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1

Policing post-conflict cities. London: Zed Books, 2009.

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2

Centre for Security Analysis (Chennai, India) and Regional Centre for Strategic Studies (Colombo, Sri Lanka), eds. Post conflict Sri Lanka: Rebuilding of the society. New Delhi: Vij Books India, 2012.

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3

Challenging post-conflict environments: Sustainable agriculture. Farnham, Surrey, England: Ashgate, 2012.

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4

The political economy of Iraq: Restoring balance in a post-conflict society. Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar, 2013.

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5

Saiful, Mahdi, ed. Local democracy in post-conflict society: The case of Aceh Selatan, Indonesia. Denpasar, Bali: Pustaka Larasan, 2013.

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Zupančič, Rok, and Nina Pejič. Limits to the European Union’s Normative Power in a Post-conflict Society. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-77824-2.

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7

Assessing and restoring natural resources in post-conflict peacebuilding. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon: Earthscan, 2012.

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8

Mugambe, Beatrice. Women's roles in armed conflict and their marginalization in the governance of post-conflict society: The case of "Luwero Triangle". [Addis Ababa: s.n., 1997.

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Zupančič, Rok. Limits to the European Union’s Normative Power in a Post-conflict Society: EULEX and Peacebuilding in Kosovo. Cham: Springer Nature, 2018.

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10

Schrader, Lutz. Identity work in post-conflict societies of the western Balkans: A field of action of the Civil Peace Service. Bonn: Forum Ziviler Friedensdienst, 2010.

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11

Dungel, Joakim, and Philipp Ambach. The protection of non-combatants during armed conflict and safeguarding the rights of victims in post-conflict society: Essays in honour of the life and work of Joakim Dungel. Boston: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 2015.

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12

Murakami, Kyoko. Psychology of remembering and reconciliation: A discourse analysis of post-Second World War Anglo-Japanese conflict. Hauppauge, N.Y: Nova Science Publisher's, 2012.

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13

Neria, Yuval. ha-Ḥayim be-tsel ha-milḥamah: Hebeṭim psikhologiyim. [Jerusalem]: ha-Universiṭah ha-ʻIvrit, ha-Makhon li-yeḥasim benleʼumiyim ʻa. sh. Leʼonard Daiṿis, 1994.

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14

The fight for an egalitarian society towards politics of racial harmony and equity in South Africa. Hauppauge NY: Nova Science Publishers, 2009.

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15

State, economy, and society in post-military Nigeria. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011.

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16

Raghavan, V. R. From winning the war to winning peace: Post war rebuilding of the society in Sri Lanka. Chennai: Centre for Security Analysis, 2010.

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17

Raghavan, V. R. From winning the war to winning peace: Post war rebuilding of the society in Sri Lanka. Edited by Centre for Security Analysis (Madras, India). Chennai: Centre for Security Analysis, 2010.

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18

Hadzimesic, Lejla. Consequences of Conflict-Related Sexual Violence on Post-Conflict Society. Edited by Fionnuala Ní Aoláin, Naomi Cahn, Dina Francesca Haynes, and Nahla Valji. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199300983.013.40.

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The widespread use of sexual violence in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) in the early 1990s resulted in landmark rulings from the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) identifying rape as a crime against humanity and a war crime. Despite this progress, this chapter documents multiple challenges that have undermined the implementation of effective reparations for these crimes. It begins with an overview of the conflict, the use of sexual violence, and BiH’s obligations under international human rights law, particularly the right to reparation. It reviews challenges facing the state in implementing a reparations program for sexual violence, including the peculiar governance structure created in the Dayton Agreement, the absence of a healing process, the treatment of returning internally displaced persons, and the conflation of social benefits and reparations programming. It closes with a critique of existing initiatives, including criminal prosecutions, the Strategy on Transitional Justice, and rehabilitation programs.
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19

Post-Conflict Literature: Human Rights, Peace, Justice. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.

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20

Ozerdem, Alpaslan, and Rebecca Roberts. Challenging Post-Conflict Environments: Sustainable Agriculture. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.

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21

Sterland, Bill. Civil Society Capacity Building in Post-conflict Societies (Praxis Papers). INTRAC, 2006.

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22

Ambach, Philipp, Frédéric Bostedt, Grant Dawson, and Steve Kostas, eds. The Protection of Non-Combatants During Armed Conflict and Safeguarding the Rights of Victims in Post-Conflict Society. Brill | Nijhoff, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004236592.

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23

SPPS Series Editor: Andreas Umland (Editor), ed. Ukraine - Crimea - Russia: Triangle of Conflict (Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Society 47). ibidem-Verlag, www.ibidem-verlag.de/spps.html, 2007.

