Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Post-Colonial India'

Thesis (M.S.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Architecture, 1996.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 181-195).
All cultural production is a consequence of its context and is infused with meaning and identity. A preoccupation with the visual and symbolic aspects of architectural form and its cultural meaning has led to an increased autonomy of the architectural object. This thesis posits that architectural forms do not have fixed, unchanging and singular meanings, but that they acquire meaning in particular contexts- historical, social, cultural and political. Certain forms or stylistic motifs, acquire, embody or are perceived to represent the identity of a nation or cultural groups within a nation. The confluence of a search for 'Indianness' and the post-modern thought in architecture is a paradoxical aspect of the recognition of the autonomy of architecture. In the contemporary India, the search for a 'Tamil' identity, may be perceived as an attempt to create a distinct, regional identity as opposed to the homogenous and universal national identity. This is similar to the creation of a 'British-Indian' identity as opposed to the western one, by the British, in the last quarter of the 19th century. In this attempt to create a regional identity, the same or similar regional architectural forms and stylistic motifs were the source and precedent to represent both 'Tamil' and 'British-Indian' identity. This would imply that the forms do not have a singular meaning but that they are embodied with meaning and symbolism in particular contexts. This is exemplified by a trans-historical comparison between two colonial and contemporary buildings in Madras, South India. The Post and Telegraph Office, 1875-84 (Architect: Robert Chisholm) and the Law Court, 1889-92 (Architect: Henry Irwin) represent the two trends within 'Indo-Saracenic' architecture. The former draws precedents primarily from local, regional and classical Hindu temple architectural traditions while the latter from the 'Indo-Islamic' Mughal architectural tradition. The Valluvar Kottam Cultural Center, 1976-8 (Architect: P. K. Acharya) and the Kalakshetra Cultural Center, 1980-2 (Architects: Mis. C. R. Narayanarao & Sons) represent the search for an indigenous 'Tamil' architecture. The sources for the former are primarily from the Dravidian style classical Hindu temple architecture of the region while the latter is inspired by the local and regional traditions. Paradoxically, the same or similar forms manifest opposing ideals, and represent colonial and post-colonial identities, respectively.
by Aparna Datey.
M.S.

This thesis examines the role of the secular State in the making of modern constitutional government in India and argues that the practice of constitutional secularism is an unrealised pedagogical project whose goal is the transformation of Indian society and its politics. Toleration is the core value defended by the liberal secular State and the Indian State is no exception; however, its institution in the Indian Constitution compels religious groups to reformulate their traditions as doctrinal truths. Through decisions of Indian courts I demonstrate that this is an odd demand made on non-Semitic traditions like Hinduism because even up the contemporary moment it is difficult to cast these traditions in terms of doctrinal truths. Though reformulated religious identities are occluded descriptions of Indian religious traditions, I argue that they have gained considerable force in contemporary India because they were drawn into constitutional government as the problem of accommodating minority interests. Accommodating minority identities was part of an explicitly stated pedagogical project through which the British colonial government was to steward what they supposed to be irreconcilably fragmented 'interests' that comprised Indian society towards a unified polity. Though the Indian Constitution reworked the politics of interests toward the amelioration of social and economic 'backwardness', I argue that the rights granted to the Scheduled Castes, Other Backward Classes, and Minorities continue to mobilise these groups as reformulated religious identities with associated interests. Thus as recognisably occluded accounts of Indian society, I demonstrate that reformed religious identities and indeed the practice of secular constitutionalism functions like a discursive veil that screens off Indian social experience from the task of generating solutions to legal and institutional problems.

This thesis examines Indian author Raja Rao’s critically neglected work. I read Rao’s production as a strategic, yet problematic, negotiation of hegemonic narrativizations of Indian history, which attempts both to propose alternative histories and deconstruct the ontology of modern western historiography. Rao’s often criticised use of essentialism in his works is here examined as a strategic deconstructive tool in the hands of the postcolonial writer. More specifically, I wish to show how his early novels Kanthapura and Comrade Kirillov resist colonial depictions of India through both linguistic and cultural structures. Rao’s stylistic negotiation is effected through a use of the English language mediated by the Indian writer’s sensibility. Both novels enforce strategies working through opposition. They provide alternative accounts counterbalancing strategic absences in the records of colonial Indian historiography while attempting to recover the voice of protagonist subalterns. In my examination of his later novels The Serpent and the Rope, The Cat and Shakespeare and The Chessmaster and His Moves, I argue that a more effective strategy of intervention is at work. It attempts to disrupt from within the discursive features of post-Enlightenment European modernity, more specifically the premises of Cartesian oppositional dualities, homogeneous ideas of linear time, and the centrality of imperial spaces, while problematising the hybrid and heterogeneous character of Rao’s narrative.

