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Journal articles on the topic 'Post-Colonial India'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 16 February 2022

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1

Magedera, Ian H. "France-India-Britain, (post)colonial triangles: Mauritius/India and Canada/India, (post)colonial tangents." International Journal of Francophone Studies 5, no. 2 (July 2002): 64–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijfs.5.2.64.

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2

Chakravorty, Sanjoy. "Colonial and Post-Colonial Geographies of India." Annals of the Association of American Geographers 98, no. 1 (February 5, 2008): 252–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00045600701734950.

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3

Nandini. "Colonial and Post-colonial Geographies of India." Social Change 37, no. 2 (June 2007): 108–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004908570703700209.

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4

Raju, Saraswati, M. Satish Kumar, and Stuart Corbridge. "Colonial and Post-Colonial Geographies of India." Economic Geography 84, no. 2 (April 2008): 249–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1944-8287.2008.tb00411.x.

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5

Basu, Raj Sekhar. "Reinterpreting Dalit Movements in Colonial and Post Colonial India." Indian Historical Review 33, no. 2 (July 2006): 161–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/037698360603300208.

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6

Granger, Serge. "Canada/India, a (post)colonial tangent." International Journal of Francophone Studies 5, no. 2 (July 2002): 128–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijfs.5.2.128.

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7

Ahmed, Waquar. "Comment: India's Development Projects, or Hinduism, a Love Story." Human Geography 11, no. 3 (November 2018): 83–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/194277861801100307.

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Martin J. Haigh's India Abroad is ill-informed and misleading in multiple ways. It presents a romanticized view of ‘Indian’ culture and, what the author calls, Hindu or Hinduism. The article represents misreading of post-colonial praxis, and in turn, post-colonial comradery. Post-colonialism, as an intellectual movement, examines the impact of colonialism on the cultures of colonizing and colonized people. Post-colonialists, sometimes drawing upon Marxian traditions, have mapped exploitative and dependent relations between the metropolitan and colonial societies (Gregory et al. 2009, Blaut 1993). Post-colonial theorists tend to be sensitive to the political implications of the ways the history and cultures of colonial societies are represented. And I bring up post-colonial theory precisely because this post-colonial call to sensitivity, that the author highlights by citing Kumar (2005) has morphed into romanticization and celebration of this category called Hindu, and in turn India, in very problematic ways. In what follows, I highlight how the author's attraction to cultural relativism obfuscates social contradictions and a history of exploitation in India.

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8

Dittmar, Linda. "Teaching Cisneros in India: Post(?)colonial Parables." Radical Teacher 101 (February 23, 2015): 54–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/rt.2015.200.

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9

Ramakrishna, Shantha. "Functions of Translation in Post-Colonial India." Traduction et post-colonialisme en Inde — Translation and Postcolonialism: India 42, no. 2 (September 30, 2002): 444–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/003912ar.

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Résumé Pour comprendre la fonction de la traduction dans l'Inde post-coloniale, nous devons tenir compte de l'influence de cette activité sur l'image de l'Inde des orientalistes, ainsi que sur le rationalisme anti-colonial qui s'est opposé à la domination britannique dans un mouvement d'affirmation historique et identitaire. Aujourd'hui, en Inde, la traduction est reconnue et sert de lien entre les différents groupes linguistiques, jouant un rôle actif dans l'identité nationale. En Inde, peut-être plus que dans d'autres pays anciennement colonisés, il est possible d'écrire dans sa propre langue. À l'ère post-coloniale, il s'agit là d'un puissant outil d'affirmation culturelle.

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10

Islam, Md Nazrul. "RepackagingAyurvedain Post-Colonial India: Revival or Dilution?" South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 35, no. 3 (September 2012): 503–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00856401.2012.682967.

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11

Falvey, Lisa D. "Contextualizing Communication Technologies in Post-Colonial India." Review of Communication 8, no. 1 (January 2008): 68–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15358590701586527.

