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Journal articles on the topic 'Post-colonial Fiji'

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1

Kaplan, Martha. "The Coups in Fiji: Colonial Contradictions and the Post-Colonial Crisis." Critique of Anthropology 8, no. 3 (December 1988): 93–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308275x8800800306.

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2

Duncan, Lynda. "Coup editorial content: Analysis of the Fiji 2000 political crisis." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 8, no. 1 (June 1, 2002): 10–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v8i1.727.

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Both the Fiji Times and the Daily Post reinforced the colonial myth that Fijian chiefs are the rightful rulers of Fiji, emphasising that Fiji, and this presumably means Fijians, was not ready for a multiracial constitution.
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3

Bedford, R. D. "Population movement in Post-Colonial Fiji: Review and speculation." GeoJournal 16, no. 2 (March 1988): 179–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02433013.

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4

Young, Raymond. "Gender, mobility and urban place in Fiji: From colonial to post-colonial wanderings." Asia-Pacific Population Journal 15, no. 3 (August 23, 2000): 57–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/d099a4e5-en.

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5

Lotherington, Heather. "Language choices and social reality: Education in post‐colonial Fiji." Journal of Intercultural Studies 19, no. 1 (April 1998): 57–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07256868.1998.9963455.

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6

Lewis, Nancy Davis, T. P. Bayliss-Smith, Richard Bedford, Harold Brookfield, and Marc Latham. "Islands, Islanders and the World: The Colonial and Post-Colonial Experience of Eastern Fiji." Geographical Review 80, no. 4 (October 1990): 466. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/215865.

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7

McNicoll], [Geoffrey, Tim Bayliss-Smith, Richard Bedford, Harold Brookfield, and Marc Latham. "Islands, Islanders and the World: The Colonial and Post-Colonial Experience of Eastern Fiji." Population and Development Review 15, no. 4 (December 1989): 769. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1972605.

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8

Presterudstuen, Geir Henning. "The Mimicry of Men: Rugby and Masculinities in Post-colonial Fiji." Global Studies Journal 3, no. 2 (2010): 237–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/1835-4432/cgp/v03i02/40692.

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9

Puamau, Priscilla Qolisaya. "A Post-colonial Reading of Affirmative Action in Education in Fiji." Race, Ethnicity and Education 4, no. 2 (June 1, 2001): 109–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/136113320120055954.

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10

Kanemasu, Yoko, and Gyozo Molnar. "Double-trouble: Negotiating gender and sexuality in post-colonial women’s rugby in Fiji." International Review for the Sociology of Sport 52, no. 4 (September 9, 2015): 430–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1012690215602680.

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Although women’s exclusion in sport has attracted significant attention in the western context, similar issues in relation to post-colonial societies have remained in the margins of the sociology of sport. By analysing primary, interview-based evidence, in this article we explore the challenges female rugby players face regarding gender and sexuality in Fiji: a male dominated post-colonial society. In particular, we focus on participants’ resistance to dominant cultural practices and ways in which they (re)negotiate gender norms and sexuality in a double-bind struggle against both traditional and sporting male hegemonies. We argue that the case of Fijian women rugby players illustrates an interplay between a multiplicity of power relations in sport in a post-colonial society and the resilience with which the athletes negotiate and respond to them, as well as the dynamic nature and the transformative potential of their everyday practices.
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11

Larson, Erik, and Ron Aminzade. "Nation-building in post-colonial nation-states: the cases of Tanzania and Fiji." International Social Science Journal 59, no. 192 (June 2008): 169–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2451.2009.00690.x.

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12

Lawson, Stephanie. "The Myth of Cultural Homogeneity and Its Implications for Chiefly Power and Politics in Fiji." Comparative Studies in Society and History 32, no. 4 (October 1990): 795–821. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001041750001673x.