This dissertation aims to combat the general neglect into which the study of Indian princely states has fallen. Covering nearly 40% of the Indian subcontinent at the time of Indian independence, their collapse soon after the departure of the British has discouraged both anthropologists and historians from choosing Princely states as an object for study in terms of both chronological as well as social depth. We are left therefore with major gaps in our understanding of the Princely State in colonial times and its post-colonial legacies, gaps which this thesis aims to fill by focussing on relationship of king and subject in one of the largest and most important of these states – the Princely State of Mysore. One of the few influential texts concerning colonial princely states is Nicholas Dirks’ The Hollow Crown (1987), a study of the state of Pudukkottai in pre-colonial times, whose thesis is suggested by its title. Essentially Dirks argues that Royalty was integral to ritual, religion and society in pre-colonial South India, and that these ties were torn apart under colonial rule (although little evidence is given to prove this), when the Princely ruler was deprived of all political and economic control over the state. This dissertation takes up, qualifies and contradicts this argument in several important ways by using a combination of historical and anthropological methodologies. Our examples are drawn from the state of Mysore, where the royal family was actually (re-) installed in power by the British following the defeat of the former ruler Tipu Sultan in 1799. After 1831, Mysore further saw the imposition of direct British control over the state administration. Mysore has thus been regarded as more of a puppet state than most. However, this dissertation argues that the denial of political and economic power to the king, especially after 1831, was paralleled by a counter-balancing multiplication of kingly ritual, rites, and social duties. At the very time when (as might have been predicted) kingly authority might have been losing its local sources of power and social roots, due to the lack of income and powers of patronage, these roots were being reinforced and rebuilt in a variety of ways. This involved the elevation of the king’s status in religious and social terms, including improvement of the City and Palace, strategic marriage alliances, and the education and modernisation of the entire social class (the Urs) from which the royal family was drawn. Above all, kingly authority was progressively moved away from a material to a social and non-material base, with the palace administration being newly reconstructed as the centre and fountain of the politics of honour within the state. It is for this reason that when the Princely states of India were abolished after independence, and their pensions cancelled after 1971, they were not forgotten. Thus, as described in the conclusion, the idea of kingship lived on in South India and continues to play a vital and important role in contemporary South Indian social and political life.

Development in the post/colonial world is premised on the twin logics of modernization and nation-building, of which the latter has received little attention in post-development studies, and relatedly Management and Organisation Studies (MOS). This thesis interrogates – historically and critically – the imaginaries of modernity and nationalism, and later nation-building, that have animated development in post/colonial India. It draws on the history of philanthropy of the Tata Group, one of India’s leading global business group. In Part I of the thesis, the shifts in these imaginaries are mapped and explained; the history of organisation and management of development is presented in Part II; and the purposive organisation of history and historiography is presented in Part III. The thesis makes the following contributions: empirically, this research revises critically and updates the history of the Tatas’ philanthropy. It makes a methodological contribution by drawing attention to the constructed nature of history and historiography, which is used purposively towards maintaining the Group’s identity. Conceptually, this is ‘a’ history of development in post/colonial India; which it is argued can be interrogated substantively though Chatterjee’s reconceptualisation of civil society, political society, and population. It draws attention to the ‘pedagogic reflex’ of the elite and the crucial role of corporate philanthropy in the constitution of the ‘population’ as part of development. Departing from Chatterjee’s demarcation of civil and political societies as empirically distinct, the thesis makes a case for using these as conceptual apparatuses. The thesis provides a corrective to post-development studies and related work in MOS, by instantiating the national question at the centre of development in post/colonial India. Displacing ‘Third Worldism’, it traces the origin and history of development-management in another place and time, outside postWorld War II and Cold War geo-politics. The thesis makes a modest but generative theoretical contribution by drawing attention to Chatterjee’s remarkable work and provides an alternate set of conceptual resources, hitherto little used in MOS.

A major problem of policing in post-colonial India is the manifest lack of consensus for its acts. Consensus in turn is dependent upon the legitimacy of the people who are in power. Thus, policing is a practice that is essentially related to the political regime and the discourse of power. However, policing cannot be explained or understood by a simple analysis of structural features without reference to history. Since policing is dynamic and processual, that is influenced, transformed and impacted upon by a plethora of factors, a perspective which incorporates an historical analysis of the forces of change must also be employed for a robust explication. This thesis first examines the history of colonial policing in India. It then critically assesses the existing literature on Indian policing, both in the colonial as well as in the post-colonial period. Next, it constructs a 'model' of post-colonial policing that can be taken as universally and cross-nationally applicable to post-colonial policing practices. Finally, the thesis arrives at a conceptual framework that makes the structures of post-colonial policing meaningful in terms of certain discursive practices. It argues that public order policing in India and other post-colonial societies needs to be conceptualised through this framework and not restricted by national geographical boundaries. More particularly, it suggests that post-colonial policing is strongly related to the precedents set by colonial policing methods and strategies. It argues that the maintenance of public order in a post-colonial state is central to policing with an ever increasing reliance on paramilitary style and tactics.

Political Science
Ph.D.
The purpose of this project is to demonstrate that the rational-legal bureaucratic institutions inherited by post-colonial states from their former colonial patrons have clashed with indigenous cultural norms, leading to legitimation failure. This lack of legitimacy, in turn, leads to political and bureaucratic corruption among the individuals tasked with embodying and enforcing the norms of these bureaucratic institutions. Instances of corruption such as bribery and solicitation of bribes, misappropriation of public funds, nepotistic hiring practices, and the general placement of personal gain over the rule of law on the part of officials weaken the state’s ability and willingness to enforce its laws, promote stability and economic growth, and ensure the welfare of its citizens. This corruption and its multidimensional detrimental effects on the lives of citizens are forms of what has been called structural violence. In this project, I examine four case studies of Indian subnational states that have experienced varying degrees and types of colonial bureaucratic imposition, resulting in divergent structurally violent outcomes. Deeming these systems “violent” has normative implications regarding responsibility for the problems of the post-colonial world. Corruption is often cited as a reason not to give loans or aid to certain developing countries; but viewing the matter in terms of structural violence highlights the need for not only economic assistance but also institutional overhaul.
Temple University--Theses

