lesser extent, the institutional weaknesses of the CPIs. Furthermore, the findings revealed that the effects on the beneficiaries of the two CPIs, were not as massive as contemplated due to the contribution of the state’s social welfare programme on the livelihoods of the beneficiaries. Some of the effects identified were namely: no farm production, no sale and income of farm production, no home consumption of farm produce surplus and no employment. Additional to that host of the factors of vulnerability there are that rose from them i.e.: poverty, destitution, and emotional effects (frustration and anger) and ultimate conflict eruption in the CPIs. In conclusion, the study made recommendations based on key issues which some are: Adequate livelihoods and technical support by state, state’s policies review, retention of the state’s social welfare support, requesting of the private sector to contribute to land reform and rehabilitation of the old gravel road by a relevant state organ (Dept: Public works).
Development Studies
M.A. (Development Studies)

Between 45-57% of South Africans are estimated to be engulfed by poverty. In an attempt to identify policy instruments that could help change this status quo, the various strategies that have been implemented in countries (e.g. China, Vietnam and Uganda) that are known to have been relatively successful in reducing poverty are reviewed. In the process, this dissertation discusses the literature regarding poverty, with a particular emphasis on the definition, measurement and determinants thereof. Furthermore, South Africa's anti-poverty strategies are discussed. It turns out that these have met limited success. This is largely due to insufficient pro-poor economic growth, weak implementation/administration at the municipal level, slow asset redistribution, high income/wealth inequality, low job generation rate by SMME's, high HIV/AIDS infection rate, public corruption and inadequate monitoring of poverty. Therefore, if meaningful progress towards poverty reduction is to be achieved, the government needs to deal with the foregoing constraints accordingly.
Economics
M.Comm. (Economics)

This dissertation concerns the history of land politics in South Africa and, equally, land as a vehicle for understanding the transition from apartheid to the post-apartheid order. In 2004, after a decade in power, the ANC government’s failure to carry out widespread land reform began to test the country’s democratic possibilities. In the lead up to that year’s national election, social movements urged landless people to boycott the polls and occupy land instead as part of a “No Land! No Vote!” campaign. With this clash as its entry point for analysis, this dissertation examines historical factors that have shaped South Africa’s neoliberal democracy and prospects for redistribution. It offers insights into some of the most significant questions facing the country: What is the historical relationship between land dispossession, citizenship, and politics in South Africa? And why, well into the Mbeki years, was the country unable, or unwilling, to reckon with it? Broad in scope, this dissertation examines a number of institutions that shaped the politics of land, economic development, and citizenship in South Africa over the last century. It is particularly focused on period of the 1940s-2004, encompassing the apartheid era and the first ten years of democracy. I begin by recasting the history of apartheid pass laws in the mid-twentieth century, widening the scope beyond their role in containing labor mobility and controlling access to cities. I show how vagrancy laws were one piece of a continuum that stretched through jails and prisons to rural plantations, supplying labor to farms and subsidizing agricultural development. Later chapters examine how, beginning in the 1970s, the World Bank and other international institutions helped shape the contours of land and housing policies and the relationship between states and citizens. My research also shows how, during the apartheid transition and through the Mandela and Mbeki administrations, private prisons and harsh criminal justice reforms became integral parts of neoliberal economic development. This dissertation weaves together the history that has shaped South Africa’s ‘dispossessed democracy’ and concludes with a discussion of the implications for social movements and political change.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--York University, 2006. Graduate Programme in Political Science.
Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 489-528). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:NR29487

Student Number : 0419886N - MA research report - School of Politics - Faculty of Arts
“The longing for a better world will need to arise at the imagined meeting place of many movements of resistance, as many as there are sites of enclosure and exclusion. The resistance will be as transnational as capital. Because enclosure takes myriad forms, so shall resistance to it.” - Iain A Boal, First World, Ha Ha Ha!, City Lights, 1995 Boal’s description captures the exuberance, hope and confidence of today’s social movements. That there is something irresistible about autonomous, grassroots and subaltern movements in their anti-systemic alternatives to capitalism has become a notion which has gained considerable currency in recent years.1 Formations of these groups (the Zapatistas being the oft cited example) are seen to mirror theories of the most utopian and radical forms of democracy. In Part 1 we seek to examine a range of critical historiography in exploring the features of what is ‘new’ in today’s social movements, using Zapatista style organization and discourse as the prototype. This definition will be moulded with the elements of critical theory which have at their core a radical transformative function of social movements. For example Castells’ work on urban movements pictures: “collective conscious action aimed at the transformation of the institutionalized urban meaning against the logic, interest and values of the dominant class.”2 We will draw from Murray’s assumption that such movements “actively contest the prevailing forms of political representation and the legitimacy of political rule.”3 New social movements (NSM) will be seen within the context of anti-normative approaches to democracy. An alternative pole of reference will emerge in contrast to what we will term low intensity, liberal, parliamentary or bourgeois forms of democracy. All this will be lodged in an understanding of old social movements. We hold these to be single issue movements that fail to forge links to other sites of oppression and exploitation, or movements which take on a narrow class composition and understanding of change. Implicit in moving on from narrow, and or,Marxist-Leninist positions over class, is the multiplicity of relations humans have within the social body. This refutes crude economism conceptions regarding the make-up of the working class.4 However, capitalism and our relations to production, still remain central in understanding the relationship of the subject to the social body. We suggest recent crisis points and weaknesses in capitalism (detected as neo-liberal trends) provide plenty of scope for weaving an historical dialectic back in. Evidence for this comes from critical theory which claims, perhaps falsely, to be founded on anti-essentialism.5 We argue that it is commodification which breeds this resistance against the totalizing effect of capitalism at every level of the structure. Thus neo-liberalism embodies for much of this critical thought the subject of a “Fourth World War” fought by the multitude. 6 The mobile nature of contemporary capital and the immaterial essence of its production to define the multitude – essentially disenfranchised and disaffected subjects – has led to an expanded definition of the old working class.7 The multitude is the reinvention of some social subject invested in an historical project. This multitude has taken on a particular guise, moving away from traditional conceptions of a revolutionary class. As Negri and Hardt note: “The closer we look at the lives and activity of the poor, the more we see how enormously creative and powerful they are”.8 The poor embody the ontological condition not only of resistance but also of productive life itself.9 However, we will also attempt to locate moments within the subject that go beyond the indeterminacies and moments of rupture within the structure. Careful attention will be paid to Zizek’s subject of lack, in assessing the carnivalesque and irrational moments of today’s movements and the role of what we will view as a renewed sense of voluntarism. We remain conscious that we are forging a vision of new social movements which forges an at times uneasy alliance across a variety of groups who challenge dominant structures at different times, spaces and ways. It is sometimes tempting to lump various “anti-globalisation” groups together, without grasping the intricacies and nuances that bind as well as divide them. Ultimately, we accept some of the essentialist critique that can be levelled at NSM theory, recognizing a trope of romanticism around struggle is deliberately and necessarily invented. This will be fully discussed in the controversial claim that some movements and elements of civil society have more validity than others. It will be considered in claiming that moments of oppression, subordination and exploitation require articulation and don’t erupt into historical trajectories of struggle. This requires the development and expression of relative rather than fixed universals (e.g. around democracy, right to water, right to land). It is commodification and neo-liberalism that provides the stimulus for such relative universals. We shall see that they revolve around issues that are real to subjects in the narratives of their struggles and lives.11 Finding some fixity of meaning and experience ensures our analysis is not post-structuralist. Post-structuralism has fostered awkward relationships with truths which have, as Mamdani has noted, not always led to a basis of a “healthy humanism”.12 It leads to a universalized aestheticization whereby truth, reduced to merely a style effect of discursive articulation, forges an endless spectrum of interpretation/re-interpretation. 