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12

Oinam, Bhagat. "‘Philosophy in India’ or ‘Indian Philosophy’: Some Post-Colonial Questions." Sophia 57, no. 3 (August 27, 2018): 457–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11841-018-0679-0.

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13

Roy, Tirthankar. "THE BRITISH EMPIRE AND THE ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF INDIA (1858-1947)." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 34, no. 2 (November 25, 2015): 209–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610915000336.

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ABSTRACTInterpretations of the role of the state in economic change in colonial (1858-1947) and post-colonial India (1947-) tend to presume that the colonial was an exploitative and the post-colonial a developmental state. This article shows that the opposition does not work well as a framework for economic history. The differences between the two states lay elsewhere than in the drive to exploit Indian resources by a foreign power. The difference was that British colonial policy was framed with reference to global market integration, whereas post-colonial policy was framed with reference to nationalism. The article applies this lesson to reread the economic effects of the two types of state, and reflects on ongoing debates in the global history of European expansion.

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14

Grobin, Tina. "The development of Indian English post-colonial women's prose." Acta Neophilologica 44, no. 1-2 (December 31, 2011): 93–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/an.44.1-2.93-101.

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Indian English post-colonial women's prose has seen many a change in the last sixty years since the pioneering writers gave voice to the Indian women. By breaking away from the burden of the colonial past and the traditional limitations of Indian society, the writers carved out a place for a distinct female identity in the Indian English literary sphere. The more recent women's prose addresses a wide range of universal issues of human experience, usually closely interwoven with the colourful heritage of the Indian subcontinent. As such it has become a highly acclaimed and internationally recognized global voice of contemporary India and the Indian diaspora.

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15

Kerr, Ian J. "On the Move: Circulating Labor in Pre-Colonial, Colonial, and Post-Colonial India." International Review of Social History 51, S14 (November 3, 2006): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859006002628.

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16

Racine, Jean-Luc. "Post-Post-Colonial India: From Regional Power to Global Player." Politique étrangère Hors série, no. 5 (2008): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/pe.hs02.0065.

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17

Coelho, Karen. "Constructing Post-Colonial India: National Character and the Doon School:Constructing Post-Colonial India: National Character and the Doon School." Transforming Anthropology 10, no. 2 (July 2001): 48–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tran.2001.10.2.48.

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18

Trautmann, Thomas R. "Discovering Aryan and Dravidian in British India." Historiographia Linguistica 31, no. 1 (July 30, 2004): 33–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.31.1.04tra.

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Summary British India was an especially fruitful site for the development of historical linguistics. Four major, unanticipated discoveries were especially associated with the East India Company: those of Indo-European, Dravidian, Malayo-Polynesian and the Indo-Aryan nature of Romani. It is argued that they came about in British India because the European tradition of language analysis met and combined with aspects of the highly sophisticated Indian language analysis. The discoveries of Indo-European and Dravidian, the subject of this article, were connected with the British-Indian cities of Calcutta and Madras, respectively, and the conditions under which they came about are examined. The production of new knowledge in British India is generally viewed through the lens of post-colonial theory, and is seen as having been driven by the needs of colonial governance. This essay sketches out a different way of looking at aspects of colonial knowledge that fall outside the colonial utility framework. It views these discoveries and their consequences as emergent products of two distinct traditions of language study which the British and the Indians brought to the colonial connection. If this is so, it follows that some aspects of modernism tacitly absorb Indian knowledge, specifically Indian language analysis. Indian phonology, among other things, is an example of this process.

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19

WILLIAMS, Alexander. "Imagining the Post-colonial Lawyer: Legal Elites and the Indian Nation-State, 1947–1967." Asian Journal of Comparative Law 15, no. 1 (May 22, 2020): 156–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asjcl.2020.7.