Over the past 60 years, India has undergone immense political, economic, and social changes, which have led to its emergence as a global economic power and regional military power. During this period, the population has surged, growing from 233 million to 1.2 billion people, making India the second most populous nation in the world. In the course of this change, there have been key indicators of medical progress, such as rising life expectancy and a falling infant mortality rate. Another striking indicator, specifically in the area of medical technology, is the fact that India in 2006 was a net exporter of HIV medications to dozens of countries around the globe, earning a reputation as the pharmacist of the developing world. Although many books and papers have been written about the emergence of the country's economy and military, little has been written on how it has been able to achieve its leadership in medical technology. This thesis, 'A History of Medical Technology in Postcolonial India: 1947-1991', is the first major study examining the development of medical technology in India in the period directly following colonial rule. The period covered in this research is crucial because it highlights the evolution and impact of medical technology in postcolonial India, leading up to, but excluding, the free-market reforms enacted by the Indian government in 1991. This thesis will also illustrate the impact diffusion had on the evolution of medical technology. Most importantly, this thesis introduces a new concept appropriate to understanding India's trajectory in this period: the medical technology complex. It will be shown that this complex consists of different groups working toward an aligned objective. It is not the point of this thesis to characterize the medical technology complex in a positive light or a negative one. Its primary concern is to demonstrate through historical evidence that this construct grew throughout the twentieth century and still exists today.

This thesis aims to describe how Western tourist websites represents India. Although there has been much research on tourism and Western representation of India, no literature is available on how Western tourist websites represents India. This thesis uses three theories, social constructivism, post-colonial theory, and representation theory. Social constructivism is the base for this thesis. Post-colonial theory is used to find out whether the representation of India includes colonial stereotypes or no. Moreover, the representation theory is the center and the main tool to know and explain how Western tourist websites represents India. The design used is a 'case study' as case study design is compatible to explore the representations of India. The method used is a 'qualitative discourse analysis' which helps to provide a critical analysis of the description of India. Main results of this thesis are that Western tourist websites describe Indian economy as a backward economy. It is unclear whether Indian politics is described as undemocratic or democratic. Indian people are described as a mix of traditional, modern, unfree as well as free people. Indian culture is described as ancient and collective.

Concentrating on the time frame between the establishment of India's Constituent Assembly in 1946, and the passing of the Dowry Prevention Act in 1961, this thesis attempts to write an alternative history of India's transition to Independence, by applying the tools of feminist historiography to this crucial period of citizenship making, as a way of offering new perspectives on the nature, meaning and boundaries of citizenship in post-colonial India. It focuses on a cohort of nationalists and feminists who were leading members of two prominent women's organisations, the All India Women's Conference (AIWC) and the National Federation of Indian Women (NFIW), documenting and analysing the voices and positions of this cohort in some of the key debates around nation building in Nehruvian India. It also traces and analyses the range of activities and struggles engaged in by these two women's organisations - as articulations and expressions of citizenship in practice. The intention in so doing is to address three key questions or areas of exploration. Firstly to analyse and document how gender relations and contemporary understandings of gender difference, both acted upon and were shaped by the emerging identity of the Indian as postcolonial citizen, and how this dynamic interaction was situated within a broader matrix of struggles and competing identities including those of minority rights. Secondly to analyse how the framework of postcolonial Indian citizenship has both created new possibilities for empowerment, but simultaneously set new limitations on how the Indian women's movement was able to imagine itself as a political constituency and the feminist agenda it was able to articulate and pursue. Thirdly to explore how applying a feminist historiography to the story of the construction of postcolonial Indian citizenship calls for the ability to think about the meaning and possibilities of citizenship in new and different ways, to challenge the very conceptual frameworks that define the term.

This thesis looks at how the rule of law fails to achieve justice for Indian-American survivors of domestic violence in a multitude of ways, corresponding to class and religious positionality, as well as documentation status, and how the Indian community mobilizes in response to these failures by creating alternative modes of justice for survivors. Historically, these alternatives have taken form as direct service organizations, providing culturally and linguistically accessible services to survivors. I contend that these are helpful on an individual level, working to interrupt cycles of violence, but not at the collective level – stopping these cycles altogether. Given the systemic nature of sexual violence, working from transformative justice principles is an ideal modality of organizing, but not feasible given the structure of Indian-American communities today. In the interim between present post-violence work and future integration of transformative justice, I argue that pre-violence educational models are the most effective way to see tangible, generational, systemic change. Modes of resistance through educational initiatives aimed towards Indian youth ages ten to eighteen against rape culture will more effectively deter the cycles of intra-community violence from occurring, specifically when oriented from sites of religious worship and/or cultural centers – spaces that create a sense of Indian identity. These educational spaces currently do not exist as an intra-community effort, so I analyze various feminist pedagogies as well as an example of this work being done within other communities to extend these praxes back to the Indian community.

"Traditional Navajo Culture is a Protective Factor" is intended for those who have a stake in Indigenous spiritual, mental, physical, and emotional health. Native Americans, Alaska Natives, and Native Hawaiians are Indigenous minorities in the USA that tend to consistently top the charts in deficient measures like depression, diabetes, heart disease, obesity, domestic violence, substance use/abuse, and suicide. The West does not offer any explanation as to the cause but is trying to fight these diseases and disorders by allocating federal funds for tribes, urban Indians, and Native groups to devise ways to minimize negative health effects by employing prevention practices that respect and are informed by the local Native cultures. This thesis examines these public health issues from a modern Indigenous perspective that use Navajo specific examples that combine both Western and Indigenous philosophies and paradigms to propose a solution that is strength-based, culturally-informed, and locally-driven.