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Since Fiji's independence in 1970, a chiefly establishment drawn largely from the eastern regions of the island group has dominated the government there and, through the Alliance Party, has managed, in one way or another, to retain power in successive electoral contests until its outright defeat in the general elections of April 1987. The new government comprised a coalition of the National Federation Party (NFP), supported largely by the Fiji Indian community, and the Fiji Labour Party, which was essentially multiracial. Before the elections, Dr. Timoci Bavadra, the Labour leader, had been chosen to head the coalition. An indigenous Fijian “commoner” from the western region of Fiji, Bavadra's victory in April 1987 represented a break in a long history of eastern chiefly political predominance established and consolidated under colonial rule, and carried forward into the modern context of post-independence politics.
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13

Hartley, Sarah Clare. "Interweaving Ideas and Patchwork Programmes: Nutrition Projects in Colonial Fiji, 1945–60." Medical History 61, no. 2 (March 6, 2017): 200–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2017.2.

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The influence of a range of actors is discernible in nutrition projects during the period after the Second World War in the South Pacific. Influences include: international trends in nutritional science, changing ideas within the British establishment about state responsibility for the welfare of its citizens and the responsibility of the British Empire for its subjects; the mixture of outside scrutiny and support for projects from post-war international and multi-governmental organisations, such as the South Pacific Commission. Nutrition research and projects conducted in Fiji for the colonial South Pacific Health Service and the colonial government also sought to address territory-specific socio-political issues, especially Fiji’s complex ethnic poli,tics. This study examines the subtle ways in which nutrition studies and policies reflected and reinforced these wider socio-political trends. It suggests that historians should approach health research and policy as a patchwork of territorial, international, and regional ideas and priorities, rather than looking for a single causality.
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14

Shoup, Brian D. "Ethnic Redistribution in Bipolar Societies: The Crafting of Asymmetric Policy Claims in Two Asia-Pacific States." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 4 (December 2011): 785–802. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153759271100394x.

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Many post-colonial states use ethnically-based redistribution (EBR) programs to address economic inequalities between dominant minority communities and professedly autochthonous majority communities. Nevertheless, despite considerable efforts such programs have generally failed in terms of advancing the economic status of majorities. In this article I will suggest that EBRs in post-colonial states are not solely intended to ameliorate economic gaps, but rather are also a policy tool used by governing elites to advance a narrative of state ownership, and by extension a decidedly non-liberal notion of democratic citizenship. I explore this claim through an analysis of Malaysia and Fiji, two post-colonial states characterized by persistent asymmetric claims by ethnic majorities who claim legitimacy by virtue of indigenousness. The discussion will focus first on the formation, deployment, and persistence of claims of ethnic hierarchy by professedly indigenous groups. Second, attention will be paid to how such claims are linked to demands for ethnically based redistribution following a direct challenge to extant ethnic hierarchies. Finally, the policies will be assessed both in terms of their stated economic objectives and in terms of their ability to generate a broader sense of autochthonous identity.
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15

Singh, Shailendra. "The evolution of media laws in Fiji and impacts on journalism and society." Pacific Journalism Review 21, no. 1 (May 1, 2015): 126. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v21i1.152.

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This article examines the cultural, political, ethnic and economic forces that have shaped the evolution of media legislation in Fiji and the evident impacts on journalism and society. The article argues that despite Fiji’s British colonial heritage and its smooth transition to democracy after Independence in 1970, the spectre of stricter legislation has been a constant threat. This threat finally materialised in the post-2006 coup period, when media-related laws underwent a major overhaul, including the promulgation of the punitive Media Industry Development Decree 2010, which was later ‘preserved’ under the 2013 Constitution despite being labelled ‘undemocratic’. The 2006 coup leader Voreqe Bainimarama, who was decisively voted back into power as Prime Minister in the 2014 General Election, justified the media reforms in the name of social stability and progress. This research uses document review to examine the genesis, nature and efficacy of Fiji’s media-related laws, from the colonial to postcolonial periods, and beyond.
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16

Kelly, Evadne. "The Political and Religious Tensions of Fijian Dance in Canada: Renegotiating Identity Through Affect." Congress on Research in Dance Conference Proceedings 2014 (2014): 106–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cor.2014.14.

