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Journal articles on the topic 'Post-Communist Era'
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Liberski, Pawel P. "Polish Neuropathology in the Post-Communist Era." Brain Pathology 3, no. 3 (1993): 321–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1750-3639.1993.tb00760.x.
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Erdeli, George, Ana Irina Dinca, Aurel Gheorghilas, and Camelia Surugiu. "Romanian spa tourism: a communist paradigm in a post communist era." HUMAN GEOGRAPHIES – Journal of Studies and Research in Human Geography 5, no. 2 (2011): 41–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5719/hgeo.2011.52.41.
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Mochalova, Victoria. "JEWISH STUDIES IN RUSSIA IN THE POST-COMMUNIST ERA." Journal of Modern Jewish Studies 10, no. 1 (2011): 119–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14725886.2011.556021.
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Hollander, Paul. "Marxism and western intellectuals in the post-communist era." Society 37, no. 2 (2000): 22–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02686187.
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Pop-Eleches, Grigore, and Joshua A. Tucker. "Associated with the Past?" East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 27, no. 1 (2012): 45–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325412465087.
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In this article, we test the effect of communist-era legacies on the large and temporally resilient deficit in civic participation in post-communist countries. To do so, we analyze data from 157 surveys conducted between 1990 and 2009 in twenty-four post-communist countries and forty-two non-post-communist countries. The specific hypotheses we test are drawn from a comprehensive theoretical framework of the effects of communist legacies on political behavior in post-communist countries that we have previously developed. Our analysis suggests that three mechanisms were particularly salient in explaining this deficit: first, the demographic profile (including lower religiosity levels) of post-communist countries is less conducive to civic participation than elsewhere. Second, the magnitude of the deficit increases with the number of years an individual spent under communism but the effects were particularly strong for people socialized in the post-totalitarian years and for those who experienced communism in their early formative years (between ages six and seventeen). Finally, we also find that civic participation suffered in countries that experienced weaker economic performance in the post-communist period, though differences in post-communist democratic trajectories had a negligible impact on participation. Taken together, we leave behind a potentially optimistic picture about civic society in post-communist countries, as the evidence we present suggests eventual convergence toward norms in other non post-communist countries.
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JAKU, Kejvin. "Reframing Democracy: Navigating Economic, Social and Media Obstacles in Albania’s Post-Communist Era." Polis 22, no. 2 (2023): 44–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.58944/nccx9506.
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Purpose: This study investigates the challenges that Albania faces in economic development, social changes, and media transparency in a democratic, post-communist society. The analysis draws on contemporary historical sources, human rights reports, academic studies, news articles, and official governmental and nongovernmental publications, correlating these findings with Albania’s journey toward democratization. Findings: The essay identifies the economic repercussions of communist governance, including prevalent unemployment and fragile market structures. It explores the social impact, linking them to issues like suppression, fear, and weakened trust in the contemporary government. Originality/Value: This article provides an analysis of the challenges in post-communist Albania, focusing on social and economic developments and media coverage. It suggests targeted strategies for the government to strengthen democratic institutions. Keywords: Albania, democracy, post-communism, development, media, freedom, transparency.
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Salihu, Salihe. "The Post-Communist State Era and Its Impact on Sovereignty: A Case Study of Kosovo." Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs 26, no. 1 (2022): 135–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.33067/se.1.2022.8.
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Many theoretical perspectives have touched on the concept of sovereignty, but the need for more sovereignty-based discussion in relation to the postcommunist era still exists. The question of sovereignty and its survival in the post-communist era touches on some general features such as the attributes, signs, properties, and conditions of the concept of sovereignty that have evolved. In the case of Kosovo, the issue of sovereignty can be linked to two distinct features, namely democracy and human rights. For Kosovo to be a sovereign state, it had a mandatory prerequisite to fulfil these two features. These features implied the fulfi lment of two criteria, in the forms of legality and legitimacy and, in reality, these two criteria stem from the will of the people. This refl ection shows that sovereignty in the post-communist era had to be in line with respect for human rights as a feature of the principles of democracy. However, the transition from the communist system to democracy was not an easy one. In this regard, Kosovo has come a long way in achieving sovereignty and managed to be declared a sovereign state in 2008. The conditioning of Kosovo’s sovereignty by the above criteria represents the influence of the post-communist era, and its earlier form differs from the prevailing form of absolute sovereignty as it existed, for example, in the former federations of Russia and Yugoslavia. Kosovo’s sovereignty is reflected in accordance with the will of the majority of over ninety-five percent of the country’s population. Moreover, in Kosovo, minorities have privileges, such as positive discrimination and the special right that constitutional changes on vital issues pertaining to those minorities cannot be made without their vote. However, in the post-communist era, it was not possible to democratise all sovereign states. Some states focused on the power and manner of expanding power in their respective territories and fought for the recognition of reconfigured sovereignty at the expense of justice and rights. Therefore, since the post-communist period, the defi nition, content, and character of sovereignty has been in debate, with a new dimension of respect for human rights as a major talking point and as an essential mark of the principle of democracy.
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Jenks, David A., Michael T. Costelloe, and Christopher P. Krebs. "After the Fall: Czech Police in a Post-Communist Era." International Criminal Justice Review 13, no. 1 (2003): 90–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/105756770301300105.