Il presente elaborato si propone di esplorare la tradizione del romanzo di formazione caraibico considerando il genere del romanzo di formazione, le sue caratteristiche, la sua storia, e individuando le peculiarità che il genere ha sviluppato all'interno della tradizione post-coloniale, soprattutto nel contesto caraibico di lingua inglese. Il primo capitolo stabilisce cosa si intenda con “romanzo di formazione caraibico” e introduce i dodici romanzi selezionati per questo studio. La tesi quindi procede identificando quattro argomenti principali, o macro temi, a ciascuno dei quali è dedicato un capitolo, e confrontando il modo in cui questi vengono sviluppati nei diversi romanzi. I temi sono: la scuola e l’istruzione, la cultura e la storia, la politica, la partenza. La tesi si chiude con una breve riflessione sul tema del ritorno.
The present study aims to explore the Caribbean Bildungsroman tradition by considering the Bildungsroman genre, its features, and history, and by pointing out the peculiarities that the genre developed within the postcolonial tradition and specifically in the anglophone Caribbean context. The first chapter establishes what is meant by “Caribbean Bildungsroman” and introduces the twelve novels selected for this study. The study then proceeds by identifying four main topics, or macro themes, each developed in a separate chapter, and by comparing the way such themes are dealt with in each of the novels. The themes are: school and education, culture and history, politics, departure. The study closes on a brief reflection on the possibility of return.

During the 1960s and 1970s, tribes across Indian Country struggled for tribal sovereignty against “termination” policies that aimed to disintegrate the federal government’s trust responsibilities and treaty obligations to tribes and assimilate all Indians into mainstream society. Individual tribes, pan-Indian organizations, and militant Red Power activists rose up in resistance to these policies and fought for self-determination: a preservation of Indian distinctiveness and social and political autonomy. This thesis examines a crucial, but often overlooked, element of the self-determination movement. Hundreds of tribal and national-scope activist newspapers emerged during this era and became the authentic voices of American Indians and the messengers of the movement. This thesis examines the stories of several key newspapers. By looking at the opportunities and challenges their editors faced and the different approaches they took, this thesis will assess how they succeeded and fell short in telling authentic stories from Indian Country, fighting for distinct indigenous culture and rights, and reshaping public discourse and policy on American Indian affairs.

American schooling and Indigenous peoples share a coarse relationship mired by devastating periods of forced removal, indoctrination, and brutal assimilation methods. Over the course of more than a century of failed education policy—though often veiled in good intentions—Indigenous peoples have yet to witness a comprehensive Indigenous education program that fundamentally honors the federal trust responsibility of the United States government. On the contrary, with a contemporary approach of apathy, invisibility, and institutionalization, it is not difficult to see the legacy of settler colonialism continuing to wield its oppressive influence on Indigenous communities. Wolfe’s (2006) claim that “invasion is a structure, not an event” (p. 388), prompts the recognition of the coloniality of power—referring to the interpellation of modern forms of exploitation and domination, long after the termination of formal colonial operations. This decolonizing interpretive approach of this dissertation served to: a) examine the historical and philosophical foundations of colonizing epistemicides and their impact on contemporary Indigenous education; and b) move toward the formulation of a decolonizing Indigenous curricular framework for contemporary Indigenous education. Grounded in Antonia Darder’s (2012, 2019) critical bicultural theory and a decolonizing interpretive methodology, this qualitative study examined the complex factors facing the indigenization of education, while implicating the pernicious impact of epistemicides and a culture of forgetting. The study provided a robust framework by which to situate a particular curricular approach through a set of five decolonizing principles that aim to shape a meaningful reflection of Indigenous consciousness. A commitment to these decolonizing principles necessarily means an emancipatory re-reading of Indigenous relations within the scope of contemporary education. It calls on educational leaders to paradoxically ground their decision-making in the ancestral teachings of Indigenous communities, for a genuine reimagination of self-determination and sovereignty in the contemporary moment.

The Castillo de San Marcos is the oldest stone fortification on the North American mainland, a unique site that integrates Florida’s Spanish colonial past with American Indian narratives. A complete history of this fortification from its origins to its management under the National Park Service has not yet been written. During the Spanish colonial era, the Indian mission system complemented the defensive work of the fort until imperial skirmishes led to the demise of the Florida Indian. During the nineteenth century, Indian prisoners put a new American Empire on display while the fort transformed into a tourist destination. The Castillo became an American site, and eventually a National Monument, where visitors lionized Spanish explorers and often overlooked other players in fort history. This thesis looks at the threads of Spanish and Indian history at the fort and how they have or have not been interpreted into the twenty-first century.

The purpose of this foundational study was to explore the factors that contributed to developing teacher identity among new American Indian teachers. Multifaceted research into the history of American Indian education, the design of American Indian teacher training programs, and the beliefs and experiences of four American Indian secondary teachers gave this study a richly detailed context. Three overarching patterns emerged during the process of analyzing the data: (a) solidarity and independence, (b) habit and change, and (c) tradition and invention. From these patterns, six factors were identified as contributing to developing teacher identity. School-based experiences that affected developing teacher identity included cohort-based peer support, preparation for content area expertise, and teachers as role models. Personal, home, and community beliefs that affected developing teacher identity were as follows: giving back to American Indian communities, serving American Indian students, and becoming empowered as American Indian teachers. Participants in this study represented various tribe affiliations but were all registered students in the Ute Teacher Training Program from 2002 to 2005. The goal of this program, administrated by the Ute Tribe, was to mentor, train, and certify American Indian secondary teachers through an ongoing university education program offered at a rural location close to the Ute reservation. Recommendations in the final chapter of this qualitative case study may provide useful information for the design and implementation of future American Indian teacher education programs.