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AbstractA key feature of British rule in India was the formation of a class of elite metropolitan lawyers who had an outsized role within the legal profession and a prominent position in Indian politics. This paper analyzes the response of these legal elites to the shifting social and political terrain of post-colonial India, arguing that the advent of the Indian nation-state shaped the discursive strategies of elite lawyers in two crucial ways. First, in response to the slipping grasp of lawyers on Indian political life and increasing competition from developmentalist economics, the elite bar turned their attention towards the consolidation of a national professional identity, imagining an ‘Indian advocate’ as such, whose loyalty would ultimately lie with the nation-state. Second, the creation of the Supreme Court of India, the enactment of the Constitution of India, and the continuous swelling of the post-colonial regulatory welfare state partially reoriented the legal elite towards public law, particularly towards the burgeoning field of administrative law.

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20

CHIMNI, B. S. "International Law Scholarship in Post-colonial India: Coping with Dualism." Leiden Journal of International Law 23, no. 1 (February 2, 2010): 23–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s092215650999032x.

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AbstractThis essay seeks to sketch and evaluate international law scholarship in post-colonial India in the period 1947–2007. The exercise is undertaken to assess how Indian scholarship has coped with the dual life of international law: the fact that it is both an instrument of domination and possible emancipation. It is contended that while the dominant approach of formalist dualism, which critiques colonial international law but embraces the narrative of progress in the present, has made a seminal contribution to the world of international law, in particular the first articulation of Third World approaches to international law (TWAIL), it has not adequately addressed deep systemic structures that underlie contemporary international law. It is argued that this task is performed more effectively by a critical dualist approach that problematizes the structure, ideology, and practices of global capitalism. The essay concludes by reflecting on the future tasks of Indian scholarship.

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21

Das, Runa. "A Post-colonial Analysis of India–United States Nuclear Security: Orientalism, Discourse, and Identity in International Relations." Journal of Asian and African Studies 52, no. 6 (October 15, 2015): 741–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909615609940.

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This article uses Edward Said’s post-colonial framework to analyze India–United States (US) nuclear security relations in the post-Cold War period as a clash of US Orientalism and India’s nuclear sovereignty as a key marker of India’s post-colonial essence. Through an analysis of the discourses of India and the US with regard to India’s May 1998 detonation and the 123 Agreement, it explores the following questions: To what extent has America’s security relationship with India been characterized by Orientalist discourses? Does the revision of the US post-9/11 security relationship with India as evidenced through the 123 Agreement indicate continuity or change in America’s Orientalist discourses vis-à-vis the nuclear policies of the Indian state? How has this shaped India’s nuclear nationalism? In exploring these questions, it will be argued that US security discourses reflective of Orientalism have constructed India along Orientalist lines; have structured US security policies towards the nuclear strategies of the Indian state (thereby consolidating India’s nuclear nationalism); and, that the revision of the US security relationship with India post-9/11 shows a continuity of America’s Orientalism towards the Indian state and its nuclear program. The article concludes with an analysis of the implications of Orientalism on South Asian security/International Relations.

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22

Trivedi, Harish. "India, England, France: A (Post-) Colonial Translational Triangle." Traduction et post-colonialisme en Inde — Translation and Postcolonialism: India 42, no. 2 (September 30, 2002): 407–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/004510ar.

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Résumé En 1923, le célèbre romancier et nouvelliste indien Premchand faisait paraître sa traduction, en hindi, du roman d'Anatole France Thaïs - traduction très proche de l'original mais volontairement libérale par endroits. Le choix de cette œuvre constitue un geste politique délibéré. Traduire un texte ne faisant pas partie du répertoire de la puissance colonisatrice, c'était en quelque sorte chercher à libérer la littérature de sa tutelle. D'autres traducteurs allaient poursuivre dans cette voie, avant et après l'indépendance, dévoilant ainsi les horizons plus vastes d'un univers non colonial, non britannique en l'occurrence.