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Laruelle, Marlène. "Vadim Rossman, Russian intellectual antisemitism in the post-communist era." Cahiers du monde russe 44, no. 44/4 (2003): 778–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/monderusse.4133.
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Lubecki, Jacek. "Echoes of Latifundism? Electoral Constituencies of Successor Parties in Post-Communist Countries." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 18, no. 1 (2004): 10–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325403258286.
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This article examines patterns of elector support for successor parties in Hungary, Poland, East Germany, and Russia. After consideration of competing hypotheses purporting to explain variance in successor vote, the author proposes a new hypothesis—that regions dominated by latifundism in pre-communist times, and where masses of agricultural proletarians and impoverished peasants experienced the communist period as an era of unprecedented social advancement, show an above-average level of elector support for successor parties. This hypothesis is tested on a regional level in the four country-cases and found to be valid and a more powerful determinate of regional variance in patterns of successor vote than socio-economic status of regions in the post-communist era.
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Szostak, Sylwia, and Sabina Mihelj. "Coming to terms with Communist propaganda: Post-communism, memory and generation." European Journal of Cultural Studies 20, no. 3 (2016): 324–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367549416682247.
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This article has two main aims. First, it seeks to contribute to existing research on the mediation of post-communist memory by considering the Polish case and specifically by focusing on audience memories of an iconic television series produced in communist Poland, Four Tankmen and a Dog (TVP, 1966–1970), set during World War II. Second, the article pays particular attention to the generational stratification of audience memories, and thereby makes a contribution to recent literature that examines the links between generation and mediated remembering. The analysis draws on life-course interviews with viewers of two different generations, conducted in Poland in 2014. The results indicate that the ways in which Polish audiences remember communist-era programming, and specifically the extent to which they perceive such programming as propaganda, vary significantly with generation. We argue that these differences stem from generationally specific experiences in the past, which gave rise to distinct modes of engaging with the communist era and its heritage.
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Barnes, Andrew. "Comparative Theft: Context and Choice in the Hungarian, Czech, and Russian Transformations, 1989-2000." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 17, no. 3 (2003): 533–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325403255250.
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At the beginning of the twenty-first century, some post-communist political economies were burdened by impenetrable cross-ownership groups, money-laundering banks, and captured states, while others had effectively limited corruption and laid the groundwork for long-term development. Study of post-communist corruption, however, has been hampered by a tendency to treat it as an undifferentiated phenomenon across the region. Based on purposively selected case studies of Hungary, the Czech Republic, and Russia, this article begins by systematically describing the political economies of those countries in a way that allows for a useful comparison. It then argues that the varied outcomes in the former Soviet bloc grew out of a combination of two factors: (1) the context of state-economy relations at the end of the Communist Party era and (2) the choices made by new governments on how to control the transfer of state assets to the private sector. In making that argument, the article clarifies which legacies from the old regime, which policy choices in the new era, and which aspects of state capacity are most important in shaping post-communist transformations.
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J., Everett. "Wałbrzych: A Microcosm of Post-Communist Transition." International Journal of Social Science And Human Research 05, no. 07 (2022): 3051–62. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.6826836.
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This article focuses on Wałbrzych as a microcosm of post-communist transition, taking inspiration from Microcosm: Portrait of a Central European City by Norman Davies and Roger Moorhouse, which focused on Wroclaw. The research questions are what problems the city faced in the post-communist transition and how the city tackled these problems. The city faced my challenges, not least its deeply problematic reputation and being unfashionable. This, as well the city’s competitive disadvantage, drove outward migration, both to other cities in Poland and abroad. Moreover, the city’s industrial, developed according to communist ideals, was ill suited to the modern era and had also led to a misskilled labour force. In attempting to tackle these issues the city relied on tactics such as special economic zones, which may themselves lead to further problems in the future. While the percentage of unemployed remained higher than the rest of Silesia and Poland, the city did succeed in cutting it to a very reasonable level, as well as attracting migrants from abroad, mainly Ukraine. Despite managing to tackle some of the issues it faced, Wałbrzych will never be as popular or prestigious as some cities, which is exactly what makes it such an interesting case study – as many cities across the post-communist space face issues and increasingly seem to be finding similar responses.
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Stan, Lavinia. "Spies, files and lies: explaining the failure of access to Securitate files." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 37, no. 3 (2004): 341–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2004.06.003.
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Transitional justice in post-communist Romania has made little progress since the Council for the Study of Securitate Archives was set up in early 2000. This article discusses several factors that might explain the failure of giving citizens access to the files compiled by the communist-era secret political police and of publicly identifying the former political police agents and informers.
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GRZYMALA-BUSSE, ANNA, and PAULINE JONES LUONG. "Reconceptualizing the State: Lessons from Post-communism." Political Theory 30, no. 4 (2002): 529–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591702030004002.
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The (re)building of the post-communist states offers new perspectives both on the state and on the multiple transitions that followed communism. Specifically, it shifts our analytical focus from states as consolidated outcomes and unitary actors to the process by which states come into being and into action in the modern era. This process consists of elite competition over policy-making authority, which is shaped and constrained by existing institutional resources, the pacing of transformation, and the international context. The four ideal types of state-building that result are exemplified by the post-communist experience: democratic, autocratic, fractious, and personalistic.
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Bartal, Israel. "Back to the Post-Communist Motherlands." Nordisk judaistik/Scandinavian Jewish Studies 31, no. 1 (2020): 52–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.30752/nj.86216.