As a strategy of subversion and domination, recodification was deployed by the colonizer and the colonized under colonialism to reach their goals. In either case, the result was a deep impact of the other on the agents involved in recodification. In early nineteenth century, institutionalizing Persian was a product of colonial devaluation of vernacular languages, which recodified Persian as a classical language used for literature administration and law-making. As rewriting the cultural codes became a way for historiography to display the arguments and discursive models, it combined “useful” adaptations with the question of power, as we also notice in the case of the reform movement, the Arya Samaj. A return to origins of Hindu theories was an attempt by the Aryas to frustrate hegemonic models of colonialism. Recovery in this case led to an image of the Hindu woman that was at the intersection of tradition and modernity. Can new models replace colonial epistemologies? Can the nation indeed allow redefinitions to include everyone? These are among the questions that Ismat Chugtai's “Lihaaf” brings up. The heterogeneous nature of the nation may challenge patriarchal scripts only to be rewritten in re-positioned scripts that attempt to redefine the nation in dominant voices. Through the act of recodification, marginal positions intersect with hegemony where both are changed and marginality never takes center stage.

During the course of my dissertation I demonstrate the way in which Anglo-Indian women writers of the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century diverge from the genre of the "feminine picturesque" as explained by Sara Suleri in her book, The Rhetoric of English India. I look too, at what Indo-English women use as a genre, instead of the "feminine picturesque". I also apply Spivakean ideas on representation to their writing in order to see the similarities and differences between my primary texts and the theory. I begin my dissertation by explaining what Sara Suleri means by the "feminine picturesque" and how I intend using it to better understand the primary texts I look at. I also explain Spivak's ideas on representation and how I intend using them to further my appreciation of Anglo-Indian and Indo-English writing of this period. I conclude my thesis by discussing my findings with regard to the theorists looked at, and how their ideas have been reflected in the four principal texts I examined.
Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2001.

碩士
淡江大學
西洋語文研究所
90
This thesis is divided into three chapters, focusing on the discussion of colonial strategies and anti-colonial resistance in A Passage to India from postcolonial perspective. In Chapter One, I first examine how E.M Forster represents the "postcolonial self" delineated by Fanon and Gandhi through the depiction of Dr. Aziz's transformation from a Moslem doctor at the Government Hospital to the Muslim nationalist. Besides, I also draw my attention on the discussion of remolding mechanism in colonial strategies constructed by the colonizer in order to hold their superior identity and to keep the colonized as a degenerate and inferior population in the novel. And that "postcolonial self," in other words, the rejection of cultural colonialism and acceptance of indigenous tradition, are considered the origin of anti-colonial activities since the colonized's liberation must be carried out through a construction of self and of autonomous dignity. In Chapter Two, I discuss the mystery in Marabar Caves as the representation of "local knowledge" from postcolonial perspective. For postcolonial critics, they points out that while the European colonizer proposed the request of universality in philosophy and culture, they never considered the knowledge of other countries and their ignorance toward non-European world. The mystic characteristic of Marabar Caves can just represent the so-called "deterritorialised knowledge" in postcolonial theory, and such native culture and knowledge which express the unique difference from the dominant knowledge has become not only a major threat for the colonizer while they practice colonial strategy but also the theoretical foundation for the colonized to have anti-colonial battle. In Chapter Three, I discuss the chance for anti-colonial movement provided by the law in this novel. Originally, the function of law is usually served as the discursive knowledge power for the colonizer to stretch their colonial privilege and realistic strategy. However, in A Passage to India, it not only becomes the obstacle of colonial domination but also the excuse and platform for Indians to have demonstration and resistance in terms of the mimicry, the "excess" concealed in the textual performance. While Aziz get the verdict of no guilt, Forster has let the result of the trial become a victory for anti-colonial resistance; moreover, it also intensifies the confidence of Indian for anti-colonial movement. Then, I conclude that by reading the novel from postcolonial perspective, "epistemic violence" and the possibility of counter discourses will be gradually probed and that will produce "a new spirit…, which no one in the stern little band of whites could explain"(214), which is believed as an important spirit for the colonized Indian to achieve cultural decolonization and then fight for their national independence.

This dissertation is a historical- anthropological account of political cartooning in colonial and postcolonial India. Through a focus on representational politics and biography I have situated the history and practice of cartooning in India to unfold the link between politics, the making of a moral aesthetic and modernity. I am attentive to the shifts in this link by tracing the movement in three historical phases: colonial, nationalist, and postcolonial. These three interconnected parts of my dissertation span a period from the 1870s when vernacular versions of the British Punch began to be produced in colonial India and contemporary neo- liberal India that is seeing a profusion of pocket cartoons in local newspaper editions. In organizing the narrative in three political frameworks - the colonial, nationalist, and postcolonial I discuss the circuits of global interconnectedness through which a shifting moral aesthetic of the cartoon came to be formulated at different times and places in Indian politics. As an everyday cultural production, a focus on the cartoon in terms of "what the cultural consumer makes" as "a production of poiesis - but a hidden one" (de Certeau 1984) illuminates the liminal (Turner) dimension of the cartoon. Additionally, by situating the cartoon as a discursive site (Terdiman 1985) I want to draw attention to new analytical spaces it generates for the discussion and construction of democracy, secularism, minority rights and the modern state. In order to grasp the generative and interpretive dimension of the cartoon I point to three concepts: liminal form, moral aesthetic, and tactical modernity. These concepts open a space to think through the hegemonic processes that come into play at the cultural site of the cartoon and enable and analysis of the cartoon as a site generative of hegemonic processes. This attention to the cartoon as a discursive site in the public sphere highlights the transformative circuit from laughter to debate, from visual to written, and a moral aesthetic that gets switched on through the interpretive dilemmas and representational practices of the cartoon.
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In this dissertation, I try to understand processes of dispossession and exclusion within a class-focused Marxian framework grounded in the epistemological position of overdetermination. The Marxian concept of primitive accumulation has become increasingly prominent in contemporary discussions on these issues. The dominant reading of “primitive accumulation” in the Marxian tradition is historicist, and consequently the notion itself remains outside the field of Marxian political economy. The contemporary literature has de-historicized the concept, but at the same time missed Marx’s unique class-perspective. Based on a non-historicist reading of Marx, I argue that primitive accumulation—i.e. separation of direct producers from means of production in non-capitalist class processes—is constitutive of capitalism and not a historical process confined to the period of transition from pre-capitalism to capitalism. I understand primitive accumulation as one aspect of a more complex (contradictory) relation between capitalist and non-capitalist class structure which is subject to uneven development and which admit no teleological universalization of any one class structure. Thus, this dissertation claims to present a notion of primitive accumulation theoretically grounded in the Marxian political economy. In particular, the dissertation problematizes the dominance of capital over a heterogeneous social formation and understands primitive accumulation as a process which simultaneously supports and undermines such dominance. At a more concrete level, I apply this new understanding of primitive accumulation to a social formation—consisting of “ancient” and capitalist enterprises—and consider a particular conjuncture where capitalist accumulation is accompanied by emergence and even expansion of a “surplus population” primarily located in the “ancient” economy. Using these theoretical arguments, I offer an account of postcolonial capitalism in India, distinguishing between two different regimes—(1) the dirigiste planning regime and (2) the laissez-faire regime. I argue that both regimes had to grapple with the problem of surplus population, as the capitalist expansion under both regimes involved primitive accumulation. I show how small peasant agriculture, traditional non-capitalist industry and informal “ancient” enterprises (both rural and urban) have acted as “sinks” for surplus population throughout the period of postcolonial capitalist development in India. Keywords: primitive accumulation, surplus population, postcolonial capitalism

