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1

Njung, George N. "Amputated Men, Colonial Bureaucracy, and Masculinity in Post–World War I Colonial Nigeria." Journal of Social History 53, no. 3 (2020): 620–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shz123.

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Abstract Since the 1980s, several aspects of masculinity in relation to the First World War, including the image of the citizen-soldier, have been well studied. Other aspects, however, such as the experience of combat and its impact on peacetime masculinities lag well behind. Though wartime and postwar experiences in Africa provide a repertoire for gender and masculinity research, the continent has been neglected in this realm of studies. British colonial Nigeria contributed tens of thousands of combat men to the war with thousands becoming disabled and facing challenges to their masculine identities, yet there is no serious research on this topic for Nigeria. This paper contributes to this long-neglected aspect of African history. Known in colonial archival documents only as “amputated men,” war-disabled Nigerian men struggled to navigate colonial bureaucracy in order to obtain artificial limbs and redeem what they considered their lost manhood. Employing data collected from the Nigerian and British archives, the article’s objectives are twofold: it analyzes the diminishment of the masculine identities of war-disabled men in Nigeria following the First World War, and it explains how such diminishment was accentuated by an inefficiently structured British colonial bureaucracy, paired with British colonial racism. The article contributes to scholarship on WWI, disability studies, gender studies, and colonial studies, through examination of the protracted legacies of the global conflict on the African continent.
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Abiodun Akinwale, Emmanuel Jude. "A Historical and Comparative Analysis of Colonial and Post Colonial Bureaucracy in Nigeria." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 4, no. 2 (May 30, 2014): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v4i2.5602.

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The purpose of this paper is to examine the historical and comparative analysis of colonial and post-colonial civil service in Nigeria and to probe issues connected with Nigerianisation of the civil service. It attempts to justify that both colonial and post-colonial civil service recorded bureaucratic successes but quota and federal character policies partly affected post-colonial bureaucratic practice in Nigeria. The paper applies historical and comparative analysis of colonial and post-colonial civil service in Nigeria. The paper finds that colonial administration introduced representation of indigenous officials in administration and recognized the strength of the merit principle in the practice of representative bureaucracy in Nigeria but post-colonial administration mixed meritocracy with federal character and quota policies. The paper presents elaborative discussions on strategies to break up the power hegemony of national executive with constitutional provisions of federal character policy and effects of its application subsumed in the analysis that administrative decentralization has its flaws.
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3

Popoola, Ibitayo S., Tosin A. Adesile, and Ibrahim O. Odenike. "A Comparative Discourse on Media Practice in Colonial and Post-Colonial Nigeria." Galactica Media: Journal of Media Studies 2, no. 2 (June 26, 2020): 22–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.46539/gmd.v2i2.104.

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This is a comparative study on media practice in colonial and post-colonial Nigeria. It covers journalism practice from 1920-2020. The study focuses on journalism practice during the days of nationalism-cum-political journalism era, led by Herbert Macaulay, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Chief Anthony Enahoro, Mr Ernest SeseiIkoli, amongst others. The study adopts journalism during the colonial days, up to the time of independence in 1960, as foundation, and compares it to the modern day journalism practice at the moment. The thesis in the study is anchored on the probing question of establishing changes that have taken place in the profession over a period of 160 years. While providing fresh discussions on the current journalism practice as well as the daunting challenges facing media professionals in Nigeria today, the study provides groundbreaking recommendations to rescue journalism that is almost comatose in Nigeria today. The study uses free press theory as theoretical underpinning, and the key informants interview method.
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Ugbem, Erima Comfort, Ayokunle Olumuyiwa Omobowale, and Olanrewaju Olutayo Akinpelu. "Racial Politics and Hausa-Fulani Dominant Identity in Colonial and Post-colonial Northern Nigeria." Nigerian Journal of Sociology and Anthropology 17, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 87–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.36108/njsa/9102/71(0160).

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The paper examined racial politics and identity contests in Northern Nigeria. The paper specifically traced the trajectory of racial politics and examined the dynamics of identity construction and contests in Northern Nigeria. An essentially qualitative method of data collection comprising primary data generated through in-depth interviews and secondary data generated through archival records were used. These were then subjected to content and descriptive analyses. Findings from the study revealed that racial politics originated during colonial rule with the British supposedly claiming gene/biological affinity of the Hausa-Fulani as with the Caucasoid groups of Eurasia. The Hausa-Fulani were consequently designated as the civilized group and super-imposed over minority groups that were classified as pagans. About six decades after colonial rule, Hausa-Fulani dominance remains a social reality in spite of identity contests and recreation by the minority groups of Northern Nigeria. Starting with the creation of the Middle Belt identity in the late 1950s, the constituent groups within the Middle Belt have consequently recreated other ethnic identities within Northern Nigeria. Notwithstanding, Hausa-Fulani remains the dominant group in Northern Nigeria socio-political structure.
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5

Ugwukah, Alexander C. "A Historical Appraisal of Development in the Nigerian Society from Pre-Colonial to Post-Colonial Periods." Journal of Sustainable Development 14, no. 4 (June 16, 2021): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jsd.v14n4p26.

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Although development studies of the Nigerian society has been done from various time frames and perspectives in order to ascertain the level of economic attainment, scant scholarly attention has been given to a wholesome historical appraisal of the Nigerian state from pre-colonial to post-colonial periods. The reason for this tendency is not unrelated to the enormity of issues and happenstances which characterized such a lengthy scope of study. However, given the necessity of an in-depth audit, it has become overly important to attempt/endeavor into a research that can offer a precise, meaningful and valuable guide for developmental indices in a country with such vast economic resources and diverse ethnic population. In fulfilment of this objective, the study adopted a Mixed Method Research (MMR) design involving elements of qualitative and quantitative research approaches. Although the work is qualitative dominant in historical research methodology, elements of quantitative drives was derived from an earlier research-wellbeing for Nigeria (Fig. 1) which corroborated findings from the oral interviews and the secondary sources from journals, library search, books and other literature. Additionally, recourse was made to Growth, Trade and Dependency Development theoretical framework of analysis which guided the validation of the findings. Findings of the work revealed that the Nigerian state has been enveloped in developmental crises for several decades, consequent upon ethnic and cultural pluralism, improper economic planning and productivity and corruption. The work concluded that, for Nigeria to attain meaningful socio-economic development, more resolute measures of the management of its resources and diversity should be put in place through good governance. The work recommended that the federal government should design and put in place people-oriented reform programs to promote social enhancement, economic empowerment at both rural and urban areas of the country and eradication of poverty.
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6

Roux, Hannah Le. "Modern Architecture in Post-Colonial Ghana and Nigeria." Architectural History 47 (2004): 361–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066622x00001805.