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This article presents some of the personal observations of a veteran Israeli scholar whose long-years' encounters with the 'real' as well as the 'imagined' eastern Europe have shaped his historical research. As an Israeli-born historian of Polish-Ukrainian origin, (the so-called 'second generation') he claims to share an ambivalent attitude towards his countries of origin with other fellow- historians. Jewish emigrants from eastern Europe have been until very late in the modern era members of an old ethno-religious group. One ethnos out of many in a diverse multi-ethnic environment, whose demographic core survived and flourished for centuries in the old places. Several decades of social, economic, and political upheavals exposed the Jewish population to drastic changes. These changes lead several intellectuals who left their home countries to look back at what have happened as both involved actors, and distant observers. Israeli historians of east European origin found themselves confronted with a crucial question: in what way the past in the Old Country connected (if at all) to the history of Israel. Following some 40 years of academic career in the field of eastern European Jewish history, it is claimed that until the collapse of the Soviet Union, the image of eastern Europe that runs through the Israeli historical research has been shaped in large part by members of the different generations of emigrants, outside of eastern Europe. The renewed direct contact after 1989 caused a dramatic change: within a few years, Israeli historians were examining archives and libraries throughout eastern Europe. After seven decades of isolation between the Israeli historian and the primary sources necessary to his/her research in the archives, the new wave of documents was celebrated in Israeli Universities. Yet far more influential was the revolution prompted in 1989 on the historical perspective from which Israeli historians could now examine the Jewish past. What happened in 1989 has seemed, to some Israeli historians, a breaking point marking the end of the eastern European period in the course of Jewish history. The article concludes with some thoughts on a new historical (Israeli) perspective. A one that fits a time when hundreds of thousands of immigrants from what was the largest eastern-European Jewish collective in the world inhabit a remote Middle Eastern nation-state.
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Qiang, Zhong, Meng Li, and Liao Yang. "Research on the Changes and Measures of the Central Government of China in the Governance of Hong Kong and Macao Special Administrative Regions since the Late 1990s." Journal of Social and Political Sciences 2, no. 1 (2019): 200–226. https://doi.org/10.31014/aior.1991.02.01.62.
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On the basis of reviewing Hong Kong's sovereignty and Macao's sovereignty returning to China before and after their sovereignty return to China, the article analyzes the changes in the United Front Work in Hong Kong and Macao since the 16th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, and reflected on the success or failure of the United Front Work in Hong Kong and Macao during the post-return period. It discussed the Hong Kong and Macao united front work in the era of comprehensive governance before the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China and before the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, and proposed from the three dimensions of Hong Kong and Macao, national and international. Do a good job in the new era of Hong Kong and Macao's united front work after the convening of the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China in 2017.
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Stefek, Martin. "Post-communist Central-east European Political Culture in the Era of Neoliberalism." Delhi Business Review 14, no. 1 (2013): 19–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.51768/dbr.v14i1.141201302.
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Bell, Daniel A. "Democracy with Chinese Characteristics: A Political Proposal for the Post-Communist Era." Philosophy East and West 49, no. 4 (1999): 451. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1399948.
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Bryzgel, Amy. "Performance Art in East-Central Europe: 1960s to the Post-Communist Era." PAJ: A Journal of Performance and Art 42, no. 3 (2020): 95–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/pajj_a_00528.
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O'loughlin, John. "Geopolitical fantasies, national strategies and ordinary Russians in the post‐communist Era." Geopolitics 6, no. 3 (2001): 17–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14650040108407728.
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Huliaras, Asteris, and Charalambos Tsardanidis. "(Mis)understanding the Balkans: Greek Geopolitical Codes of the Post-communist Era." Geopolitics 11, no. 3 (2006): 465–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14650040600767909.
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Day, Stephen. "Ben Fowkes , The Post-Communist Era: Change and Continuity in Eastern Europe." Europe-Asia Studies 52, no. 6 (2000): 1162–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668130050143888.
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Ashwin, Sarah. "Endless Patience: Explaining Soviet and Post-Soviet Social Stability." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 31, no. 2 (1998): 187–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(98)00006-3.
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Various arguments have been put forward to explain the social stability of the post-Stalin era, in particular theories of a “social contract”, “incorporation” or “atomisation”. This article argues that all these theories have been cast into serious doubt by the response of workers to the reforms of the post-communist era and proposes an alternative view of the integration of workers which centres on the social organisation of the traditional Soviet enterprise. It goes on to show the way in which the form of workers' relation to the labour collective has structured their behaviour during the transition era.
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Głowacka-Grajper, Małgorzata. "Memory in Post-communist Europe: Controversies over Identity, Conflicts, and Nostalgia." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 32, no. 4 (2018): 924–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325418757891.
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This article is part of the special cluster titled Social practices of remembering and forgetting of the communist past in Central and Eastern Europe, guest edited by Malgorzata Glowacka-Grajper Controversies over social memory form an important aspect of reality in the post-communist countries of Eastern Europe. On the one hand, there are debates about coming to terms with the communist past and the Second World War that preceded it (because important parts of the memory of the war were “frozen” during the communist era), and, on the other hand, and intimately connected to that, are discussions about the constant influence of communism on the current situation. This article presents some of the main trends in research on collective memory in the post-communist countries of Eastern Europe and reveals similarities and differences in the process of memorialization of communism in the countries of the region. Although there are works devoted to a comparative analysis of memory usage and its various interpretations in the political sphere in the countries of Eastern Europe, there are still many issues concerning daily practices (economic, religious, and cultural) associated with varying interpretations of the war and the communist past which needs further elaboration and analysis.