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Recent performances ofmeke, a “traditional” Fijian song-dance genre, in Canada indicate a renegotiation of identity among Fijians in diasporic communities. However, due to religious and political anxieties involving Fiji's colonial history, not all Fijians in Canada will participate inmeke. To explore this, I draw from archival research and fieldwork conducted in Western Canada and Viti Levu, Fiji (2011–2012). Additionally, I take inspiration from the anthropological theory of affect, whereby the body has the ability to be affected (to feel/sense) and to affect others (causing others to feel/sense). I argue that experiences and expressions of powerful feeling states in and surroundingmekeperformance are important in terms of renegotiating Fiji's past colonial and present post-independence realities while negotiating new connections and relations in multicultural Canada.
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17

Ratuva, Steven. "‘Failed’ or resilient subaltern communities? Pacific indigenous social protection systems in a neoliberal world." Pacific Journalism Review 20, no. 2 (December 31, 2014): 40. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v20i2.165.

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The notion of failed state is based on culturally, historically and ideologically slanted lenses and tends to rank post-colonial societies at the lower end of the Failed State Index (FSI). Likewise, the Social Protection Index (SPI) uses neoliberal and Western-based variables and tends to disadvantage subaltern post-colonial communities as in the Pacific. This article reverses this trend by arguing for a re-examination of the factors which shape the resilience and adaptability of local communities, something which has always been ignored by mainstream classificatory schemas such as the FSI and SPI. To this end, the article examines the indigenous and local human security and social protection systems in the Pacific and how these provide support mechanisms for community resilience and adaptation in the face of a predatory neoliberal onslaught and globalisation. It focuses on kinship, reciprocity, communal obligation and communal labour as examples of social protection mechanisms in four case studies—Fiji, Samoa, Kiribati and Vanuatu. Of significance here is the role of critical and progressive journalists and media in deconstructing the ideological and cultural bias embedded in these discourses.
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18

Kanemasu, Yoko, and Gyozo Molnar. "‘Representing’ the voices of Fijian women rugby players: Working with power differentials in transformative research." International Review for the Sociology of Sport 55, no. 4 (July 12, 2019): 399–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1012690218818991.

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The politics of research practice has been discussed extensively in ethnographic and methodological literature, and increasingly in sport research literature. In this article we intend to contribute to the growing body of transformative research in the sociology of sport with reflections on our experience as dominant group researchers in a post-colonial, sub-cultural sporting environment; women’s rugby union in Fiji. We first examine the dilemmas and uncertainties engendered by our gendered/sexual positionalities and how we have sought to negotiate them. We also place our research in the context of Pacific islanders’ continuous effort for knowledge decolonisation and examine the ways in which our research replicates colonial silencing of local voices, however inadvertently. Finally, we explore the broader transformative potentials researchers may contribute to by situating their work as a collective and dialogic project within and beyond academic exercises, between researchers, athletes and others.
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19

Davie, Shanta Shareel, and Tom McLean. "Accounting, cultural hybridisation and colonial globalisation: a case of British civilising mission in Fiji." Accounting, Auditing & Accountability Journal 30, no. 4 (May 15, 2017): 932–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aaaj-11-2013-1519.

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Purpose This historical study explores accounting’s association with processes of cultural hybridisation involving themes such as image-(un)making, alliance-formation and norm-setting as part of Britain’s civilising mission during the era of modern globalisation. In doing so, the purpose of this paper is to examine the manner in which accounting may be implicated in micro-practices through which multi-layered socio-political relations of inequality are produced. Design/methodology/approach Archival materials enable an accounting understanding of the historical processes of image-(un)making, norm-setting and formation of a hybrid form of rule through elite indigenous alliances. Findings The study finds that the British Empire’s colonial project on civilising the indigenous peoples in British Fiji involved: the (un)making of indigenous identities and their moralities; and the elaboration of difference through ambiguous, partial and contradictory application of accounting in attempts to support the globalised civilising course. The globalising challenges indigenous peoples faced included accounting training to change habits in order to gain integration into the global imperial order. The study also finds that the colonised indigenous Fijians had emancipatory capacities in their negotiation of and resistance to accounting. Research limitations/implications The paper identifies avenues for further accounting examination of such processes in the context of post-colonialism and current forms of neo-liberal globalisation. Originality/value By investigating accounting’s association with processes of cultural hybridisation, this paper makes a significant contribution by providing the detail on the role of accounting records kept by the British Empire to facilitate Britain’s domination and control over the colony of Fiji and its residents.
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20