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23

AHMAD, RIZWAN. "Polyphony of Urdu in Post-colonial North India." Modern Asian Studies 49, no. 3 (July 3, 2014): 678–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x13000425.

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AbstractMany scholars, politicians, and the lay people alike believe that Urdu in North India symbolizes a Muslim identity and culture. Based on an eight-month long ethnographic study and quantitative language data collected in Old Delhi, this article challenges this notion and shows that the symbolic meanings of Urdu have been mutating in post-colonial India. A cross-generational study involving both Muslims and Hindus shows that different generations assign different meanings to Urdu. Unlike the older generation, Muslim youth do not identify themselves with Urdu. A study of the Urdu sounds /f/, /z/, /kh/, /gh/, and /q/ in the speech of Muslim youth further demonstrates that they are losing three of these sounds. Another transformation involves the adoption of the Devanagari script to write Urdu by many Muslims. This change in the literacy practices of Muslims reinforces the shift in the symbolic meanings of Urdu. I argue that the transformation in the symbolic meanings of Urdu is reflective and constitutive of the sociopolitical changes that Muslims have undergone in the twentieth century.

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24

Kapadia, Parmita. "Seeing Ourselves in the Cinema: Colonial and Post-Colonial Representations of India." South Asian Review 23, no. 2 (December 2002): 21–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02759527.2002.11932265.

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25

AMBAGUDIA, JAGANNATH, and SASMITA MOHANTY. "Adivasis, Integration and the State in India: Experiences of Incompatibilities." International Review of Social Research 9, no. 2 (October 30, 2020): 108–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.48154/irsr.2019.0012.

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Anthropologists, administrators and policy makers debated the adivasis question in the post-independent India from the perspectives of isolation, assimilation and integration. Amidst discourses, integration approach was followed to address the adivasi issues in the post-colonial period. Following the integration approach, the Indian state made series of promises to the adivasis in terms of granting equal citizenship rights in social, economic, political and cultural spheres; providing equal opportunities and committed to preserve and protect adivasi culture and identity. Despite such promises, adivasis continue to live at the margin of the post-colonial state, and thereby experiencing different forms of marginalization, dispossession and deprivation. They have developed cynicism towards the integration policy and experiencing declining sense of involvement in the (mainstream) society. The integration approach of the Indian state has become a means of exclusion for the adivasis in India. Within this backdrop, the paper critically examines the contemporary dynamics of integration of adivasis in the Indian state.

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AMBAGUDIA, JAGANNATH, and SASMITA MOHANTY. "Adivasis, Integration and the State in India: Experiences of Incompatibilities." International Review of Social Research 9, no. 2 (October 30, 2020): 108–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.48154/irsr.2019.0012.

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Anthropologists, administrators and policy makers debated the adivasis question in the post-independent India from the perspectives of isolation, assimilation and integration. Amidst discourses, integration approach was followed to address the adivasi issues in the post-colonial period. Following the integration approach, the Indian state made series of promises to the adivasis in terms of granting equal citizenship rights in social, economic, political and cultural spheres; providing equal opportunities and committed to preserve and protect adivasi culture and identity. Despite such promises, adivasis continue to live at the margin of the post-colonial state, and thereby experiencing different forms of marginalization, dispossession and deprivation. They have developed cynicism towards the integration policy and experiencing declining sense of involvement in the (mainstream) society. The integration approach of the Indian state has become a means of exclusion for the adivasis in India. Within this backdrop, the paper critically examines the contemporary dynamics of integration of adivasis in the Indian state.

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27

Lankina, Tomila, and Lullit Getachew. "Competitive Religious Entrepreneurs: Christian Missionaries and Female Education in Colonial and Post-Colonial India." British Journal of Political Science 43, no. 1 (July 5, 2012): 103–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123412000178.