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Chloupek, Brett R. "Post-communist city text in Košice, Slovakia as a liminal landscape." Miscellanea Geographica 23, no. 2 (2019): 71–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/mgrsd-2019-0009.
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Abstract During the communist period in Slovakia (1948-1989), street toponyms and monuments were a few of the many realms of ideological infusion by the communist government. Renaming streets and establishing monuments in honor of local and international socialist figures was intended to have an aggregate effect on public consciousness in a way that helped legitimize the political rule of the communist regime. However, because the nature of socialist commemorations is fundamentally more complex that those of other competing ideologies like nationalist movements, these commemorations took on complex and sometimes contradictory meanings in the public memory that, in some cases, cause them to persist to this day. This paper utilizes Turner’s (1975) concept of ‘liminality’ to examine elements of city text like toponyms and statues in the eastern Slovak city of Košice to demonstrate why many of these communist-era elements of city text remain as leftover landscapes of the communist period.
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Davidovic, Milena. "Politisk likgiltighet efter kommunismens fall." Tidskrift för genusvetenskap 15, no. 2 (2022): 26–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.55870/tgv.v15i2.4903.
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This artide deals witli the basic differences that may exist today and will continue to do so in the nearest future between the goals that women strive for in Eastern and Western Europé with regard to their future rights to equal opportunities with men. The women's liberation movement in Eastern Europé and the Soviet Union was embryonic during the Communist era, but it does not seem likely that it will make much progress during the present post- Communist period. Rather than gender, it is still elementary needs and poverty that dominate the everyday life of women in post-Communist Eastern Europé. The case of Yugoslavia illustrates how much the situation of women has deteriorated and how the emancipation of women has been thwarted in the East European countries.
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Ianoş, Ioan, and George Secăreanu. "Romanian post-communist agriculture – structural dynamics and challenges." Studia Obszarów Wiejskich 56 (2020): 73–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.7163/sow.56.3.
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This paper represents an overview on the structural dynamics of Romanian agriculture, and the challenges faced. Describing the main changes over the last three decades, the analysis here should facilitate understanding of how communist-era agriculture of a centralised state might be transformed into something able to operate efficiently under free-market conditions. The specifics of Romania’s agricultural transition connect closely with certain preconditions, among them in particular the high proportion of the national population that is still rural. A privatisation process set in rapidly post-1989, as the old State Farms were dissolved over just two years. The role this economic branch played in the generation of GDP decreased, in a manner suggesting the former level will not be re-achieved, but farmers have worked to improve their basic infrastructure. The main obstacle would now seem to be the excessive fragmentation of agricultural land and the only-slow process of consolidation. Current characteristics of structural dynamics are visible in trends towards specialisation in farming, livestock restructuring, the slow (re-) development of irrigation infrastructure, increased land prices and more typical processes of a “land grab” profile. In this connection, the paper identifies 9 challenges Romanian agriculture faces, presenting these synthetically to ensure a clarification of objectives, with a view to greater upgrading of the country’s huge potential being achieved.
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Motruk, Svitlana. "Mnemonic Model of Czech Reception of Soviet Heritage in the Post-Communist Era." Ethnic History of European Nations, no. 75 (2025): 141–47. https://doi.org/10.17721/2518-1270.2025.75.18.
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On the basis of a wide source base, the article highlights the peculiarities of the Czech mnemonic model of reception of the Soviet heritage, taking into account the influence of a whole range of objective and subjective factors. The author analyses the experience of the Czech Republic in overcoming the communist totalitarian past in the context of reformatting collective memory and symbolic space in times of democratic transit. It is proved that the process of decommunization in this country, despite some controversy, was the most consistent and had a solid legislative framework concerning the condemnation of the communist regime, lustration of former officials associated with it, granting legal status to participants in the struggle against totalitarianism, and providing access to archival documents of special services. Particular attention is paid to a specific institutional form of historical policy in the form of the Institute for the Study of Totalitarian Regimes, whose primary task was to comprehensively study the periods of Nazi and Communist occupation of Czechoslovakia. With its creation, the state received an organization designed to coordinate its efforts in the field of national memory. The author identifies the most sensitive components of the decommunization process for the public consciousness, including the change of place names, dismantling of monuments and other memorial objects. The article considers various means of commemorative representations in the post-totalitarian era, forms of museumification and memorialization, which demonstrate potentially contradictory attempts at both reconciliation with the complex past and active reinterpretation of the important past by a new generation. Specific examples are used to demonstrate the significant contribution of museums to the current reception of communism and socialist heritage. The Czech experience convincingly demonstrates that the specifics of solving both the problem of attitudes towards the totalitarian past and the assertion of one’s own national identity are determined by the complexity of the phenomenon of collective memory and the peculiarities of contemporary political culture, which is an important component of the characteristics of memory policy.
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Bova, Russell. "Political Dynamics of the Post-Communist Transition: A Comparative Perspective." World Politics 44, no. 1 (1991): 113–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010425.