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… an architecture and form of urbanism will emerge closely connected with the set of ideas that have international validity but reflecting the conditions of climate, the habits of the people and the aspirations of the countries lying under the cloudy belt of the equatorial world.Max Fry and Jane Drew, architects, 1956The concept of architecture, even in its widest traditional sense, is foreign to Africa.John Lloyd, architect, 1966Maxwell Fry and Jane Drew, who had been in and out of West Africa since the 1940s as planners and architects, were optimistic about the role of architecture in the tropics on the eve of independence. In the text of Tropical Architecture in the Humid Zones they championed the development in Africa of the tropical modernism they had pioneered in their own work. In sharp contrast, John Lloyd, writing from Ghana just ten years later, conveyed a sense of the discipline’s estrangement from the context.
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7

Dagunduro, Adebukola, and Adebimpe Adenugba. "Failure to Meet up to Expectation: Examining Women’s Activist Groups in the Post-Colonial Period in Nigeria." Open Cultural Studies 4, no. 1 (May 4, 2020): 23–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/culture-2020-0003.

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AbstractWomen’s activism within various ethnic groups in Nigeria dates back to the pre-colonial era, with notable heroic leaders, like Moremi of Ife, Amina of Zaria, Emotan of Benin, Funmilayo Kuti, Margaret Ekpo and many others. The participation of Nigerian women in the Beijing Conference of 1995 led to a stronger voice for women in the political landscape. Several women’s rights groups have sprung up in the country over the years. Notable among them are the Federation of Nigerian Women’s Societies (FNWS), Women in Nigeria (WIN), Kudirat Initiative for Democracy (KIND) and Female in Nigeria (FIN). However, majority have failed to actualize significant political, social or economic growth. This paper examines the challenges and factors leading to their inability to live up to people’s expectations. Guided by patriarchy and liberal feminism theories, this paper utilizes both historical and descriptive methods to examine these factors. The paper argues that a lack of solidarity among women’s groups, financial constraints, unfavourable political and social practices led to the inability of women’s groups in Nigeria to live up to the envisaged expectations. The paper concludes that, for women’s activist groups to survive in Nigeria, a quiet but significant social revolution is necessary among women. Government should also formulate and implement policies that will empower women politically, economically and socially.
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8

Kwami, Robert. "Music education in Ghana and Nigeria: a brief survey." Africa 64, no. 4 (October 1994): 544–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161373.

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This brief historical survey of music education in Ghana and Nigeria encompasses three periods—the pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial eras. Its main aim is to search for explanations of an apparent dichotomy between African and Western musics in the curricula of schools in both countries. It shows that, during the pre-colonial and colonial eras, some missionaries, colonial administrators and teachers encouraged the use of indigenous musics in the formal, Western, education systems, whilst, in the post-colonial period, initiatives to include more indigenous African musics have put some pressure at lower levels of the curriculum. Consequently, it may be necessary to reassess the content, methods and resources of music education in both countries.
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9

Pratten, David. "‘The Thief Eats His Shame’: Practice and Power in Nigerian Vigilantism." Africa 78, no. 1 (February 2008): 64–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0001972008000053.

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Contemporary Nigerian vigilantism concerns a range of local and global dynamics beyond informal justice. It is a lens on the politics of post-colonial Africa, on the current political economy of Nigeria, and on its most intractable issues – the politics of democracy, ethnicity and religion. The legitimation of vigilante activity has extended beyond dissatisfaction with current levels of law and order and the failings of the Nigeria Police. To understand the local legitimacy of vigilantism in post-colonial Nigeria, indeed, it is also necessary to recognize its internal imperatives. Vigilantism in this context is embedded in narratives of contested rights, in familiar everyday practices, understandings of personhood and knowledge, and in alternative, older registers of governmentality. In addition to mapping temporal and spatial communities in which young men are vested with the right to exercise justice, this article assesses the legitimacy of Annang vigilantism within cultural frameworks of accountability linked to conceptions of agency, personhood and power, and the oppositions this produces between vigilantes and thieves.
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10

Okoi, Ibiang O. "Internal boundary and religious conflicts: the problems of national integration in post-colonial Nigeria." International Journal of Humanities and Innovation (IJHI) 4, no. 3 (September 19, 2021): 117–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.33750/ijhi.v4i3.125.

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We investigated Nigerian’s post-colonial resurgences of internal boundary and religious conflicts that have bedeviled the country since independence based on the problems of national integration in post-colonial Nigeria. It argued that resurgences of internal boundary and religious conflicts in the country since liberation in 1960 are crops of expansionism in the sense that colonialism, while the post-colonial state could not avert the ills of colonial rule but rather re-invented the foreign strategy of division and law. It also argues that the scuffles for control of the naturally found resources in the localities are a result of “oppression, marginalization and government influence, uneven distribution of wealth and resources, nepotism and socio-religious bigotry,” which have over the years led religious groups, communities, local governments and States to a long-drawn-out deadly boundary and religious conflicts. The objective of this research is not only aim at highlighting the impact of internal boundary and religious conflicts on the Nigerian federation but also to draw the attention of Nigerian policymakers and researchers to the “neglect” of these issues, which have pitted groups between and even within states in the country, with deadly consequences, thereby questioning the principle of national integration and its essence in Nigeria. The methodology used in this research is the secondary source that has to do with published and unpublished works on the internal boundary, religious conflicts, and national integration. The paper submits that the existence of different natural resources found within the country should not always lead to the internal boundary and religious conflicts but cooperation amongst the people.
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11

Olaoye, R. A. "Native Knowledge and Conflict Resolution in Post-Colonial Nigeria." Présence Africaine 172, no. 2 (2005): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/presa.172.0057.

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12

Oloyede Alabi, Michael. "Modern landscaping and medicinal plant loss as a legacy of colonialism in Nigeria (Lokoja as case study)." JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH 3, no. 1 (January 30, 2014): 197–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.24297/jssr.v3i1.3192.

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This paper aims to trace the history of colonial urban planning in Nigerian cities, its legacies of urban design and beautification of the environment. In Nigeria the town planning institutional frame works was established under the colonial rule which persisted to the post colonial period. In this sense the colonial era was a phase in which European institutions and values systems were transferred to Nigeria, one of which is the concept of environmental beautification with the use of plants. An investigation is carried out on the influence of colonial rule on landscaping and urban design. Findings show that the introduction of deliberate landscaping to city planning have over the years systematically led to loss of valuable indigenous plants partly due to the introduction of exotic plants. These are plants that initially were seen as sources of cure for several ailments. There is therefore the need for a rethink as to the type of plants to be used for landscaping.
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13

Okonkwo, Uche Uwaezuoke. "The Advertisement of Alcohol in Colonial and Post-Colonial Times in Southern Nigeria." Journal of Historical Sociology 31, no. 4 (March 2, 2018): 497–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/johs.12185.