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This article explores the influence of Protestant missionaries on male–female educational inequalities in colonial India. Causal mechanisms drawn from the sociology and economics of religion highlight the importance of religious competition for the provision of public goods. Competition between religious and secular groups spurred missionaries to play a key role in the development of mass female schooling. A case study of Kerala illustrates this. The statistical analysis, with district-level datasets, covers colonial and post-colonial periods for most of India. Missionary effects are compared with those of British colonial rule, modernization, European presence, education expenditures, post-colonial democracy, Islam, caste and tribal status, and land tenure. Christian missionary activity is consistently associated with better female education outcomes in both the colonial and post-colonial periods.

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VERGHESE, AJAY. "British Rule and Tribal Revolts in India: The curious case of Bastar." Modern Asian Studies 50, no. 5 (August 19, 2015): 1619–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x14000687.

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AbstractBritish colonial rule in India precipitated a period of intense rebellion among the country's indigenous groups. Most tribal conflicts occurred in the British provinces, and many historians have documented how a host of colonial policies gave rise to widespread rural unrest and violence. In the post-independence period, many of the colonial-era policies that had caused revolt were not reformed, and tribal conflict continued in the form of the Naxalite insurgency. This article considers why the princely state of Bastar has continuously been a major centre of tribal conflict in India. Why has this small and remote kingdom, which never came under direct British rule, suffered so much bloodshed? Using extensive archival material, this article highlights two key findings: first, that Bastar experienced high levels of British intervention during the colonial period, which constituted the primary cause of tribal violence in the state; and second, that the post-independence Indian government has not reformed colonial policies in this region, ensuring a continuation and escalation of tribal conflict through the modern Naxalite movement.

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Husain, Ejaz. "Pakistan: Civil-Military Relations in a Post-Colonial State." PCD Journal 4, no. 1-2 (June 8, 2017): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/pcd.25771.

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This article has attempted to explain why the military has remained a powerful political institution/force in Pakistan. Its purpose was to test a hypothesis that posited that the colonial authority structure and the 1947 partition-oriented structural dynamics provided an important structural construct in explaining politics and the military in post-colonial Pakistan. To explain and analyse the problem, the study used books, journals, newspapers and government documents for quantitative/explanatory analysis. The analysis has focused on the military in the colonial authority structure in which the former, along with the civil bureaucracy and the landed-feudal class, formed an alliance to pursue politico-economic interests in British India. The article has also explained and analysed the partition-oriented structural dynamics in terms of territory (Kashmir) and population (Indian refugees). The findings proved that these 'structural dynamics' have affected politics and the military in Pakistan. The theoretical framework in terms of 'praetorian oligarchy' has been applied to structurally explain colonial politics ad well as politics and the military in Pakistan. The study treated Pakistan as a praetorian state which structurally inherited the pre-partition 'praetorian oligarchy'. This praetorian oligarchy constructed 'Hindu India' as the enemy to pursue politico-economic interests. The military, a part of praetorian oligarchy, emerged from this as a powerful political actor due to its coercive power. It has sought political power to pursue economic objectives independently.

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Majumdar, Boria. "Tom Brown goes global: The ‘Brown’ ethic in colonial and post-colonial India." International Journal of the History of Sport 23, no. 5 (August 2006): 805–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09523360600673179.

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31

Das Gupta, Sanjukta. "Imagining the ‘Tribe’ in Colonial and Post-Independence India." Politeja 16, no. 2(59) (December 31, 2019): 107–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.16.2019.59.07.

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In the context of the changing nature of India’s relationship with her tribal or Adivasi population, this paper seeks to analyse the construction ‘tribes’ in colonial India and how these came to influence contemporary India’s understandings of the category. Arguing that state policies are actuated by myriad ways in which target populations are defined, conceptualized and represented, this paper seeks to trace the contentious categorizations and multiple identities that have been imagined for, thrust upon and assumed by such communities since colonial times. It thus critically explores and engages with a range of ideologies that informed and shaped independent India’s tribal policies.

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32

Kalia, Ravi. "Modernism, modernization and post‐colonial India: a reflective essay." Planning Perspectives 21, no. 2 (April 2006): 133–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02665430600555289.