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This article makes a case for viewing the politics of regime transition in communist states as a subcategory of the more generic phenomenon of transition from authoritarian rule. Drawing on case studies from Latin America and Southern Europe and from the more theoretical literature on postauthoritarian transitions that those cases have generated, the article reexamines the politics of reform in the Gorbachev-era USSR. This comparative approach shows that the dynamics of the liberalization process in the USSR adhere to a model of political change previously manifested in other parts of the world. Specifically, it provides a clearer understanding of the initial vitality and subsequent disintegration of Gorbachev's centrist reform program, as well as a new perspective from which to reevaluate Gorbachev's often-criticized program of regime democratization.
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Goeckel, Robert F. "Church–State Relations in the Post-Communist Era: The Case of East Germany." Problems of Post-Communism 44, no. 1 (1997): 35–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10758216.1997.11655713.
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Katsourides, Yiannos. "Travelling against the Tide: The Cypriot Communist Left in the Post-1990s Era." Perspectives on European Politics and Society 13, no. 2 (2012): 187–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2012.675652.
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Bogdan, Daniela, Matei Damian, and Cătălin Negoiţă. "Book Campaigns or How to Sell a Bible in the Post-Communist Era." Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences 63 (October 2012): 76–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2012.10.013.
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Kuklová, Ivana, Martina Kojanová, Hana Zákoucká, et al. "Dermatovenereology in the Post-Communist Era: Syphilis in Prague During 1999 to 2005." Dermatologic Clinics 26, no. 2 (2008): 231–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.det.2007.11.001.
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Zhao, Suisheng. "A State-Led Nationalism: The Patriotic Education Campaign in Post-Tiananmen China." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 31, no. 3 (1998): 287–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(98)00009-9.
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The decline of Communism after the end of the post-Cold War has seen the rise of nationalism in many parts of the former Communist world. In countries such as the former Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, nationalism was pursued largely from the bottom up as ethnic and separatist movements. Some observers also take this bottom-up approach to find the major cause of Chinese nationalism and believe that “the nationalist wave in China is a spontaneous public reaction to a series of international events, not a government propaganda.” (Zhang, M. (1997) The new thinking of Sino–US relations. Journal of Contemporary China, 6(14), 117–123). They see Chinese nationalism as “a belated response to the talk of containing China among journalists and politicians” in the United States and “a public protest against the mistreatment from the US in the last several years.” (Li, H. (1997) China talks back: anti-Americanism or nationalism? Journal of Contemporary China, 6(14), 153–160). This position concurs with the authors of nationalistic books in China, such as The China That Can Say No: Political and Sentimental Choice in the Post-Cold War Era (Song, Q., Zhang Z., Qiao B. (1996) Zhongguo Keyi Shuo Bu (The China That Can Say No). Zhonghua Gongshang Lianhe Chubanshe. Beijing), which called upon Chinese political elites to say no to the US, and argue that the rise of nationalism was not a result of the official propaganda but a reflection of the state of mind of a new generation of Chinese intelligentsia in response to the foreign pressures in the post-Cold War era. Indeed, Chinese nationalism was mainly reactive sentiments to foreign suppressions in modern history, and this new wave of nationalist sentiment also harbored a sense of wounded national pride and an anti-foreign (particularly the US and Japan) resentment. Many Chinese intellectuals gave voice to a rising nationalistic discourse in the 1990s (Zhao, S. (1997) Chinese intellectuals' quest for national greatness and nationalistic writing in the 1990s. The China Quarterly, 152, 725–745). However, Chinese nationalism in the 1990s was also constructed and enacted from the top by the Communist state. There were no major military threats to China's security after the end of the Cold War. Instead, the internal legitimacy crisis became a grave concern of the Chinese Communist regime because of the rapid decay of Communist ideology. In response, the Communist regime substituted performance legitimacy provided by surging economic development and nationalist legitimacy provided by invocation of the distinctive characteristics of Chinese culture in place of Marxist–Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought. As one of the most important maneuvers to enact Chinese nationalism, the Communist government launched an extensive propaganda campaign of patriotic education after the Tiananmen Incident in 1989. The patriotic education campaign was well-engineered and appealed to nationalism in the name of patriotism to ensure loyalty in a population that was otherwise subject to many domestic discontents. The Communist regime, striving to maintain authoritarian control while Communist ideology was becoming obsolete in the post-Cold War era, warned of the existence of hostile international forces in the world perpetuating imperialist insult to Chinese pride. The patriotic education campaign was a state-led nationalist movement, which redefined the legitimacy of the post-Tiananmen leadership in a way that would permit the Communist Party's rule to continue on the basis of a non-Communist ideology. Patriotism was thus used to bolster CCP power in a country that was portrayed as besieged and embattled. The dependence on patriotism to build support for the government and the patriotic education campaign by the Communist propagandists were directly responsible for the nationalistic sentiment of the Chinese people in the mid-1990s. This paper focuses on the Communist state as the architect of nationalism in China and seeks to understand the rise of Chinese nationalism by examining the patriotic education campaign. It begins with an analysis of how nationalism took the place of the official ideology as the coalescing force in the post-Tiananmen years. It then goes on to examine the process, contents, methods and effectiveness of the patriotic education campaign. The conclusion offers a perspective on the instrumental aspect of state-led nationalism.
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DeDominicis, Benedict E. "The Bulgarian ethnic model: post-1989 Bulgarian ethnic conflict resolution." Nationalities Papers 39, no. 3 (2011): 441–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2011.565317.