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14

Kohnert, Dirk. "The transformation of rural labour systems in colonial and post‐colonial Northern Nigeria." Journal of Peasant Studies 13, no. 4 (July 1986): 258–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03066158608438312.

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15

Manton, John. "‘ENVIRONMENTAL AKALISM’ AND THE WAR ON FILTH: THE PERSONIFICATION OF SANITATION IN URBAN NIGERIA." Africa 83, no. 4 (October 25, 2013): 606–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972013000466.

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ABSTRACTIn Nigerian cities, as across much of Africa, sanitation practices at zone, ward and street levels inscribe – in patterns of circulation and interaction around waste – not only the hopes and fears of urban residents and managers, but also the aspirations and failures encoded in colonial and post-colonial national and regional histories. Adjusting to numerous challenges – the interplay of racist colonial zoning strategies, rapid post-colonial urban expansion, the withdrawal of public services amid the liberalization programmes of the 1980s, the increasingly abject character of the social contract, and the ongoing tenuousness of economic life and activity – urban environmental sanitation in Nigeria has long struggled to keep pace with the historical dynamics of the country's emergent metropolises. Following the activities of a cohort of inspectors and volunteers at the Ministry of Environment and Water Resources, Oyo State, this article examines the politics of performance and coercion surrounding the monthly observance of Environmental Sanitation Day in Ibadan amid the heightened political tensions of the electoral season in 2011.
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16

Azunna, Chigozie. "Post-colonial agricultural participation in livelihood strengthening." Research, Society and Development 7, no. 2 (January 1, 2018): e772144. http://dx.doi.org/10.17648/rsd-v7i2.181.

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Post-colonial agricultural initiatives, programmes and models in Nigeria are aimed at empowering rural farmers to better yields and productivity while creating employment at community level. It necessitates food security, quality domestic food production and improvement in general welfare and livelihood and the farmers. The post-colonial era in Nigeria has witnessed numerous agricultural programmes. Example includes but not the least, the National Accelerated Food Production Project (NAFPP) 1972, Agricultural Development Projects, ADPs 1975, the Accelerated Development Area Project ADAP 1982, and the Multi-state Agricultural Development Projects MSADP 1986. The application of PEA in AVM ensures that positive outcomes and productions are expected through increase in farmers' awareness of modern technologies and practices. AVM is a multidisciplinary and multidimensional approach to improve the livelihood of rice farmers. Structured questionnaire and face to face interview were used to collect the data and SPSS was used to analyse the data. Human livelihood capital is characterized as a two-way thing, that is, it is concerned with both environmental influence on human life and human influences on the environment, focusing on the nature and quality of the relationship that exists between human communities and the ecosystem and how the environment provides the resource base for human existence. AVM prompted a shift from the usual way of financing farm projects to government involvement and providing farmers with information on how to secure loans, credit and financial incentives. Therefore, the study conclude that the introduction and adoption of AVM brought about substantial changes to the farmers livelihood capitals.
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WYSS, MARCO. "THE UNITED STATES, BRITAIN, AND MILITARY ASSISTANCE TO NIGERIA." Historical Journal 61, no. 4 (February 26, 2018): 1065–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x17000498.

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AbstractIn Nigeria, Britain asserted its post-colonial security role during and immediately after the transfer of power, and remained responsible for assisting the Nigerian armed forces. While the Americans recognized Nigeria's potential as an important partner in the Cold War, they preferred to focus on development aid. Washington was thus supposed to complement British assistance, while leaving the responsibility for the security sector to London. But with the escalation of the Cold War in Africa, the Nigerians’ efforts to reduce their dependency on the United Kingdom, and Nigeria's growing significance for the United States in African affairs, this Anglo-American burden-sharing was increasingly questioned in Washington. The United States thus eventually decided to militarize its aid policy towards Nigeria. In analysing the militarization of US aid policy towards Nigeria, this article will, first, assess the Anglo-American relationship in the early 1960s; secondly, position Nigeria in American Cold War policy towards Sub-Saharan Africa; thirdly, question the role of military assistance in Washington's policy towards Nigeria and Africa; and fourthly, discover the regional and local factors that influenced policy-makers in Washington and London.
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18

T. Ityonzughul, Thaddeus, Asor Gbamwuan, David M. Igba, and Olalekan Olajire. "Beyond colonial entrapment: profiling the economic challenges of nation building in post-colonial Nigeria." Journal of Nation-building & Policy Studies 4, no. 2 (December 27, 2020): 83–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.31920/2516-3132/2020/v4n2a5.

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19

agnes, osita-njoku. "The Political Economy of Development In Nigeria: From The Colonial To Post Colonial Eras." IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science 21, no. 09 (September 2016): 09–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.9790/0837-2109010915.

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20

Uluocha, Nnabugwu. "Fifty Years of Post-Colonial Mapping in Nigeria: An Overview." Cartographica: The International Journal for Geographic Information and Geovisualization 47, no. 3 (September 2012): 179–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/carto.47.3.1069.

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21

Willott, Chris. "Rejecting Continuity and Rupture." African and Asian Studies 13, no. 4 (December 10, 2014): 405–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341315.

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Patronage and financial corruption are rife in the contemporary Nigerian state and have gained widespread social acceptance, indicating a belief that it is legitimate to appropriate state resources for personal gain. In this paper I concentrate on the historical antecedents of this state of affairs. Focusing on the Igbo-speaking south-east of the country, I argue that an understanding of contemporary Nigeria must be based on a syncretic analysis: that is, a combination of influences from pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial eras. Despite this, the colonial era should not be downplayed as an influence, as some have sought to argue. In particular, I argue that the imposition of warrant chiefs in previously acephalous communities with participatory governance engendered a belief that government did not belong to local people.
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22

Manton, John. "“The Lost Province”: Neglect and Governance in Colonial Ogoja." History in Africa 35 (January 2008): 327–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.0.0010.