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24

Bhatia, Michael Vinay, and Mark Sedra. Afghanistan, Arms and Conflict: Armed Groups, Disarmament and Security in a Post-War Society. Taylor & Francis Group, 2008.

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25

1938-, Ochieng Philip, and African Research and Resource Forum., eds. Building a new and prosperous society in Southern Sudan in the post conflict period. Nairobi, Kenya: African Research and Resource Forum, 2007.

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26

Civil Society, Post-Colonialism and Transnational Solidarity: The Irish and the Middle East Conflict. Palgrave Macmillan, 2016.

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27

Imagining a Peaceful Society: A Vision of Children’s Literature in a Post-Conflict Zimbabwe. Nordic Africa Institute, 2009.

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28

Zupančič, Rok, and Nina Pejič. Limits to the European Union’s Normative Power in a Post-conflict Society: EULEX and Peacebuilding in Kosovo. Springer, 2018.

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29

Afghanistan, Arms and Conflict: Armed Groups, Disarmament and Security in a Post-war Society (Contemporary Security Studies). Routledge, 2008.

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30

Uberoi, J. P. S. Mind and Society. Edited by Khalid Tyabji. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199495986.001.0001.

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Seamless in approach and rigour of method and seated very much in the post-modern present, this book spans a wide spectrum of historical periods, cultures, religions, regions and politics. This is a reflection of the author’s search for a theory of vernacular pluralism suitable for Indian society and modernity. The book has three sections. The first engages with the question of swaraj or independent nationalism versus internationalism in the context of knowledge, programmes of research and the university as a social institution. The essays are written to represent the author’s viewpoint on the political conflict between imperialism and nationalism as it relates to the academic pursuit of knowledge in the university and the profession. The second group of essays comprises selected critical reflections on aspects of the modern Western world, academic, theoretical and practical, all here considered as inherently social, but remaining unexamined in our everyday life and practice. They begin with questions of social science and philosophy and conclude with a discussion on the working lives of the industrial worker (West) and the ecological household farmer (East). The third group of essays explores the original project of a vernacular Indian modernity in relation to the Hindu and Muslim cultures of medieval India and in the context of Sikhism as an example of Indian modernity. The thrust of this final section is to establish the ground for a concept of society in the vernacular usage, labour and language, rather than in the concept of ‘tradition’ as general social science and the Orientalist classicists have hitherto done.
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31

Huddie, Paul. The Crimean War and Irish Society. Liverpool University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5949/liverpool/9781781382547.001.0001.

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The book is essentially a ‘home front’ study of Ireland during the Crimean War, or more specifically Irish society’s responses to that conflict. It complements the existing research on Irish servicemen’s experiences during and after the campaign, and also substantially develops the limited work already undertaken on Irish society and the conflict. It primarily encompasses the years of the conflict, from its origins in the 1853 dispute between Russia and the Ottoman Empire over the Holy Places, through the French and British political and later military interventions in 1854-5, to the victory, peace and homecoming celebrations in 1856. Additionally, it extends into the preceding and succeeding decades in order to contextualise the events and actors of the wartime years and to present and analyse the commemoration and memorialisation processes. The approach of the study is systematic with the content being correlated under six convenient and coherent themes, which are analysed through a chronological process. The book covers all of the major aspects of society and life in Ireland during the period, so as to give the most complete analysis of the various impacts of and people’s responses to the war. This study is also conducted, within the broader contexts not only of the responses of the United Kingdom and broader British Empire but also Ireland’s relationship with those political entities, and within Ireland’s post-Famine or mid-Victorian and even wider nineteenth-century history.
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32

Andersson, Jenny. Predicting the Future of American Society. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198814337.003.0006.

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The Commission for the Year 2000, created in 1964 in the American Academy of Arts and Science under the chairmanship of Daniel Bell was a key site for the domestication of the predictive technologies developed at RAND, in particular Delphi and the scenario method. Bell moved, in the years of the 1960s, from his notes on the end of ideology at the beginning of the decade to his conclusion that post-industrial society was a society prone to new forms of social conflict and in need of a new mechanism of coordination. Bell thought that he had found this mechanism in the area of forecasting and futures research—activities which might substitute a planning mechanism in American society and provide a new set of “decision tools” for American politics.
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33

Stahn, Carsten, Jens Iverson, and Jennifer S. Easterday, eds. Environmental Protection and Transitions from Conflict to Peace. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198784630.001.0001.