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Bulgarian majority and Turkish minority relations have remained peaceful in the post Communist era despite a significant potential for civil strife. These antagonisms were a product of Bulgaria's historical political development. The most recent episode of forced assimilation policies under the Communist regime was a critical grievance contributing to the democratic transition in 1989. Unlike in neighboring Yugoslavia, communal ethnic conflict did not escalate to violence with political liberalization and the emergence of democratic political competition. A critical factor in the political formula for maintaining interethnic peace in Bulgaria has been Turkey's comparatively constrained behavior as a “motherland state” with regard to the Turkish Diaspora in Bulgaria.
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Szefler, Małgorzata Dαbrowa. "Science Policy in Poland." Industry and Higher Education 6, no. 4 (1992): 239–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095042229200600408.
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The history of university–industry relations under the centralized economy is outlined and recent changes are explained. Commercialization of research and the financing structure of HE institutes are described. The new management schools that have blossomed in the post-Communist era are explained in some detail.
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GALLAGHER, Mitchell. "Democracy with Chinese Characteristics: Historical and Political Transformations." East Asian Policy 16, no. 02 (2024): 110–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930524000169.
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In autocratic regimes, democracy stands as a paradoxical beacon, feared and manipulated by dictators. This study examines China’s conceptualisation of democracy post-Communist Party ascendancy, analysing key political historical milestones—the demise of the Qing dynasty, the Mao Era and subsequent leaders up to Xi Jinping today. The research sheds light on the Chinese Communist Party’s customisation of democracy, guided by the writings of its leaders, to suit China’s unique conditions. Democracy is an abstract concept, yet in China, authoritarian rule, hierarchical social structures and traditional values have helped shape interpretations and application.
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Marinov, Ivan, and Nicolas Zorzin. "Thracology and Nationalism in Bulgaria. Deconstructing Contemporaneous Historical and Archaeological Representations." Ex Novo: Journal of Archaeology 2 (December 31, 2017): 85–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/exnovo.v2i0.391.
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It is now widely acknowledged that Bulgarian academic discourses of the country’s so-called communist era (1945-1989) were heavily politicized with the aim of nationalizing and ethnicizing the history of the Bulgarian people. This communist era phenomenon subscribes to a chronologically vaster process of nationalist continuum recognized to have spanned from the middle-end of the nineteenth century to at least the early 1990s. Despite this trend, Bulgarian academics, especially in the field of archaeology, have more recently presented their post-communist, transition period disciplines as ideology-free, objective, scientific research.
 In this paper, we provide examples of recent theoretical developments and interpretations in the sub-field of thracology – studies of ancient Thracian culture – that indicate that this claim to objectivity is unfounded. Based on the examples provided we argue that not only have Bulgarian academic discourses in the fields in question not severed with the ethnicizing practices of the so-called nationalist continuum of the pre-communist and communist eras, but they are now flourishing on the nationalist foundation of the preceding century and a half. As such discourses are reproduced unquestioningly in specialized publications, their influence on right wing populism is incontestable as they provide the latter, wittingly or not, with the scientific authority it needs to justify its ethnicizing of “historical” tenets of racial and social discrimination.
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Novotna, Tereza. "Hastily Arranged Marriage: Political Culture in Germany Twenty Years after Unification." German Politics and Society 28, no. 4 (2010): 19–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2010.280402.
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Explanations for the roots and cures of the continuous divergence between East and West German political cultures tend to fall into two camps: socialization and situation. The former emphasizes the impact of socialization before and during the GDR era and ongoing (post-communist) legacies derived from Eastern Germans' previous experience, whereas the latter focuses primarily on economic difficulties after the unification that caused dissatisfaction among the population in the Eastern parts of Germany. The article argues that in order to explain the persistence and reinvigoration of an autonomous political culture during the last two decades in the new Länder, we need to synthesize the two approaches and to add a third aspect: the unification hypothesis. Although the communist period brought about a specific political culture in the GDR, the German unification process—based rather on transplantation than on adaptation—has caused it neither to diminish nor to wither away. On the contrary, the separate (post)-communist political culture was reaffirmed and reinstalled under novel circumstances.
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Haynes, John Earl. "The Cold War Debate Continues: A Traditionalist View of Historical Writing on Domestic Communism and Anti-Communism." Journal of Cold War Studies 2, no. 1 (2000): 76–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/15203970051032381.
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This article reviews the huge Cold War-era and post-Cold War literature on American Communism and anti-Communism in the United States. These issues have long been the subject of heated scholarly debate. The recent opening of archives in Russia and other former Communist countries and the release of translated Venona documents in the United States have shed new light on key aspects of the American Communist Party that were previously unknown or undocumented. The new evidence has underscored the Soviet Union's tight control of the party and the crucial role that American Communists played in Soviet espionage. The release of all this documentation has been an unwelcome development for scholars who have long been sympathetic to the Communist movement.
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Curraj, Erida. "Vintage Design Furniture in Albania, a New Retro Design Paradigm in the Post-Communist Era." European Journal of Engineering and Formal Sciences 2, no. 1 (2018): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejef.v2i1.p35-41.