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The notion that the colonial entity administered as Ogoja Province represented a Nigerian form of “the frontier” persisted right through the period of British rule in Nigeria. In a late colonial geography, Ogoja and eastern Calabar are referred to as the “pioneer fringe.” Marginalized by the economic geography of colonialism, as a result of its relatively low population density, in contrast to much of southeastern Nigeria, and by virtue of its terrain, crossed by unforded rivers and characterized by heavy, clayey soils which restricted wet-season travel, it could still be characterized in the 1940s as a “traceless praierie [sic]” by one of its most seasoned European observers, and as “the Lost Province” in common colonial parlance. Scholarly exploration has done little to address this marginalization, a fact both pivotal in the administration and development of Ogoja Province and restrictive of our attempts to understand and describe these administrative processes. The dynamics of community, trade, and migration in Ogoja, and the systematic misunderstandings to which these dynamics were subject, both constitute historical processes which call for scrutiny, and help shape development and welfare projects undertaken in the later colonial period and in post-independence Nigeria. This study investigates the problematic interaction of ethnography and administration at the colonial margin, and the implications of this both for the historical study of Ogoja and its hinterland and for economic and social development planning in the area.
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23

Eribo, Festus. "Higher Education in Nigeria: Decades of Development and Decline." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 24, no. 1 (1996): 64–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1548450500004996.

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On October 1, 1960, the British colonialists departed Nigeria, leaving behind one lonely university campus at Ibadan which was established in 1948 as an affiliate of the University of London and a prototype of British educational philosophy for the colonies. Thirty-five years into the post-colonial era, Nigerians established 40 new universities, 69 polytechnics, colleges of technology and of education. Twenty of the universities and 17 polytechnics are owned by the federal government while the state governments control the others. Nigerian universities are largely directed by Nigerian faculty and staff. The student enrollment in the universities is on the increase, reaching an estimated 400,000 Nigerian students and a handful of African and non-African students.
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Eribo, Festus. "Higher Education in Nigeria: Decades of Development and Decline." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 24, no. 1 (1996): 64–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502212.

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On October 1, 1960, the British colonialists departed Nigeria, leaving behind one lonely university campus at Ibadan which was established in 1948 as an affiliate of the University of London and a prototype of British educational philosophy for the colonies. Thirty-five years into the post-colonial era, Nigerians established 40 new universities, 69 polytechnics, colleges of technology and of education. Twenty of the universities and 17 polytechnics are owned by the federal government while the state governments control the others. Nigerian universities are largely directed by Nigerian faculty and staff. The student enrollment in the universities is on the increase, reaching an estimated 400,000 Nigerian students and a handful of African and non-African students.
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LIVSEY, TIM. "‘Suitable lodgings for students’: modern space, colonial development and decolonization in Nigeria." Urban History 41, no. 4 (February 6, 2014): 664–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926813001065.

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ABSTRACTThis article argues that development and modernity have had spatial manifestations. It considers understandings of modern space in colonial and post-colonial Nigeria through the study of University College Ibadan, the country's first university institution founded in 1948. It contends that the university was shaped by existing West African conceptions of modern space and university buildings took on new meanings with the shifting politics of decolonization. The article also suggests that colonial development involved a range of groups and forms of knowledge. It seeks to recognize the strength of colonial institutions and cultures but also the limits to and contingencies in late colonial power.
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Chidebe, Chris. "Nigeria and the Arab States." American Journal of Islam and Society 2, no. 1 (July 1, 1985): 115–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v2i1.2782.

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Nigeria is the most populous state in Africa south of the Sahara. Her geography and her history together make her an interesting socio­political and cultural experiment. It is a land with believers in both Islam and Christianity. A country whose northern parts were the prizes of jihadic victory of a highly Islamized Fulani elite, and whose southern portions are inhabited by peoples who were voluntarily or involuntarily brought under the control of the marching Christian soldiers determined to expand the domain of imperial Europe and committed to recruiting souls for Jesus. Nigeria is a meeting ground for two periods in African history. It is the place where Islam still rejoices over its past glories and successes; it is also a place where Euro-Western Christianity has made a major breakthrough. It is against this background, and with such facts in mind, that the subject of Nigerian-Arab relations is here explored. I divide this paper into four parts. The first part is a brief historical sketch of the impact of Arabs and Islam on the Nigerian society and the Nigerian mind. The second part addresses itself to the early post-colonial period in Nigerian­Arab relations; the third part discusses Nigerian-Arab relations under military rule in Nigeria; the fourth part discusses Nigeria's Third Republic and the Arab states. A. Islam, Arabs and NigeriaThe arrival of Islam in northern Nigeria dates back to the 11th century and constitutes a major development in the history of this region of Africa. It not only linked the Hausas, the Fulanis, and other Islamized ethnic groups with the wider world of Islam to the north, northeast, and west, but it also opened up the possibility of Muslim expansion southwards. Indeed, one of the effects of lslamization in Northern Nigeria was the emergence of a full-fledged Islamic culture and civilization in certain parts of what we now call Nigeria. The sphere of ...
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Babalola, S. O., A. Abdul Rahman, L. T. Choon, and P. J. M. Van Oosterom. "POSSIBILITIES OF LAND ADMINISTRATION DOMAIN MODEL (LADM) IMPLEMENTATION IN NIGERIA." ISPRS Annals of Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences II-2/W2 (October 19, 2015): 155–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/isprsannals-ii-2-w2-155-2015.

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LADM covers essential information associated components of land administration and management including those over water and elements above and below the surface of the earth. LADM standard provides an abstract conceptual model with three packages and one sub-package. LADM defined terminology for a land administration system that allows a shared explanation of different formal customary or informal tenures. The standard provides the basis for national and regional profiles and enables the combination of land management information from different sources in a coherent manner. Given this, this paper started with the description of land and land administration in Nigeria. The pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial era with organization structure was discussed. This discussion is important to present an understanding of the background of any improvement needed for the LADM implementation in Nigeria. The LADM, ISO 19152 and the packages of LADM was discussed, and the comparison of the different aspects of each package and classes were made with Nigerian land administration and the cadastral system. In the comparison made, it was discovered that the concept is similar to LADM packages in Nigerian land administration. Although, the terminology may not be the same in all cases. Having studied conceptualization and the application of LADM, as a model that has essential information associated with components of the land administration. Including those on the land, over water as well as elements above and below the surface of the earth and discovered that the standard is suitable for the country. The model can, therefore, be adopted into Nigerian land administration system by mapping in some of the concepts of LADM.
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Muhammad, Aisha Mustapha. "Divergent Struggles for Identity and Safeguarding Human Values: A Postcolonial Analysis of Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie’s Half of a Yellow Sun." IRA-International Journal of Management & Social Sciences (ISSN 2455-2267) 11, no. 2 (May 22, 2018): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.21013/jmss.v11.n2.p1.