13 Moreover, it can be utilized to create legitimacy for fascist, colonialist and imperialist discourses. Part 1 attempts to provide the basis for the rest of the work by developing an understanding of the historicity of new social movements and what makes them different to other forms of political and social organisation. This is critical for later discussion which will draw upon the experiences of South Africa. In Part 2 we seek to build from the radical civil society theory and tease out features and characteristics of it within anti-apartheid social movements. This will involve an exploration around township civics which were and are often bundled under the umbrella of the United Democratic Front (UDF). Many of these were built around notions of People’s Power, economic transformation and social justice. We will consider the ideology present in these movements and how it played out in realities, acknowledging the highly repressive scenario of the apartheid state. Within these movements we will flesh out radical spaces and visions which appeared to have dissipated in the ANC hegemony over the decolonisation process and subsequent “transformation” project. We will not shy away from advocating that there were features within such radical spaces, such as Charterist, and or, unity projects, which emerged at various times to create implicitly anti-democratic politics. 14 Such problems as we will see went to the core of the UDF and also into the geo-polities of South Africa which became “ungovernable” in the 1980s. Depoliticization was not just a performative effect of ANC strength or “Stalinism” as often narrated by the left, but a weakness in the structure and formation of civil society. 15 We explore whether it was not just the ANC that “demobilized” the grassroots, but that the form and functioning of civil society that contributed to the conditions in which movements’ own radical notions of People’s Power and direct democracy dissipated. Part 3 will look at this demobilization within the context of the transition to democracy during the negotiated settlement.16 We scrutinize the nature of the period from apartheid to liberal democracy, noting trajectories of struggle which mark both eras. We argue that elements and goals in the struggle that sought a very different democracy to that gained at the CODESA talks have re-emerged in the deepening disillusionment of the ANC project after ten years of governance. This has within some discourse included the ability of the nation-state generally, within neo-liberalism, to bring about social justice. Yet, the suggestion that this is the period of “economic” rather than “racial” apartheid will need to be carefully explored in the context of Fanon’s characterization of national liberation elites.17 While noting the benefit an economic approach has in distinguishing the role of dominant classes, we suggest it can overshadow explicit structures of racism that penetrate to the core of South African society. They are brought out for example by grassroots movements such as the Landless People’s Movement (LPM), in their campaign that equated landlessness with racism. Finally Part 4 examines the extent characteristics we ascribe to the new social movements of South Africa correspond with the features of anti-apartheid struggles of the 1980s. Moreover, it requires us to assess the critical theory developed in Part 1 in terms of realities in post-Apartheid South Africa. We note the apprehension in considering parallels between anti-apartheid struggles and current rights based struggles. While there have been a few attempts to make links within a continuation of struggle from apartheid to neo-liberalism18, all too often, the anti-apartheid struggles that invoked notions of People’s Power have been dismissed as undemocratic, authoritarian and reactionary.19 While an attempt to wipe the slate clean might be useful in carving out a fresh and dynamic image for contemporary social movements, it perhaps ignores that there are similar issues, rhetoric and ideologies being played out today. We will explore whether the historiography simply seeks to justify and re-create contemporary social movements to create ammunition for particular strands of political theory judged to be liberationist and correct within the current historical juncture. Are we carving out a fictional historicity within the identity of struggle that doesn’t exist? Are narratives created more for attachments to a belief in certain “historical” processes than less sharply defined realities? Is the multitude, merely Marx’s 19th century industrial working class, vested with an imaginary historical project? Noting the background of many individuals involved within the APF (trade union, SACP), we need to discuss how they have been placed on a new trajectory of thought given the features which define today’s subjects in NSM compared to orthodox Marxist-Leninist thought around the revolutionary subject. We hope a sketch of the past and an analysis of the present may contribute in the current debates within the social movements during a critical time for anti-capitalist struggles in South Africa. This work is not concerned with producing exhaustive lists of repressive acts conducted by the state, the brutality of private security firms, or broken election promises, but in uncovering