In this dissertation, I try to understand processes of dispossession and exclusion within a class-focused Marxian framework grounded in the epistemological position of overdetermination. The Marxian concept of primitive accumulation has become increasingly prominent in contemporary discussions on these issues. The dominant reading of "primitive accumulation" in the Marxian tradition is historicist, and consequently the notion itself remains outside the field of Marxian political economy. The contemporary literature has de-historicized the concept, but at the same time missed Marx's unique class-perspective. Based on a non-historicist reading of Marx, I argue that primitive accumulation--i.e. separation of direct producers from means of production in non-capitalist class processes--is constitutive of capitalism and not a historical process confined to the period of transition from pre-capitalism to capitalism. I understand primitive accumulation as one aspect of a more complex (contradictory) relation between capitalist and non-capitalist class structure which is subject to uneven development and which admit no teleological universalization of any one class structure. Thus, this dissertation claims to present a notion of primitive accumulation theoretically grounded in the Marxian political economy. In particular, the dissertation problematizes the dominance of capital over a heterogeneous social formation and understands primitive accumulation as a process which simultaneously supports and undermines such dominance. At a more concrete level, I apply this new understanding of primitive accumulation to a social formation--consisting of "ancient" and capitalist enterprises--and consider a particular conjuncture where capitalist accumulation is accompanied by emergence and even expansion of a "surplus population" primarily located in the "ancient" economy. Using these theoretical arguments, I offer an account of postcolonial capitalism in India, distinguishing between two different regimes--1) the dirigiste planning regime and 2) the laissez-faire regime. I argue that both regimes had to grapple with the problem of surplus population, as the capitalist expansion under both regimes involved primitive accumulation. I show how small peasant agriculture, traditional non-capitalist industry and informal "ancient" enterprises (both rural and urban) have acted as "sinks" for surplus population throughout the period of postcolonial capitalist development in India.

The central thesis of this study is that Newbigin‟s thought and writing can contribute to understanding the church as an integral part of Indian society, in terms of both her identity and role. Newbigin‟s writing, subsequent to his return to the West after more than three decades in India, often sought to address what he saw as the Western church‟s loss of confidence in its role and position in a post-enlightenment, post-Christendom society. This study tries to work with this material, as well as what was written during his time in India. The second chapter and the third chapter give consideration to the two central elements in Newbigin‟s understanding of the church‟s mission and identity: the eschatological renewal of the whole earth that will occur at the return of Christ and the connection of this end to Christ‟s death on the cross. As the third chapter will consider, while he locates the focus of the church‟s mission in relation to the end, the death of Christ indicates the way in which this mission will be carried out. The remainder of the third chapter will consider the implication of this for the church‟s mission in relation to the presence of poverty and marginalisation in Indian society and its movement towards a consumer economy. The fourth chapter will consider the place of the church in relation to India‟s long and rich culture, suggesting ways in which the church is to become an incultured community. The fifth chapter will address the issue of the relationship of the church to the followers of other faiths. Through interaction with some Indian theologians it will be shown how Newbigin gave attention to the church as both open to the movement of the Spirit beyond the boundaries of the church, while also emphasizing the church as central to our knowing Christ. The sixth chapter will draw out the ways in which Newbigin was consciously engaging with the post colonial context of the church, particularly in his interpretation of the relationship between the Spirit and the church.
Christian Spirituality, Church History & Missiology
D. Th. (Missiology)

Residential schools for Aboriginal children were a primary site of negotiations between Indigenous and Non-Indigenous subjects. These schools, and the records of peoples who occupied them, provide opportunities to better understand colonialism in British Columbia. Residential schools were places created to transform Aboriginal children, through assimilation, into a modernizing and colonial society. They are simultaneously places that offer access to Indigenous articulations of self and Indigeneity, expressions of resistance, and exertions of agency. Cultural products created by children in residential schools, particularly creative art products, allow us to visualize and understand Indigenous response to and evasions of colonial education. When taken together with Aboriginal peoples’ testimonies about the residential school experience, and with colonial records of the schools’ intents, children’s creative materials and expressions allow some access to the complex places that constituted the cultural geography of colonialism in British Columbia.
Thesis (Ph.D, Geography) -- Queen's University, 2007-09-28 12:31:18.229