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In the novel Adichie uncovers the characters’ struggles based on the loss of Identity and Human values which is basically the result of the Nigerian civil war. The characters strive to bring back what they lost due to the war. Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie was born much later after the Nigerian civil war of 1966-1969. Chimamanda Adichie had the interest to revive history of the war; she used her imaginative talent in bringing what she hadn’t experienced. The novel Half of a Yellow Sun is a literary work which uses the theory of post-colonialism or post-colonial studies, it is a term that is used to analyze and explain the legacy of colonialism through the study of a particular book. Colonialism did not happen during the colonial era only but extended to after independence of the countries that were colonized. The novel Half of a Yellow Sun shows the effect of colonialism after independence of Nigeria. Adichie believes that by bringing back the issue of the war, the growing generation would understand more about the war. According to her in Nigeria the history taught in the primary and secondary schools is not complete, some parts were removed and nobody is allowed to talk about it. So through the novel, she tries to go through history to see what has happened, so that she can make the young generation understand history better. The book opens with a poem by Chinua Achebe about the Nigerian civil war.
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Zachernuk, Philip S. "Of Origins and Colonial Order: Southern Nigerian Historians and the ‘Hamitic Hypothesis’ c. 1870–1970." Journal of African History 35, no. 3 (November 1994): 427–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700026785.

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The professional Nigerian nationalist historiography which emerged in reaction against the imperialist Hamitic Hypothesis – the assertion that Africa's history had been made only by foreigners – is rooted in a complex West African tradition of critical dialogue with European ideas. From the mid-nineteenth century, western-educated Africans have re-worked European ideas into distinctive Hamitic Hypotheses suited to their colonial location. This account developed within the constraints set by changing European and African-American ideas about West African origins and the evolving character of the Nigerian intelligentsia. West Africans first identified themselves not as victims of Hamitic invasion but as the degenerate heirs of classical civilizations, to establish their potential to create a modern, Christian society. At the turn of the century various authors argued for past development within West Africa rather than mere degeneration. Edward Blyden appropriated African-American thought to posit a distinct racial history. Samuel Johnson elaborated on Yoruba traditions of a golden age. Inter-war writers such as J. O. Lucas and Ladipo Solanke built on both arguments, but as race science declined they again invoked universal historical patterns. Facing the arrival of Nigeria as a nation-state, later writers such as S. O. Biobaku developed these ideas to argue that Hamitic invasions had created Nigeria's proto-national culture. In the heightened identity politics of the 1950s, local historians adopted Hamites to compete for historical primacy among Nigerian communities. The Hamitic Hypothesis declined in post-colonial conditions, in part because the concern to define ultimate identities along a colonial axis was displaced by the need to understand identity politics within the Nigerian sphere. The Nigerian Hamitic Hypothesis had a complex career, promoting élite ambitions, Christian identities, Nigerian nationalism and communal rivalries. New treatments of African colonial historiography – and intellectual history – must incorporate the complexities illus-trated here.
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LAW, ROBIN. "Ali-Ogba: A History of Ogba People. By FRANCIS J. ELLAH. Enugu: Fourth Dimension Publishing Co., 1995. Pp. xiv + 226. $18.00; £9.95 (ISBN 978-156-400-8). (Distributed by African Books Collective, The Jam Factory, 27 Park End Street, Oxford OX1 1HU.)." Journal of African History 38, no. 1 (March 1997): 123–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853796496906.

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The Ogba are an Igbo-speaking group, situated in the extreme south-west of the Igbo area, in the modern Rivers State of Nigeria (though the maps in this book, which depict only the Ogba country itself, do not convey a very clear sense of its location). This history of the community, written by its current Eze (king), sets out to cover the entire sweep of its history, from ‘the origin of the Ogbas’ (attributed to the fourteenth century) to the colonial period (post-independence history being treated only cursorily). It is based mainly on local oral traditions, taken partly from colonial Intelligence Reports, but also including extensive new material collected by the author; some use is also made, for the colonial period, of contemporary documents from British and Nigerian archives, and for prehistory, of archaeological evidence.
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31

HINDS, ALLISTER E. "GOVERNMENT POLICY AND THE NIGERIAN PALM OIL EXPORT INDUSTRY, 1939–49." Journal of African History 38, no. 3 (November 1997): 459–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853797007007.

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This paper examines the role of the imperial and colonial governments in the formulation of policy towards the Nigerian palm oil export industry between 1939 and 1949. It argues that for most of the war years colonial officials in Nigeria accepted that metropolitan needs and conditions should dictate policy in the oil palm produce industry. However, towards the end of the war, they began to question whether policies centred around the requirements of the metropole would preserve the future competitiveness of the industry. Thereafter, they pressed for measures which gave priority to the problems and necessities of the local industry and the colonial economy. While colonial policy was sensitive to the concerns of imperial and local government officials, for most of the period under review it was reluctant, and on occasions, unable to accommodate the measures necessary to harmonize imperial and colonial goals. Consequently, the anticipated expansion in palm oil exports failed to materialize and the future competitiveness of the industry remained in doubt.This article fills an important void in the current literature on the Nigerian palm oil export industry. To date insufficient attention has been paid to the thinking within imperial and colonial government circles which underpinned the policies adopted in the industry during World War II and the early post-war years, and which led to the failure of policy makers to achieve their objectives. Moreover, the current literature ignores the vigorous debate between the Colonial Office and the Nigerian colonial government, and among colonial government officials, over the best means by which the needs of the local palm oil industry could be reconciled with the demands of the metropole, especially between 1942 and 1949.
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Hansen, William. "Boko Haram: Religious Radicalism and Insurrection in Northern Nigeria." Journal of Asian and African Studies 52, no. 4 (December 17, 2015): 551–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909615615594.

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This article is interested in shedding light on why a phenomenon such as Boko Haram came into existence and why it poses a threat to the very existence of the Nigerian state. The Boko Haram phenomenon, I argue, can only be understood as a reaction to more than a half century of corruption, venality, poverty, and abuse by the state predator class. My argument is that Boko Haram is the entirely logical consequence of more than five decades of the post-colonial Nigerian state ruled by a parasitic predator class that is itself a by-product of the colonial state.
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Aladegbola, Isaac Adegbenga, and Femi Jaiyeola. "Critique of Public Administrative Reform System: Post-Independence in Nigeria." Africa’s Public Service Delivery and Performance Review 4, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/apsdpr.v4i1.109.