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This book is the first targeted work in the legal literature that investigates environmental challenges in the aftermath of conflict. The volume brings together academics, policy-makers, and practitioners from different disciplines to clarify policies and practices of environmental protection and key legal considerations related to normative frameworks (e.g. international environmental law, international humanitarian law, transitional justice, and human rights), the treatment of substantive principles (e.g. proportionality under jus in bello and jus post bellum, environmental integrity), ‘shared responsibility’, and accountability mechanisms for environmental damage. By providing a comprehensive and in-depth analysis of environmental protection and natural resource management during the transition to peace, the volume reveals strong links between the peace-orientation of jus post bellum and environmental principles, such as intergenerational equity and precaution. There is a great deal of work to do to ensure greater protection of the environment before, during, and after conflict. It remains a challenge to align protection with the political interest of states, and the increasing involvement of non-state actors in armed conflict. This volume marks a starting point for an urgently needed space for states, international organizations, and civil society to discuss, and debate conflict and the environment. By engaging with the International Law Commission’s 2016 Draft Principles on the Protection of the Environment in Relation to Armed Conflicts, the volume adds clarity to the law and momentum to the development of the law in this important area.
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34

Franco, Chiara de. The Media and Postmodern Conflict. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.013.339.

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Contemporary conflicts and warfare are invariably connected to some recurrent elements: globalization; the decline of the State; the emergence of transnational relations, both cultural and economic; late capitalism; post-industrialism; the end of ideologies and metaphysics; and the rise of the “society of spectacle” and the information age. These elements are all generally recognized as being the distinctive characteristics of postmodernity. The media plays an important role in understanding conflict dynamics and in illuminating some characteristics of postmodern conflict. The literature on the relationship between the media and conflict develops concepts and theories which are essential for understanding the role of the media in the evolution and conduct of contemporary conflicts. This literature focuses on two different aspects: firstly, the specific activities of the mass media, i.e. the media coverage of conflicts, and secondly, the interaction between the media and the political and military decision-making processes. Following either the powerful media paradigm or the limited effects hypothesis, these works develop in the same period very different concepts like propaganda and the CNN effect. It is important to keep in mind that these concepts are the result of an attempt to clarify the existing conceptualization of the role of the media in present conflicts and do not represent consolidated categories as such.
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35

Mihr, Anja, and Chandra Sriram Lekha. Rule of Law, Security, and Transitional Justice in Fragile and Conflict-Affected Societies. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198805373.003.0006.

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States are expected to provide both security and justice for their citizens; one needs the other in order to work well. Yet when both are damaged or destroyed by war, state actors and outsiders alike tend to treat them as competing post-conflict priorities. Over the past twenty years, numerous processes have emerged to promote one or both, including “transitional justice”—from courts and truth commissions to community reconciliation—and programs to restore rule of law, reform the “security sector” (SSR) and disarm, demobilize, and reintegrate fighters into society (DDR). The many actors involved have just as many, sometimes competing, operational priorities, knowing that change is urgent, but necessarily long-term. This chapter examines the interaction of transitional justice, rule of law, SSR, and DDR, identifying key concepts, actors, processes, and challenges in pursuing change in each of these areas simultaneously.
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36

Bosha, Sarah L. The Importance of Gender Equality and Women’s Inclusion for Resolving Conflict and Sustaining Peace. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198805373.003.0005.

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The meaningful participation of women in peace talks, peacebuilding, and post-conflict reconstruction is critical to lasting and sustainable peace. Women bring new issues, different experience of war, and the views of a wider section of society to the table and have key skills useful for sustaining or resuscitating talks. Yet they encounter barriers, including the dominance of patriarchal views. The global governance system needs to create legal and policy responses to deal with such exclusion. The UN needs to appoint more women to senior mediation and negotiation roles. States and global institutions should consider the use of quotas to increase the number of women in peacekeeping and set aside predicable, accessible and flexible funding for women’s participation. Global institutions and member states should also create judicial mechanisms and rigorous follow-up mechanisms to ensure there is no impunity for peacekeeper sexual abuse and exploitation.
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37

Teper, Yuri. Kremlin’s post-2012 national policies: Encountering the merits and perils of identity-based social contract. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474433853.003.0004.

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This chapter analyses the Kremlin’s changing attitudes towards nationalism since 2012, focusing on the post-2014 period. Failing to deliver on its economic and governance output promises, the Kremlin altered its social contract with society so as to focus on collective identity as the new legitimation base for the regime. Following Putin’s return to the presidency, the authorities’ mobilisation strategy became distinctively proactive and profoundly national, with the Kremlin seizing control over the national agenda. The alternation between Russo-centric and great-power emphases in the Kremlin's official identity discourse nevertheless reveals that the regime must navigate between two potentially hazardous options. Greater emphasis on the first component would increase ethnic tensions at home and create pressures for action on behalf of ethnic Russian minorities in the ‘near abroad’, whereas excessively stressing the second would lead to further escalation of the conflict with the West.
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38

Morality, Jus Post Bellum, and International Law. University of Cambridge ESOL Examinations, 2014.

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39

Shepherd, Laura J. Why UN Peacebuilding Discourse Matters. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199982721.003.0006.