Este é um estudo antropológico que retrata o período final do colonialismo português na Índia e seus reflexos na actualidade. É resultado de um trabalho etnográfico realizado em Diu – Índia e em Portugal em 2002. Nele buscaram-se as memórias dos anos antes e depois da anexação de Diu, Damão e Goa à União Indiana em 1961, que foram cruzadas com os discursos oficiais disponibilizados nos media, bem como com os arquivos militares e do Estado. Este estudo desenvolve ainda reflexões teóricas que cruzaram o colonialismo português e o britânico, e sobre a influência de Gandhi na política internacional no contexto prévio à anexação. Um dos objectivos principais foi, contudo, perceber a percepção das mulheres no processo da anexação, uma vez que os discursos disponíveis até à actualidade são maioritariamente masculinizados. Em termos metodológicos, a tese reflecte o cruzamento entre a etnografia e a pesquisa documental múltipla.
This is an anthropological research which exposes the final period of Portuguese colonialism in India and its reflections nowadays. It is the outcome of an enthnographic work in Diu – India and in Portugal during 2002. In this research I investigated the memories of people that lived in Diu in 1961, the year of the annexation of Diu, Daman and Goa to the Indian Union. These memories were confronted with official discourses in the media, as well as in military and State acrchives. This study aimed to do a theoretical approach to both british ans Portuguese colonialisms, and to Gandhi’s influence on international politics between the year of the independence (1947) and the annexation, 14 years later. However, one of the main goals of this master thesis was to understand Diu women perceptions in the process of annexation, since main available discourses are mail biased. Methodologically, this work both based on ethnography and multiple documental analysis.

This research examines the process of memorialisation around the Indian Residential School System in Canada to draw connections between the fields of transitional justice and professional urban planning. For over a century, government and churches in Canada operated a system of residential schools that removed Indigenous children from their families and communities. Today, many Indigenous communities struggle with the intergenerational impacts of this system, and as a society we are attempting to heal the damaged relationships that have resulted. This research presents a comparative case study of two processes of memorialisation surrounding the residential school system. Through site observations, interviews, and analyses of documents, this research examines the transformation and memorialisation of the Mohawk Institute, a former residential school, into the Woodland Cultural Centre, a First Nations-run centre located in Brantford, Ontario. I compare this example with the national Commemoration Fund, set out in the Indian Residential School Settlement Agreement (2006), which settled lawsuits filed by residential school survivors against the federal government of Canada and several church organisations. This research underlines some tensions inherent in memorialising the human rights abuses experienced in the residential schools. A significant difficulty is establishing balance between leaving ownership of stories of the residential school experiences with survivors, while acknowledging the responsibilities that the whole of society must carry if reconciliation is to be achieved. I conclude that the process established through the Commemoration Fund does not adequately reflect this balance, leaving a heavy burden on survivors and their communities without providing adequate support. I further argue that the timelines established through this fund do not allow for the longer-term evolution that may characterize effective memorialisation projects. These themes link to theories around collaborative planning, and considerations of social justice and procedural fairness. In recent decades, collaborative planning has been seen as a way to make planning practices more inclusive. However, in the context of planning with Indigenous Peoples, collaborative processes may not be a sufficient response to rights claims. This has important implications for professional planners, as we work towards decolonization, reconciliation, and establishing just-relations between Indigenous and non-Indigenous populations in Canada.
Thesis (Master, Urban & Regional Planning) -- Queen's University, 2012-09-08 13:19:55.027