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The public service of any nation is its veritable instrument for national development. If it fails, the gamut of policies meant for the nation’s development would have failed. In this sense, the observable developmental deficits in Africa cannot therefore, be separated from the failures of the continents public service and the largest chunk of these failures are located on the ethical behaviour of the public servants who are taking the service mostly as a colonial service. Writing from Nigeria hindsight, the author observed that most nation’s public service in Africa, like its larger society, have not been able to separate themselves from their history, the history of “colonial mentality.” In a way, an enduring problem noticeable within the public service in most sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) states has been what appropriate strategy will remove, the clove of “colonial mentality” associated with the public servant behaviour even years after decolonization of most SSA states and in spite of various post independent reforms put up to rectify these deficiencies. Has the knowledge of Africa Solution to Africa Problem (ASAP) instil the right type of ethical behaviours that will accept the public service as African service and not foreign service of the old exploitative order, divide and rule system and the ‘not my business’ syndrome that pervaded the era of colonial rules? It is critical that the failure of public service is a failure of service delivery in Africa. This paper, using Nigeria as a case study, does not only chronicle these failures/challenges as it affects Africa development strides, it also offers a process of public service ethics education as strategy, in order to have long-term and sustainable solutions that will promote public service delivery in Africa. <br /><br />
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Ajala, Aderemi Suleiman. "Cultural Patrimony, Political Identity, and Nationalism in Southwestern Nigeria." International Journal of Cultural Property 22, no. 4 (November 2015): 471–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0940739115000259.

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Abstract:The convergence of Yoruba nationals and the intensification of nationalism in southwestern Nigeria for self-assertion, political brokerage, and power relations in colonial and post-colonial eras were reinforced by the projection of Yoruba cultural heritage and patrimony expressed both in person and literary productions. Using textual analysis and observation, this paper examines some aspects of cultural heritage and Yoruba nationalism and how cultural heritage created patrimony, the sense of a nation, established civic virtue, and formed local (re)publics in southwestern Nigeria. The present discourse further examines how cultural patrimony is used to echo Yoruba sense of marginalization and political superiority in Nigeria. The paper further argues that most of this cultural heritage addresses a fairly well-defined audience, most especially those sympathetic to Yoruba nationalism and politics. Thus, cultural heritage and patrimony are active agents of nationalism and political identity in southwestern Nigeria.
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Nnabuihe, Onyekachi, and Kayode George. "LAND GRABS AND HUMAN INSECURITY IN COLONIAL JOS PLATEAU, NIGERIA." Caleb Journal of Social and Management Science 5, no. 2 (December 31, 2020): 225–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.26772/cjsms2020050207.

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This article places land grab in its primeval colonial milieu and investigates how colonial tin mining operation induced human insecurity in colonial Jos, Nigeria. It uses the human insecurity approach to address questions of colonial “control grabbing” – grabbing and controlling of land – in Jos Plateau. Although contemporary research addresses the recent rush for African lands, they have allocated minimal attention to historical details and lessons of colonialism as well as its connection to human insecurity. Through the use of interviews and archival sources, the article investigates how tin mining operations stimulated human insecurity and how British land policies and politics empowered the Hausa and Fulani in Jos Plateau, to accumulate much land and how their actions and inactions provided the incentives for bloody and intractable conflicts in the post-colonial era. The article argues that scholarly analysis of land grab is largely associated with food and biofuel production ignoring the connection with tin exploitation and its legacies. To this end, discourses on land grabs need to allocate adequate attention to natural resources as a stimulant for the phenomenon and why it is a threat to environmental peace. Keywords: Land grabs, human insecurity, land policies and politics, conflicts, Jos Plateau Nigeria.
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OFFIONG, EKWUTOSI ESSIEN. "LANGUAGE AND DISCOURSE IN NIGERIAN EDUCATION: HISTORIC IMPLICATION OF GENDER ISSUES." Society Register 3, no. 4 (December 31, 2019): 37–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/sr.2019.3.4.03.

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Abstract This paper examines the influence and power of language in education in Nigeria from the precolonial to colonial and post-colonial times. This is with regards to the effect of language on gender issues within the country. Nigeria, a country on the west coast of Africa is multi-ethnic with over 150 (one hundred and fifty) ethnic groups with their different indigenous languages and cultures. As a colony of the British, the Christian missionaries who first introduced western form of education in Nigeria used the British English language as a medium of communication and subsequently with the establishment of colonial administration in the country, English language was made the official language of the country. This paper contains a critical analysis of the use of English Language in the country and its implications on communication in social and economic interactions of individuals within the various communities across the country. It argues that the proliferation of the English language was through education of which the male gender benefitted more than their female counterparts due to the patriarchal dominance in the country. The data for the study was collated from random interviews and other written sources. The research discovered that the knowledge and ability to speak fluently and write the English language had a direct influence on the socio-political and economic status of individuals within the country. The women who benefitted from this were comparatively fewer than the men due to some prevailing conditions of what could be called in the present the subjugation of women the society. Critical discourse analysis is adopted for this study. It argues that English language dependency by Nigerians shows that forms of the colonial experience is still evident and these were all initiated during the past interactions with west through the transatlantic slave trade and colonial rule. This is because discourse as a social construct is created and perpetuated by the persons who have the language power and means of communication. The Nigerian family being of a conservative orientation derives its power directly from the father who is the patriarch of the family as obtained in the traditional set up of communities and the Nigerian society in general. This has grave effect on the opposite gender
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37

Oduor, Vincent Odhiambo. "Artistry and Post-Colonial Issues in Wole Soyinka’s The Interpreters." Editon Consortium Journal of Literature and Linguistic Studies 2, no. 1 (May 31, 2020): 130–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.51317/ecjlls.v2i1.123.

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This paper sets out to examine how Wole Soyinka uses art in his first novel, The Interpreters to reflect the post-colonial issues that affect individuals in the newly independent state of Nigeria. It begins by illuminating Wole Soyinka as a unique artist who experiments with all genres of literature. The paper then discusses Artistry in The Interpreters but limiting the study to plot, characterisation and his style of narration. This paper draws interest in the society as portrayed in the text. We see a society which is experiencing a gradual drifting from the traditional ways of life to the modern, though in a confused manner because their world view of the contemporary world is suppressed by the systems put by the post-colonial government. The interpreters are an epitome of the broader community, which is experiencing changes in their country. The paper brings out an argument that with the creation of post-colonial society come different personalities with different responses to the situation.
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38

Sani, Ma’aruf. "The paradox of post-colonial urban growth in the city of Zaria, Nigeria." Journal of Geography and Regional Planning 12, no. 1 (January 31, 2019): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.5897/jgrp2018.0714.