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The dynamics of the Albanian market in lieu of the multifaceted transformations following the collapse of the communist regime and moving towards the accession processes in the European Union as well as the demographics of the Albanian society as a whole, deeply impact the ways in which furniture products are designed, development and produced. This paper draws from my doctoral study which explored the transformation of furniture products from communism to post-communism. The doctoral study confirmed that: the impact of moving from mass production in a centralized economy to free mass customization in market economy has not radically transformed the fundamental properties of furniture but has affected the design, development, delivery and materiality of products. In this light, this paper will zoom into the furniture designs during post communism in Albania by exploring two principle paradigms vintage and retro. First this paper argues that furniture design and production in the centralized economy, are introduced within the vintage paradigm in post-communist. The data collecting through observation demonstrate a high level of interest for the retro design in a free market economy. As the result the paper suggest the local actors, businesses and academia to use and persist nostalgia and retro design in furniture and their component.
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Curraj, Erida. "Vintage Design Furniture in Albania, a New Retro Design Paradigm in the Post-Communist Era." European Journal of Engineering and Formal Sciences 2, no. 1 (2018): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejef.v2i1.p36-42.
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The dynamics of the Albanian market in lieu of the multifaceted transformations following the collapse of the communist regime and moving towards the accession processes in the European Union as well as the demographics of the Albanian society as a whole, deeply impact the ways in which furniture products are designed, development and produced. This paper draws from my doctoral study which explored the transformation of furniture products from communism to post-communism. The doctoral study confirmed that: the impact of moving from mass production in a centralized economy to free mass customization in market economy has not radically transformed the fundamental properties of furniture but has affected the design, development, delivery and materiality of products. In this light, this paper will zoom into the furniture designs during post communism in Albania by exploring two principle paradigms vintage and retro. First this paper argues that furniture design and production in the centralized economy, are introduced within the vintage paradigm in post-communist. The data collecting through observation demonstrate a high level of interest for the retro design in a free market economy. As the result the paper suggest the local actors, businesses and academia to use and persist nostalgia and retro design in furniture and their component.
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Curraj, Erida. "Vintage Design Furniture in Albania, a New Retro Design Paradigm in the Post-Communist Era." European Journal of Engineering and Formal Sciences 2, no. 1 (2018): 37–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ejef-2018-0005.
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Abstract The dynamics of the Albanian market in lieu of the multifaceted transformations following the collapse of the communist regime and moving towards the accession processes in the European Union as well as the demographics of the Albanian society as a whole, deeply impact the ways in which furniture products are designed, development and produced. This paper draws from my doctoral study which explored the transformation of furniture products from communism to post-communism. The doctoral study confirmed that: the impact of moving from mass production in a centralized economy to free mass customization in market economy has not radically transformed the fundamental properties of furniture but has affected the design, development, delivery and materiality of products. In this light, this paper will zoom into the furniture designs during post communism in Albania by exploring two principle paradigms vintage and retro. First this paper argues that furniture design and production in the centralized economy, are introduced within the vintage paradigm in post-communist. The data collecting through observation demonstrate a high level of interest for the retro design in a free market economy. As the result the paper suggest the local actors, businesses and academia to use and persist nostalgia and retro design in furniture and their component.
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O'Neill, Bruce. "Cast Aside: Boredom, Downward Mobility, and Homelessness in Post-Communist Bucharest." Cultural Anthropology 29, no. 1 (2014): 8–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.14506/ca29.1.03.
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The homeless, in post-Communist Bucharest, Romania, are bored. They describe themselves as bored all of the time. Drawing upon nearly three years of ethnographic fieldwork that moves between Bucharest’s homeless shelters and squatter camps, day centers and public parks, this article approaches the homeless’s boredom as an everyday affect structured by the politics of consumption in post-communist Bucharest. At the center of this study sits not simply the inability to consume but also the feeling of being cast aside, of being downwardly mobile in a neoliberal era of supposed ascent. In an increasingly consumer-driven society, boredom, I argue, is an affective state that registers within the modality of time the newly homeless’s expulsion to the margins of the city. In this sense, boredom is a persistent form of social suffering made possible by a crisis-generated shift in the global economy, one that has forced tens of millions of people the world over to come to terms with diminished economic capacities.
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Mihaylova, Aneta. "Haunting Images of the Past: WWII Monuments in Post-Communist Bulgaria." ARHIVELE TOTALITARISMULUI 32, no. 1-2 (2024): 213–29. https://doi.org/10.61232/at.2024.1-2.14.
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The pivotal role of the Bulgarian Communist Party in the anti-fascist resistance movement and of the Soviet Union in liberating Bulgaria from fascism were the two central pillars of the narrative of the history and memory of Second World War in communist Bulgaria. The end of communism marked the beginning of a new reading of the past and an increased public interest in topics and personalities, whose historical evaluation had been caught in the grip of the established ideological canon for decades. The reassessment of Bulgarian national history also referred to the period of the Second World War. The new historical narrative necessitated also re-evaluation of the memory of the period and its visual representation. In the new political environment after 1989, when Bulgarian society was desperately seeking to break away from its recent past, the presence in public space of the ideologically grounded monuments built during the previous regime became problematic, because they represented the most visible part of the communist legacy. The question of the fate of World War II-era monuments in Bulgaria is part of the larger issue of the fate of the communist legacy, which is relevant to the whole of Eastern Europe. The aim of this article is to present in a synthesized form the changes that took place in the memory of World War II and its visual representation in post-communist Bulgaria with a major focus on the fate of the monuments devoted to the war that were built during the socialist period.