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33

Choudhuri, Indra Nath. "The Plurality of Languages and Literature in Translation: The Post-Colonial Context." Traduction et post-colonialisme en Inde — Translation and Postcolonialism: India 42, no. 2 (September 30, 2002): 439–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/002236ar.

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Abstract Linguistic pluralism in India is not a sign of social and cultural fragmentation but rather a positive force, a recognition of the differences which constitute the nation. This recognition needs to be extended beyond the languages recognized in the Indian Constitution to those which create an intermediary space, thereby subverting received hierarchies.

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34

Framke, Maria, and Jana Tschurenev. "Umstrittene Geschichte." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 40, no. 158 (March 1, 2010): 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v40i158.401.

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This article traces the complexity of anti- and post-colonial answers to Fascism and Nazism by looking at debates about fascism in India. By avoiding the often employed Euro-centrist approach of a generic concept of fascism, it tries to decentralize European experience. After reconstructing those post-colonial historiographical arguments which use the term ‘fascism’, we examine the historical reception of Fascism and Nazism in the anti-colonial movement. In doing so, the article first outlines the debates about Hindutva as a Fascist ideology and subsequently analyses Indian discussions about Italy, Germany and European Fascism in the 1930ies.

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35

Marshall, P. J. "British Society in India under the East India Company." Modern Asian Studies 31, no. 1 (February 1997): 89–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00016942.

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The British in India have always fascinated their fellow countrymen. From the eighteenth century until the demise of the Raj innumerable publications described the way of life of white people in India for the delectation of a public at home. Post-colonial Britain evidently still retains a voracious appetite for anecdotes of the Raj and accounts of themores of what is often represented as a bizarre Anglo-Indian world. Beneath the welter of apparent triviality, historians are, however, finding issues of real significance.

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36

Booth, Anne. "I. The Colonial Legacy and its Impact on Post-Independence Planning in India and Indonesia." Itinerario 10, no. 1 (March 1986): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300008962.

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India and the island world of Southeast Asia were in close cultural andcommercial contact for many centuries before both came under the influence, and ultimately the domination, of the European colonial powers. In spite ofthe fact that the Indian subcontinent and the Indonesian archipelago were the chief colonial possessions of two of the most advanced and wealthiest countries in West Europe, both emerged into independence in the aftermath of the second world war as extremely poor, technologically backward countries.But in both countries an indigenous political leadership had assumed power, which was determined to accelerate the pace of economic progress, and achieve a high level of development, in the shortest possible time. It is thus interesting to make a pairwise comparison of these two countries, both in respect of the colonial legacy they inherited, and in respect of their post-independence economic policy-making, in order to indicate the specific contributions of two different colonial systems to subsequent economic policy efforts and achievements. We begin with a brief discussion of the economic legacy bequeathed by the two colonial powers to independent India and Indonesia.

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37

LEAKE, ELISABETH. "AT THE NATION-STATE’S EDGE: CENTRE–PERIPHERY RELATIONS IN POST-1947 SOUTH ASIA." Historical Journal 59, no. 2 (February 26, 2016): 509–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x15000394.

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ABSTRACTThis article examines centre–periphery relations in post-colonial India and Pakistan, providing a specific comparative history of autonomy movements in Nagaland (1947–63) and Baluchistan (1973–7). It highlights the key role played by the central government – particularly by Jawaharlal Nehru and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto – in quelling both insurgencies and in taking further steps to integrate these regions. It argues that a shared colonial history of political autonomy shaped local actors’ resistance to integration into the independent nation-states of India and Pakistan. This article also reveals that Indian and Pakistani officials used their shared colonial past in very different ways to mould their borderlands policies. India's central government under Nehru agreed to a modified Naga State within the Indian Union that allowed the Nagas a large degree of autonomy, continuing a colonial method of semi-integration. In contrast, Bhutto's government actively sought to abandon long-standing Baluch political and social structures to reaffirm the sovereignty of the Pakistani state. The article explains this divergence in terms of the different governing exigencies facing each country at the time of the insurgencies. It ultimately calls for an expansion in local histories and subnational comparisons to extend understanding of post-1947 South Asia, and the decolonizing world more broadly.