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39

Bamidele, Seun. "WHICH WAY IS NIGERIA HEADING? THE POST-COLONIAL POLITICAL SYSTEM AND DEVELOPMENTAL ISSUES." PEOPLE: International Journal of Social Sciences 4, no. 3 (November 22, 2018): 405–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.20319/pijss.2018.43.405420.

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40

Craggs, Ruth, and Hannah Neate. "Post-colonial careering and urban policy mobility: between Britain and Nigeria, 1945-1990." Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 42, no. 1 (September 7, 2016): 44–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/tran.12147.

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41

EROJIKWE, Ikechukwu, Ugochukwu ANIBUOGU, and Vincent NNAMELE. "Prometheus Unbound: Health Humanities and the Complexity of Female Sexuality in Post-Colonial Nigeria." Nile Journal of English Studies 1, no. 1 (March 7, 2016): 96. http://dx.doi.org/10.20321/nilejes.v1i1.41.

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<p>Sexuality in Nigeria has over the years been marred by several issues ranging from illiteracy, religious beliefs to socio-cultural norm. Consequently, women of all ages and almost all social strata have lived with the dangers of health hazards, social injustice and painfully death. That is not to say that sexual problems occur exclusively within the female category; it is safe to state that women are at the receiving end of some of the health and social consequences of sexually related challenges and thus, women are the focus group for this paper. Women in Africa appear chained as far as their sexuality is concerned and need a broad spectrum strategy to find lasting solutions within the context of post-colonial Nigeria. This paper intends to look at sex and sexuality from the health humanities angle. Health humanities as an emerging discipline attempts to look at areas of convergence between health and humanities. Therefore this paper will attempt to look at ways through which film has aided health promotion and awareness with regard to sexuality. The theoretical frame work for this study is perception theory and post colonial theory.</p>
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42

Adeleke, O. W., and А. Т. Abzhaliyeva. "GLOBALIZATION AND SOCIAL INEQUALITY IN NIGERIA." BULLETIN Series of Sociological and Political sciences 73, no. 1 (December 30, 2020): 147–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.51889/2021-1.1728-8940.22.

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Globalization creates social inequality and instability, it poses threat to sovereignty and territorial integrity not just in the post-colonial countries of Asia and Afrika, but also in the current Westphalia state system. Globalization often tacitly embolden demands for new states. Meanwhile, neo-liberalism that works in the well-established market economies in the West has failed to meet the target in the emerging markets of the developing economies. Although globalization comes with both enriching and impoverishing impacts, yet the impacts are known to be disruptive and contribute to domestic instability.
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43

Naanen, Ben. "Economy within an Economy: the Manilla Currency, Exchange Rate Instability and Social Conditions in South-Eastern Nigeria, 1900–48." Journal of African History 34, no. 3 (November 1993): 425–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700033740.

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This paper studies the effects of the coexistence of the manilla currency and British currency in south-eastern Nigeria, and the way in which this monetary situation created political tensions which eventually led to the redemption of the manilla. When British control of Southern Nigeria was formalized in 1900 and British currency introduced in the south-east in the following year, the inability of the colonial authorities to put into circulation adequate supplies of British coins, coupled with historically entrenched use of traditional currencies, compelled the colonial state to recognize the latter as legal tender. However, the continuing circulation of these currencies alongside British coins created financial and economic difficulties, causing the colonial state to adopt a number of legislative measures to eradicate them. While other traditional currencies capitulated to these measures, the manilla continued to be popular as a result of objective economic factors, and was strengthened by some of the very instruments designed to eliminate it.Meanwhile, the constantly fluctuating exchange rate of the manilla was generating discontent. These fluctuations were caused primarily by the gyrations of the world market. Improved prices of palm products–the main sources of British currency in the economy of southeastern Nigeria–brought about the appreciation of the manilla. This caused hardship among wage-earners by reducing the exchange value and the purchasing power of their meagre and fixed income which had to be converted to manillas in order to buy food and other locally produced goods and services. Periods of depression, on the other hand, caused manilla depreciation as a result of a diminished inflow of British currency. This reduced the income of peasant producers, while increasing the purchasing power of workers. The ferments generated by fluctuating manilla values have remained, until now, unidentified causal links in the political movements in south-eastern Nigeria, including especially the women's movements of the 1920s.The discontent intensified in the 1940s, when the influx of cash into the Nigerian economy caused by war-time military spending and the post-war commodity boom caused a continuous appreciation of the manilla. This development made life more difficult for workers, whose incomes were already being decimated by inflation. The resulting intensified political tension, as well as the existing obstacles to trade and smooth collection of taxes (also caused by unabating manilla fluctuations), made the demonetization of the manilla through redemption inevitable. With the elimination of the manilla, which had constituted a sub-system within the economic system of colonial Nigeria, the colonial state's economic control of Nigeria can be said to have been completed.
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OBIKWU, EMMANUEL. "THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION, NATIONAL- ETHNIC MINORITY GROUPS AND THE CREATION OF STATES: THE POST–COLONIAL NIGERIAN EXPERIENCE." Petita : Jurnal Kajian Ilmu Hukum dan Syariah 2, no. 1 (September 8, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/petita.v2i1.1811.

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Critics will retort that there are well over 400 ethno-linguistic groups in Nigeria and each of them cannot have their own state! This is acknowledged and is not an altogether unfounded claim. It, however, underestimates inter-communal and interethnic relations which in Nigeria is generally cordial. Several states in the country are strictly speaking not entirely homogenous ethnically but are composed of several minority groups living together in harmony. Furthermore, there are criteria which ethnic groups agitating for states within Nigeria must meet. Political negotiations, rallies, campaigns and the like all play a part in the realization of the legitimate aspirations of ethnic minorities within a constitutional democracy. Undoubtedly, the operation of Federal Republican Constitution and the creation of states continues to attract constructive criticism. Thus, it has been argued against Nigeria’s Presidential Federalism that this type of republican constitutionalism continues to sustain and perpetuate the status of the predominant tribes more powerfully than would have occurred in a unitary system.
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45

Amaefule, Adolphus Ekedimma. "The Roman Catholic Church in Nigeria and Liturgical Inculturation in Chimamanda Adichie’s Purple Hibiscus." Ecclesiology 17, no. 1 (April 15, 2021): 72–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455316-bja10002.