the structure of the post-apartheid state and how social movements respond and re-create themselves. Despite their youth, they represent the first serious contestation of ANC hegemony in terms of an alternative discourse around democracy, social justice and transformation. This work has been made possible through regular contact with social movements in Gauteng. Informal participatory discussions with various activists and communities within these struggles have been invaluable and enlightening. Such first hand experience has provided an insight into the operative nature and democratic functioning of a variety of movements including the role of vanguards and leadership. My attendance at various forums and discussions, such as the Social Movements Indaba (SMI), has also been vital. Fundamentally, the work hinges upon a critical exploration from three areas. Firstly, in the discussion necessary to establish a historicity of new social movements which will point to their methodological and epistemic construction. Secondly, upon an understanding of the South African experience that can cover an immense ground from apartheid into liberal-democracy which is aware and responsive to a wide range of historiography. Thirdly, a series of interviews and personal reflections from discussions with various activists across South Africa. Some are well known leaders. Others form part of the collective multitudes beginning to emerge and speak through the fissures of South African society. Relationships that I have made, as well as recent political events, culminated in the choices of the Khayelitsha township of Cape Town, Alexandra in Johannesburg and Harrismith in the Free State as the sites for this part of the research.21 The methodology hinges upon an accurate reflection and assessment of contemporary social movements from the people who participate and function within them, together with an historiographical account of social movements in the South African experience. Limitations here are perhaps obvious. Interviewees may have the tendency to be modest or emphasize their own personal role in struggles. Attendance of community meetings and forums is hoped to counter-balance this together with the use of contemporary subject work. However, there can be no objective yardstick by which to judge the contributions found in this paper. Furthermore, the lack of rigour within the methodology would alarm the majority of modernist and positivist historians and commentators. Yet, it is with this aim that the work attempts to accept the criticisms of romanticism, myth, euphoria and narratives in seeking to forge the very conditions outlined by Boal in which we might find the same “imagined meeting place” and discussion of freedom.

This study sets out to contribute to the expansive development of Systematic Theology and Black Theology, particularly in the struggle for economic justice in the democratic South Africa. The liberation of black people in South Africa and across the globe is the substantive reason for Black Theologies‘ existence and expression. The study‘s reflections on economic justice and Black Theology as sites of the intellectual focus and analysis is central to understanding the conditions of existence for the majority of South Africa‘s citizens, as well as understanding whether the fullness of life based on dignity and freedom as articulated in biblical witness, particularly John 10:10 is manifest for black people in South Africa. The study also seeks to identify, describe, analyse and understand the emancipatory theories and praxis, which entail a plethora of efforts they undertake to liberate themselves. Understanding and engendering the nexus of social practice and theological insights in the articulation of Black Theology as a particular expression of systematic theology, and drawing attention to the ethical foundations undergirding Black Theology, are important in demonstrating Black Theology‘s role and task as a multi-disciplinary discipline which encompass and engender dialogue within and between theory and praxis, and theology and ethics. This study thus suggests that since the locus of Black Theology and spirituality is embedded in the life, (ecclesial and missional) work (koinonia) and preaching (kerygma) of black churches, they have the requisite responsibility to engage in the efforts (spiritual and theological) in the struggle to finding solutions to the triple crises of unemployment, inequality and poverty which ravage the quality and dignity of life of the majority black people in post-apartheid South Africa. This study therefore concludes by asserting that, there are a variety of viable options and criteria relevant for facilitating economic justice in South Africa. These strategies include transformational distribution of land to the majority of South Africans, the implementation of heterodox economic policies which engender market and social justice values in the distribution of economic goods to all citizens. It also entails prioritization of the social justice agenda in economic planning and economic practice. In theological language, economic justice must involve the restoration of the dignity and the wellbeing of the majority of South Africans, who remain poor, marginalised and disillusioned. It also entails promoting justice as a central principle in correcting the remnants of apartheid injustices, which limit transformational justice which enables and facilitates equality, freedom and economic justice for all South African citizens.
Philosophy, Practical & Systematic Theology
M. Th. (Systematic Theology)