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Misra, Sumantra, Manjari Chakraborty, and N. R. Mandal. "CRITICAL REGIONALISM IN THE POST-COLONIAL ARCHITECTURE OF THE INDIAN SUBCONTINENT." JOURNAL OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBANISM 42, no. 2 (October 29, 2018): 103–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/jau.2018.6140.

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Critical Regionalism as expounded by Kenneth Frampton has found its use in many parts of the world as a reaction to the international architecture practised in the Western world. India, which was deprived of exposure to the advanced developments in architecture in the US and Europe was at one stroke brought into world contact after gaining independence. This paper traces the exposure of the Indian architects to Western training and philosophy and how they developed their works to suit the regional context. Important aspects of the paper are mentioned below: ‒ International exposure of the Indian architects after independence. ‒ Their designs and their approaches to the creation of an Indian flavour on their return to homeland. ‒ Examined the works of a few prominent architects and inferred on their special regional contributions.

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39

Singh, Pashaura. "How Avoiding the Religion–Politics Divide Plays out in Sikh Politics." Religions 10, no. 5 (April 28, 2019): 296. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10050296.

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This article looks at the intersection of religion and politics in the evolution of the Sikh tradition in the pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial periods in the Indian subcontinent. The Sikh notion of sovereignty is at the heart of the intersection of religious and secular domains, and this relationship is examined empirically and theoretically. In particular, the conception of mīrī-pīrī is presented as a possible explanation for understanding the ‘new developments’ in contemporary Sikh politics in India.

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Das, Phulmoni. "Book review: Mrinal Talukdar, Post Colonial Assam (1947–2019)." Indian Journal of Public Administration 66, no. 3 (August 23, 2020): 430–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556120945998.

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Pitale Puradkar, Rina Avinash. "SRI AUROBINDO’S EDUCATION POLICY IN PRE AND POST COLONIAL INDIA." Educational Discourse: collection of scientific papers, no. 14(6) (July 15, 2019): 20–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.33930/ed.2019.5007.14(6)-2.

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The greatest educationalist, those who played important roles in designing education systems have, in their quest to develop ideal processes and structure of education. The new pedagogy of national education impels a further realization of the potentialities of the child and its soul, a realisation that was explicitly stated in the writings of the nationalist leaders who inspired and led the movement of national education in India. In this paper I have tried to revisit the philosophy of education of Sri Aurobindo who tried to provide solution to the problem generated by Macaulayan education system in India during pre and post-colonial period.

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Subrahmanyam, Sanjay. "Hybrid affairs: Cultural histories of the East India companies." Indian Economic & Social History Review 55, no. 3 (June 19, 2018): 419–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019464618778408.

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Danna Agmon, A Colonial Affair: Commerce, Conversion and Scandal in French India, Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2017, xvi + 217pp. Anna Winterbottom, Hybrid Knowledge in the Early East India Company World, Cambridge Imperial and Post-Colonial Studies Series, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016, xii + 324pp.

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Sinha, Amita. "Colonial and post-colonial memorial parks in Lucknow, India: shifting ideologies and changing aesthetics." JoLA - Journal of Landscape Architecture 2010, no. 10 (November 2010): 60–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3939/jola.2010.2010.10.60.

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Gichki, Mahso. "Deconstructing Transgender Identities in Pakistan, India, and Iran in Colonial and Post-colonial Context." Development 63, no. 1 (January 24, 2020): 31–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41301-020-00243-3.