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Abstract Beyond its entertainment value, every piece of creative literature has something more to say which reading between the lines often has a way of revealing. This is true of the novel Purple Hibiscus by the award-winning Nigerian writer, Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie. While his novel says something about the family, politics, post-colonial history and religious realities such as priesthood, mission, Mary, and the Eucharist, this paper looks at what it can tell us about liturgical inculturation and its implications for the Roman Catholic Church in Nigeria. It is hoped that the paper would help to continue, in the spirit of interdisciplinarity, the conversation on the nexus between Ecclesiology and Creative Literature.
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Abdulrahman, Yusuf Maigida. "History And Moral Education In Nation Building: A Discourse On The Nigeria’s Broken Systems." Archives of Business Research 8, no. 4 (April 19, 2020): 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/abr.84.7940.

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Systems are fast collapsing in Nigeria, including education. The good old days of the country were devoid of all the negativities of today. Studies have shown that a number of forces and causes were responsible for where the country has come to find herself. However, to be historical is sine-qua-non to retracing our bearing and recognizing education as a potent instrument for a morally upright society. The connection between history and moral education was chronicled, with clear focus on the place of history and moral education from the retrospective standpoints; capturing colonial and post-colonial characteristics. Ugly state of affairs in Nigeria and ways of addressing the situations were highlighted, for nation building. Character training and promotion of right type of values recommended.
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47

Akintayo, Thomas. "Options for Africa’s Child Welfare Systems from Nigeria’s Unsustainable Multicultural Models." Sustainability 13, no. 3 (January 21, 2021): 1118. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13031118.

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The sustainability of Africa’s existing child welfare systems remains uncertain, potentially owing to the maltreatment of children amid the competing worldviews of the continent’s indigenous and non-indigenous practices and international childcare models. This article focuses on Nigeria’s unsustainable multicultural child welfare system in order to highlight the inherent challenges of child welfare systems in Africa and proffer remedies. Seven discernible trends derived from available indigenous sources of information and scholarly literature on Nigeria are used as mind maps to describe and discuss Nigeria’s multicultural characteristics and childcare practices. From the discussion, the country’s child welfare challenges manifest in the following forms: ethnocultural, or more specifically, ethnoreligious diversity; the infiltration of Nigeria by non-native worldviews; colonial legacies; vacillating post-colonial social policies; conceptual ambiguities in non-indigenous welfare terminologies; and persistent unnecessary professional rivalries, which are also present in other African countries. As remedies, three transformative response options for the sustainability of the Nigerian child welfare system and those of other African countries are recommended: embracing cultural relativity regarding child maltreatment, leveraging the transformative and expanded mandates of the social work profession for the development of effective and sustainable child welfare systems, and using research and systems thinking as a driver for transforming professional rivalries into multidisciplinary approaches.
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48

Kandiyoti, Deniz. "POST-COLONIALISM COMPARED: POTENTIALS AND LIMITATIONS IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND CENTRAL ASIA." International Journal of Middle East Studies 34, no. 2 (May 2002): 279–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743802002076.

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The term “post-colonial” is a relative newcomer to the jargon of Western social science. Although discussions about the effects of colonial and imperialist domination are by no means new, the various meanings attached to the prefix “post-” and different understandings of what characterizes the post-colonial continue to make this term a controversial one. Among the criticisms leveled against it, reviewed comprehensively by Hall (1996), are the dangers of careless homogenizing of experiences as disparate as those of white settler colonies, such as Australia and Canada; of the Latin American continent, whose independence battles were fought in the 19th century; and countries such as India, Nigeria, or Algeria that emerged from very different colonial encounters in the post-World War II era. He suggests, nevertheless, that “What the concept may help us to do is to describe or characterise the shift in global relations which marks the (necessarily uneven) transition from the age of Empires to the post-independence and post-decolonisation moment” (Hall 1996, 246). Rattansi (1997) proposes a distinction between “post-coloniality” to designate a set of historical epochs and “post-colonialism” or “post-colonialist studies” to refer to a particular form of intellectual inquiry that has as its central defining theme the mutually constitutive role played by colonizer and colonized in shaping the identities of both the dominant power and those at the receiving end of imperial and colonial projects. Within the field of post-colonial studies itself, Moore-Gilbert (1997) points to the divide between “post-colonial criticism,” which has much earlier antecedents in the writings of those involved in anti-colonial struggles, and “post-colonial theory,” which distinguishes itself from the former by the incoporation of methodological paradigms derived from contemporary European cultural theories into discussions of colonial systems of representation and cultural production. Whatever the various interpretations of the term or the various temporalities associated with it might be, Hall claims that the post-colonial “marks a critical interruption into that grand whole historiographical narrative which, in liberal historiography and Weberian historical sociology, as much as in the dominant traditions of Western Marxism, gave this global dimension a subordinate presence in a story that could essentially be told from its European parameters” (Hall 1996, 250). In what follows, I will attempt a brief discussion of some of the circumstances leading to the emergence of this concept and interrogate the extent to which it lends itself to a meaningful comparison of the modern trajectories of societies in the Middle East and Central Asia.
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Owen, Olly. "Biafran Pound Notes." Africa 79, no. 4 (November 2009): 570–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0001972009001077.

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This article examines the recent re-release of the Biafran pound currency, previously used by the breakaway Republic of Biafra between 1968 and 1970, by the separatist-revival group the Movement for the Actualization of a Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB) in south-eastern Nigeria. It briefly traces the circumstances of its re-release, contextualizes it in the light of MASSOB's aims and activities and in reference to the original Biafran currency, and then works through rationales for such an action. The article first explores and then dismisses economic justifications for releasing an alternative currency, then examines the more meaningful political case, before moving to an examination of cultural factors which lie behind the choice to challenge a state's sovereignty via its currency. The broad label of ‘cultural factors’ is then unpacked to open a window on a rich tradition of political history centred on currency in the south-east Nigerian context, which spans the pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial decades. The study also touches on contemporary studies of sovereignty and connects to wider debates on the nature of money as regards its ‘economic’ and ‘political’ functions as a token of value.
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Dzhenchakova, Olga. "Conflicts in Biafra, Katanga and Cabinda as a result of the geopolitical legacy of colonialism." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no. 10-3 (October 1, 2020): 238–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202010statyi60.

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The article considers the impact of the colonial past of some countries in sub-Saharan Africa and its effect on their development during the post-colonial period. The negative consequences of the geopolitical legacy of colonialism are shown on the example of three countries: Nigeria, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Republic of Angola, expressed in the emergence of conflicts in these countries based on ethno-cultural, religious and socio-economic contradictions. At the same time, the focus is made on the economic factor and the consequences of the consumer policy of the former metropolises pursuing their mercantile interests were mixed.
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