Fry, Greg. "Political Legitimacy and the Post-colonial State in the Pacific: Reflections on Some Common Threads in the Fiji and Solomon Islands Coups." Pacifica Review: Peace, Security & Global Change 12, no. 3 (October 2000): 295–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713604485.

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21

Spennemann, Dirk H. R. "Groundwater, Graves and Golf: Layers of Heritage Tourism on a Fiji Resort Island." Sustainability 13, no. 11 (May 23, 2021): 5863. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13115863.

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While island resorts in the South Pacific are primarily marketed as sun, sea and sand destinations, cultural dimensions value-add to and diversify the product for mixed audiences. Resort developments require, at minimum, the compliance with legally mandated environmental standards and adherence to national employment legislation. Socio-culturally and environmentally sustainable tourism concepts should exceed mandated environmental standards and be characterised by a close involvement with and respect for the expectations of local host communities who may hold land and/or traditional usufruct rights. But do resort developments comply? Using an example of a resort established on free-hold land during the pioneering days of resort development in Fiji, the aim of this paper is to provide a deliberation of the tension between organic resort development and sustainable tourism on private land. It will show that, where cultural and environmental planning controls were absent, development not only could progress unfettered but also that changes to tourism philosophies are not necessarily reflected in changes to a resort. The island of Malolo Lailai (Viti Levu, Fiji) has a rich and multi-layered history and heritage (Fijian, European and Chinese plantations, resort development) that provides an opportunity to value-add to the tourist experience. In reality, however, the ongoing resort development extinguishes past histories in favour of a post-occupation, twentieth-century colonial settler narrative, where heritage sites are merely allowed to co-exist provided they do not impact on resort development objectives. It demonstrates that, in the absence of external regulatory controls, the resort owner’s philosophy dominates and shapes the tourist experience.
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22

Lea, David A. M. "Book reviews : Bayliss-Smith, T.P., Bedford, R., Brookfield, H. and Lantham, M. 1988: Islands, islanders and the world: the colonial and post-colonial experience of eastern Fiji. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. xvii + 323 pp. £30.00 cloth." Progress in Human Geography 14, no. 1 (March 1990): 129–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030913259001400108.

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23

White, Geoffrey M. "History, Memory, and Nation in the (Post)Colonies:Represented Communities: Fiji and World Decolonization.;Cultural Memory: Reconfiguring History and Identity in the Postcolonial Pacific.;In Colonial New Guinea: Anthropological Perspectives." American Anthropologist 105, no. 1 (March 2003): 164–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.2003.105.1.164.

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24

Robie, David. "Tanah Papua, Asia-Pacific news blind spots and citizen media: From the ‘Act of Free Choice’ betrayal to a social media revolution." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 23, no. 2 (November 30, 2017): 159–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v23i2.334.

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For five decades Tanah Papua, or the West Papua half of the island of New Guinea on the intersection of Asia and the Pacific, has been a critical issue for the region with a majority of the Melanesian population supporting self-determination, and ultimately independence. While being prepared for eventual post-war independence by the Dutch colonial authorities, Indonesian paratroopers and marines invaded the territory in 1962 in an ill-fated military expedition dubbed Operation Trikora (‘People’s Triple Command’). However, this eventually led to the so-called Act of Free Choice in 1969 under the auspices of the United Nations in a sham referendum dubbed by critics as an ‘Act of No Choice’ which has been disputed ever since as a legal basis for Indonesian colonialism. A low-level insurgency waged by the OPM (Free West Papua Movement) has also continued and Jakarta maintains its control through the politics of oppression and internal migration. For more than five decades, the legacy media in New Zealand have largely ignored this issue on their doorstep, preferring to give attention to Fiji and a so-called coup culture instead. In the past five years, social media have contributed to a dramatic upsurge of global awareness about West Papua but still the New Zealand legacy media have failed to take heed. This article also briefly introduces other Asia-Pacific political issues—such as Kanaky, Timor-Leste, Papua New Guinean university student unrest, the militarisation of the Mariana Islands and the Pacific’s Nuclear Zero lawsuit against the nine nuclear powers—ignored by a New Zealand media that has no serious tradition of independent foreign correspondence.
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25