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Sinha, Amita. "Colonial and post-colonial memorial parks in Lucknow, India: shifting ideologies and changing aesthetics." Journal of Landscape Architecture 5, no. 2 (September 2010): 60–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/18626033.2010.9723439.

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Conlon, Frank F. "Book Review: En-Gendering India: Woman and Nation in Colonial and Post-colonial Narratives." Journal of Asian and African Studies 38, no. 1 (February 2003): 115–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002190960303800114.

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Ahmad, Zubair. "External Definition or Self-assertion of Separateness: Understanding Muslim Identity in Post-colonial India." Social Change 50, no. 4 (November 17, 2020): 515–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0049085720957511.

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Muslim identity like any other identity is discretely constituted, defined by language, religion, caste, class, sect and numerous other diverse roles. Such an understanding largely seems to have eluded the public philosophy of the post-colonial Indian state and what seems to have remained central to it is their exclusive definition in religious terms and an exclusive emphasis on their religious engagements. This paper looks at this external religious definition of the community and identifies this definition in the ‘top-down’ and ‘bottom-up’ identity construction processes and interprets other important developments which have all compounded to shape a separate Muslim identity in India. It analyses the construction of Muslim identity and attempts to understand the separateness that they have exhibited in post-colonial India. The argument follows that Muslim identity in India has been externally defined with an emphasis on religious aspects and that their separateness remains a quintessential result of this external definition.

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KUMAR, ARUN. "From Henley to Harvard at Hyderabad? (Post and Neo-) Colonialism in Management Education in India." Enterprise & Society 20, no. 2 (February 18, 2019): 366–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eso.2018.86.

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Founded in 1956, the Administrative Staff College of India (ASCI) was established with the objective of professionalizing management in post-colonial India through training, research, and consultancy. It was modeled on the Administrative Staff College at Henley-on-Thames (Henley), in the United Kingdom. Like Henley, ASCI used syndicates for its management training programs. Between 1958 and 1973, ASCI received more than $1.26 million from the Ford Foundation, part of which was used to finance the development and use of the case method in ASCI’s training programs, and later more widely in its research and consultancy. This article traces the ways by which the Ford Foundation––as adominating institution––stigmatized Henley and ASCI, their institutional practices, and the wider Indian society; and legitimized the case method pioneered at the Harvard Business School. Imbricated in the Cold War’s geo-politics, Ford Foundation’s interventions in Hyderabad should be understood as part of the emergence of the United States as the dominant neo-colonial power, which required the displacement of Britain, its institutions, and their practices as the template for India’s post-colonial management institutions.

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KUDAISYA, MEDHA. "‘A Mighty Adventure’: Institutionalising the Idea of Planning in Post-colonial India, 1947–60." Modern Asian Studies 43, no. 4 (July 2009): 939–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x07003460.

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AbstractThis essay examines the Indias' political leadership's romantic engagement with the idea of developmental planning in post-colonial India between 1947 and 1960. It looks at the experience of planning in India between 1947 and 1960. It explores some of the early ideas about developmental planning and the setting up of the Planning Commission in March 1950. Although there was widespread acceptance of the need for planning there was little consensus on the kind of planning that was required, or how it should be carried out. This essay examines attempts, which were made to institutionalise the planning idea. It looks at the heady ascent of the Planning Commission as the pre-eminent economic decision-making body in Independent India and the debates and contentions that took place in the early years of its formation. It argues that the 1956 foreign exchange crisis marked a climactic moment for planning. Thereafter, as far as economic decision-making was concerned, the locus of power shifted from the Planning Commission to other governmental agencies and the developmental planning process itself came to be over-shadowed by pragmatic economic management pursued by official agencies. Thus, in overall terms, developmental planning failed to establish strong institutional foundations in independent India and, in all this, the experience of the 1950s was formative.

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Vaitheespara, Ravi. "A Post-National, Post-Colonial History of Early Sri Lanka and South India." South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 34, no. 2 (July 15, 2011): 298–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00856401.2011.587394.

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