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PAUL, Leo. "Regional development in Central and Eastern Europe: the role of inherited structures, external forces and local initiatives." European Spatial Research and Policy 2, no. 2 (2025): 19–41. https://doi.org/10.18778/1231-1952.2.2.02.
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This paper tries to explain regional development in Eastern and Central Europe. A simple West European bias can lead to false interpretations of current spatial processes. The spatial structuring forces in the communist period created a divergent mosaic of regions with different prospects for future development. This differentiated 'spatial outcome' of communism should be taken as point of departure for the new, post-communist era. The interrelativeness of econornical, legal and political reforms after the break-down of communism should be kept in mind. Seven influence groups, on different levels of scale, should be distinguished to understand regional development: the political context, international organisations, macroeconomic reforms, foreign investors, local initiatives, regional policy and geographical location. Together with the inhcrited structures, this leads to a spatial differentiation which is different from the one prevailing in the communisl era.
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Bregu, Meljana. "The Protection of Human Rights in Post-Communist Albania." European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 7, no. 1 (2016): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v7i1.p63-69.
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Albania was one of the most isolated countries in Europe for nearly 45 years. During the communist era, the legal system was under the direct control of the Party of Labor. The protection of human rights in the first years of the communist regime was clearly shaped on the soviet principles. The criminal code of Albania was the symbol of a repressive system, regardless of human rights protection, crimes punishable by death were sanctioned by various articles, including “agitation and propaganda against the state” and ‘activities against the revolutionary movement of the working class”. Hoxha also closed the Ministry of Justice and banned the private practice of law as a consequence the right to a fair trial was denied. After the fall of communism Albania has made significant progress toward respect for civil and political rights, especially toward the right to a fair trial. The constitution of 1998 protects the right to a fair trial in chapter two and one important step is the ratification of the European Convention on Human Rights in 1996, which guarantee the right to a fair trial in article six. Still, 25 years of transformation are not enough to wipe away the legacy of the past; the lack of human rights mechanisms poses a serious challenge to the Albanian democratic system. Still today Albania faces important issues concerning the protection of human rights generally and particularly the right to a fair trial. This fact is evident if we refer to the cases of the European Court of human rights versus Albania dealing with the application of article 6 of the Convention.The paper aims to address the protection of human rights after the demise of the communist regime, especially regarding the right to a fair trail, analyzing the progress but also the continuity in some aspects with the past.
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Pikkov, Ülo. "On the Links between Caricatures and Animated Films in Communist Eastern Europe." Baltic Screen Media Review 5, no. 1 (2017): 28–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bsmr-2017-0010.
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AbstractThis article analyses and maps the links between caricature and animated film, as well as their development during the post-World War II era, in communist Eastern Europe. The article also deals with the specific nature of animation production under the conditions of political censorship and the utilisation of Aesopian language as an Eastern European phenomenon for outmanoeuvring censorship.
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Norkus, Zenonas. "Political Development of Lithuania: A Comparative Analysis of Second Post-communist Decade." World Political Science 8, no. 1 (2012): 217–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/wpsr-2012-0012.
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AbstractThe goal of this paper is to put into focus and explain distinctive features of the political developments in Lithuania during second post-communist decade, comparing them with other Baltic States (Latvia and Estonia) and those Central European countries with political systems which resembled most closely Lithuania (Poland and Hungary) by the end of the first post-communist decade. In all these countries, second post-communist decade witnessed the rise of the new successful populist parties. The author argues that this populist rise is the proper context for understanding of Rolandas Paksas’ impeachment in Lithuania in 2003–2004. His Order and Justice Party has to be classified together with the Kaczynski twins Law and Justice Party and its even more radical allies in Poland, Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz and Gábor Vona’s Jobbik in Hungary, Juhan Part’s Res Publica in Estonia and Einars Repše’s New Era in Latvia. They all were right-wing populist parties, proclaiming in their anti-establishment rhetoric the war on corruption of the (ex-communist) elite and the coming of new politics. While the rise of right-wing populism did not change the political system in Estonia and Latvia, its outcome in Hungary and Poland was the breakup of the ex-communist and anti-communist elites pact which was the foundation of the political stability during first post-communist decade. The Kaczynski twins founded Rzecz Pospolita IV (4th Republic of Poland), grounded in the thorough and comprehensive lustration of the ex-communist cadres. Fidesz leader Orban used the two-thirds majority in the Hungarian parliament to promulgate a new constitution. Lithuania is unique in that the ex-communist and anti-communist elites pact was not abolished, but preserved and consolidated thanks to the collaboration of all, by this time, established and left-of-center populist parties during the impeachment proceedings. The impeachment of Paksas can be considered as the stress test of the young Lithuanian liberal democracy just on the eve of the accession of Lithuania to the European Union and NATO. An unhappy peculiarity of the stress tests is that they sometimes break or damage the items tested. Preventing the transformation of liberal post-communism into populist post-communism in Lithuania, the impeachment as stress test was a success. However, against the expectation of many observers, it did not enhance the quality of democracy of Lithuania. The legacy of impeachment are disequilibrium of the balance of power between government branches in favor of the Constitutional Court, strengthening of the left-of-centre populist political forces and the interference of secret services into Lithuanian politics with the self-assumed mission to safeguard Lithuanian democracy from the perils of populism.