Tese de doutoramento em Psicologia, na especialidade de Psicologia Clínica, apresentada à Faculdade de Psicologia e de Ciências da Educação da Universidade de Coimbra
Introdução: a literatura apresenta um considerável consenso quanto ao facto das populações de militares expostos à guerra/combate possuírem uma elevada probabilidade de serem expostas a situações de extrema ameaça e de virem a desenvolver a Perturbação Pós Stresse Traumático (PTSD) e outras condições clínicas associadas. Porém, em Portugal, são escassos os instrumentos de medida e os estudos empíricos destinados a promover o conhecimento científico sobre a saúde mental dos Veteranos de guerra. Esta situação é particularmente notória em relação à vasta população de Veteranos da Guerra Ultramarina Portuguesa (Guerra Colonial e Invasão e Ocupação do antigo Estado Português na Índia pela União Indiana). A presente investigação, efetuada na referida população de Veteranos da Guerra do Ultramar, teve como principal objetivo minimizar as supracitadas limitações, ao apresentar um conjunto de estudos psicométricos que permitiu disponibilizar instrumentos de autorresposta aplicáveis à referida população alvo. Estas medidas avaliam a PTSD (versão Portuguesa da PTSD Checklist Military Version; PCL M) e potenciais fatores preditores desta perturbação, nomeadamente, a exposição ao combate e o consequente grau de perturbação emocional (Questionário de Experiências de Combate; QEC), a inflexibilidade psicológica associada ao trauma (versão Portuguesa do Acceptance and Action Questionnaire Trauma Specific; AAQ TS) e a dissociação peritraumática (versão Portuguesa do Peritraumatic Dissociative Experiences Questionnaire; PDEQ). Esta investigação explorou ainda um novo modelo mediacional explicativo da sintomatologia da PTSD de guerra, no qual foi hipotetizado que o evitamento experiencial, uma atitude autocrítica (processos de regulação emocional) e os sintomas comórbidos de depressão medeiam o impacto da exposição ao combate militar (frequência e perturbação emocional), das experiências de ameaça (memórias de ameaça na infância e ameaças de combate e de não combate), e das experiências de despersonalização/desrealização peritraumáticas, nos sintomas da PTSD. Método: os estudos possuem um desenho transversal. Participaram nesta investigação Veteranos que serviram na Guerra do Ultramar. Nos estudos psicométricos, a estrutura fatorial, consistência interna, fiabilidade temporal e validade convergente foram avaliadas em amostras da população geral de Veteranos. Na análise da validade discriminante, da invariância do modelo do PDEQ e da utilidade de diagnóstico da PCL M foram utilizadas amostras de Veteranos de Guerra com e sem um diagnóstico da PTSD de guerra. O modelo mediacional foi testado numa amostra da população geral de Veteranos da Guerra do Ultramar. Resultados: na globalidade, os estudos psicométricos revelaram que a estrutura dos instrumentos de medida analisados apresentam um adequado ajustamento aos dados. A estrutura do PDEQ mostrou se ainda invariante nos grupos com e sem PTSD (com diferentes graus de dissociação peritraumática). Os instrumentos de medida também revelaram ser internamente consistentes e temporalmente estáveis, e exibiram validades convergente e discriminante adequadas. Quanto ao modelo mediacional dos sintomas da PTSD, este exibiu um adequado ajustamento aos dados, explicou 66% da variância da sintomatologia da PTSD, e permitiu constatar que a processos de regulação emocional (inflexibilidade psicológica e uma atitude autocritica) e/ou os sintomas depressivos comórbidos mediaram o efeito das memórias de ameaça na infância, da perturbação emocional induzida pela exposição ao combate, das ameaças de não combate, e das experiências de despersonalização/desrealização peritraumáticas nos sintomas da PTSD. As ameaças de combate mostraram apenas um efeito direto na referida sintomatologia da PTSD. Conclusões: os instrumentos de autorresposta revelaram se medidas válidas e fiáveis, dados estes que encorajam a sua utilização na prática clínica e na investigação científica direcionadas a Veteranos da Guerra Ultramarina Portuguesa. O novo modelo mediacional dos sintomas da PTSD de guerra é igualmente um contributo relevante para a clínica e para a investigação científica, ao permitir aumentar o conhecimento sobre os fatores preditores da referida sintomatologia e sobre as complexas relações estre tais fatores, principalmente porque o modelo testado incluiu preditores inovadores, nomeadamente, a perturbação emocional decorrente da exposição ao combate e a distinção entre as ameaças de combate e de não combate presentes nos teatros de operações militares.
Introduction: a considerable consensus exists in the literature regarding the fact that military populations exposed to war/combat have a high probability of being exposed to extreme threat situations and developing Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD), and other associated clinical conditions. However, in Portugal, there is a limited number of self report instruments and empirical studies aimed at promoting scientific knowledge concerning war Veterans’ mental health. This is particularly relevant considering the vast population of Portuguese Overseas War Veterans (Colonial War and Invasion and occupation of the Portuguese State of India by Indian Union). The current research was conducted in this population and aimed to minimize the abovementioned limitations. It encompassed the development of several psychometric studies allowing the availability of self report instruments targeting this particular population. These measures assess PTSD (Portuguese version of the PTSD Checklist Military Version; PC1 M) and potential predictors of this disorder, namely, combat exposure and the emotional distress resulting from this exposure (Combat Experiences Questionnaire; QEC), psychological inflexibility associated with trauma (Portuguese version of the Acceptance and Action Questionnaire Trauma Specific; AAQ TS), and peritraumatic dissociation (Portuguese version of the Peritraumatic Dissociative Experiences Questionnaire; PDEQ). An additional study also explored a novel mediation model explaining war related PTSD symptomatology. It was hypothesized that psychological inflexibility, a self critical attitude and comorbid symptoms of depression mediate the impact of exposure to military combat (frequency and distress), threat experiences (memories of threat in childhood, and combat and non combat threats), and peritraumatic depersonalization/derealization experiences in PTSD symptoms. Method: a cross sectional design was used for all the studies. Veterans who served in the Portuguese Overseas War participated in this investigation. The psychometric studies addressed factor structure, internal consistency, test retest reliability and convergent validity were conducted in veterans’ general population. The analyses of discriminant validity, PDEQ invariance of the model and diagnostic utility of PCL M were conducted in samples of war Veterans with and without a war related PTSD diagnosis. The mediation model was tested in a sample of the general population of Portuguese Overseas War Veterans. Results: overall, the psychometric studies revealed that the factor structure found for the self report instruments showed an adequate fit to the data. The PDEQ structure showed to be invariant in the groups with and without PTSD (showing different degrees of peritraumatic dissociation). The self report instruments also proved to be internally consistent and temporally stable, and showed adequate convergent and discriminant validities. Concerning the PTSD symptoms mediation model, an adequate fit to the data was found and explaining 66% of the variance of PTSD symptomatology. Furthermore, it allowed to verify that emotion regulation processes (psychological inflexibility and self critical attitude) and/or comorbid depressive symptoms mediated the effect of memories of threat in childhood, emotional distress induced by combat exposure, non combat threats, and peritraumatic depersonalization/derealization experiences in PTSD symptoms. Combat threats showed only a direct effect on PTSD symptomatology. Conclusions: the self report instruments showed to be valid and reliable measures. These data encourage their use in clinical and research settings targeting Portuguese Overseas War Veterans. The innovative mediation model of PTSD war symptoms is also a relevant contribution to clinical practice and scientific research, by adding knowledge about the predictive factors of this symptomatology and the complex relationships between them. In fact, this model included innovative predictors, namely, the emotional distress arising from combat exposure and the distinction between combat and non combat threats that are present in military theaters of operations.