Asch, Michael. "From Terra Nullius to Affirmation: Reconciling Aboriginal Rights with the Canadian Constitution." Canadian journal of law and society 17, no. 2 (August 2002): 23–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0829320100007237.

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RésuméL'État canadien se présente comme tolérant, anti-colonial et auto-critique. Cependant, la justification légale de la Couronne pour acquérir souveraineté et juridiction sur les Peuples autochtones et leurs terres s'appuie sur la doctrine coloniale de la terra nullius qui est fondée sur le postulat que les peuples indigènes étaient inférieurs au point de permettre à la Couronne de présumer que leurs terres étaient inoccupées. L'article analyse comment la doctrine de la terra nullius a fini par s'appliquer en droit canadien et ses limites en tant que proposition acceptable dans la contemporanéité. Dans un second temps, il évalue des alternatives proposées dans des milieux variés pour déterminer si la conceptualisation et la mise en œuvre d'une relation politique et légale entre les Premières nations et le Canada qui serait post-coloniale dans sa perspective et pratique, est possible.
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26

Bigirimana, Jean Baptiste. "Langue et droit." Language Problems and Language Planning 32, no. 1 (April 7, 2008): 23–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.32.1.03big.

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Langue issue de la colonisation, le français s’est imposé depuis un siècle et a fini par occuper une position de domination par rapport au kirundi et aux autres langues en présence au Burundi. Après avoir supplanté le kirundi comme langue du droit, il demeure de facto langue de l’administration et bien d’autres domaines clés concernant la vie d’un Burundi pourtant monolingue lato sensu, et malgré la restriction, voire l’abandon de son statut officiel intervenu depuis les constitutions de 1993 et de 2005. Par souci de respect des lois nationales et des instruments juridiques internationaux, mais aussi dans la foulée de l’universalisation des droits de l’homme, une certaine revendication du droit à la langue maternelle semble émerger, se fondant sur le rôle prépondérant joué par cette dernière dans un réel et durable développement. Cette préoccupation ne va pas sans soulever une évidente contradiction interne aux visées d’une francophonie soucieuse de s’assurer, en principe, du respect à l’égard des langues locales d’Afrique ou d’ailleurs érigées en partenaires, mais que, en pratique, la situation réelle au quotidien, due en l’occurrence à la diglossie kirundi-français pour le cas du Burundi, minimise par le poids culturel et l’aura du français, toujours perçu comme vestige colonial. Il s’ensuit une sorte d’hybridation à la fois linguistique et sociétale, comme une dimension importante dans la reconfiguration du Burundi post-colonial, et que la gestion du multilinguisme, voire de ses implications politiques, doit dorénavant prendre en compte.
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27

"Islands, islanders and the world: the colonial and post-colonial experience of eastern Fiji." Choice Reviews Online 27, no. 04 (December 1, 1989): 27–2238. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.27-2238.

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28

Burness, Ilana Harriet. "Historical Account of Democratisation and Constitutional Changes in Fiji." Kathmandu School of Law Review, May 31, 2013, 105–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.46985/jms.v3ispecial.1007.

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Fiji a country of 300 islands, having multi-ethnic communities, has gone through a number of constitutional changes from Colonial to post independence time. This paper vividly explores the constitutional history of the Fiji along with a critical review on emerging issue of the ‘Draft constitution’ listing the key human rights violation that occurred during the three Coup de Tats and comparing ‘consociational’ to ‘hegemonic’ constitutions.
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