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Chapter 6 reflects on the dominant configurations of civil society, women, gender, and peacebuilding in UN peacebuilding discourse and why the author thinks these arguments are significant. It is notable that the foundational resolution that brought forth the UN PBC specifically identifies “women’s organizations”—and only women’s organizations—as a part of “civil society” with which the Commission is encouraged to consult, as noted earlier. This articulation, as discussed earlier, not only feminizes civil society organizations but also reproduces the association between women and civil society. Further, the discursive construction of civil society as a feminized subject in peacebuilding discourse relies on assumptions about women’s capacity to engage meaningfully in peacebuilding-related activities by virtue of their femininity and the concomitant assumption of pacifism and peacebuilding potential. Both of these constructions are problematic in the ways in which they make sense of women’s lived experiences in conflict and post-conflict situations.
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40

Petesch, Patti. Agency and Gender Norms in War Economies. Edited by Fionnuala Ní Aoláin, Naomi Cahn, Dina Francesca Haynes, and Nahla Valji. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199300983.013.27.

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This chapter describes shifts in gender roles and agency during times of conflict, noting that the changes men and women experience are interdependent and arguing that a conflict period may offer a window of opportunity to speed up normative social change. The chapter describes how qualitative data from multiple conflict sites illustrate that while women may experience an increase in economic agency during a conflict period, many men feel emasculated or disempowered when their livelihoods are disrupted during conflict. Two case studies, from the Gaza Strip and Liberia, illustrate this dynamic of female empowerment and male emasculation. The Gaza example shows a community where these dynamics are present, but changes to the underlying gender norms are limited. Liberia offers an example of a post-conflict society where gender roles have not only been relaxed but have undergone a normative change, as women have begun participating in political, economic, and civic life.
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41

Meertens, Donny. Colombia. Edited by Fionnuala Ní Aoláin, Naomi Cahn, Dina Francesca Haynes, and Nahla Valji. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199300983.013.41.

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Using Colombia as a case study, this chapter focuses on women and land rights in post-conflict societies. It begins with a brief history of land rights for women in Colombia both before and during the conflict and explores the roots of Colombia’s protracted armed conflict in unequal land distribution policies and peasant exploitation. The chapter describes challenges associated with land restitution in Colombia through an examination of the successes and challenges of the Victims and Land Restitution Law. It focuses on gendered obstacles related to security and local governance, the general informality in land tenure, and patriarchal practices and culture in rural society. The chapter closes with a call for an increased focus on women’s economic and social rights in transitional societies and articulates a vision of restitution laws as having the potential for transformative, forward-looking change.
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42

Ní Aoláin, Fionnuala, Naomi Cahn, Dina Francesca Haynes, and Nahla Valji, eds. The Oxford Handbook of Gender and Conflict. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199300983.001.0001.

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The Oxford Handbook of Gender and Conflict brings together leading interdisciplinary scholars, policymakers, and practitioners to address a complex range of challenges, contexts, geographies, and issues that arise for women and men in the context of armed conflict. The Handbook addresses war and peace, humanitarian intervention, countering violence and extremism, the United Nations Women, Peace, and Security Agenda, sexual violence, criminal accountability, autonomous weapons, peacekeeping, refugee and internally displaced person (IDP) status, the political economy of war, the economics of conflict, as well as health and economic security. It begins with theoretical approaches to gender and conflict, drawing on the areas of international, peace and conflict, feminist, and masculinities studies. The Handbook explores how women and men’s pre-war societal, economic, and legal status relates to their conflict experiences, affecting the ways in which they are treated in the post-conflict transitional phase. In addition to examining these conflict and post-conflict experiences, the Handbook addresses the differing roles of multiple national and international actors, as well as the UN led Women, Peace, and Security Agenda. Contributions survey the regulatory framework and gendered dimensions of international humanitarian and international human rights law in situations of conflict and occupation as well as addressing, and critiquing, the gendered nature and content of international criminal law. The Handbook also includes grounded country case studies exploring different gendered experiences of conflict in various regions. As a whole, this Handbook seeks to critically examine the contemporary gender-based challenges that emerge in conflict and post-conflicts contexts.
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43

McWilliams, Monica, and Avila Kilmurray. Northern Ireland. Edited by Fionnuala Ní Aoláin, Naomi Cahn, Dina Francesca Haynes, and Nahla Valji. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199300983.013.43.

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Women’s activism played an important role in conflict transformation in Northern Ireland, from the early civil rights activists to the development of the Northern Ireland Women’s Coalition political party. This chapter follows the history of activism in Northern Ireland, using the trajectory to illustrate how the exclusion of women from formal institutions resulted in a women’s movement that became an alternative means for creating change. It identifies important characteristics of women’s activism, including a willingness to build broad alliances in civil society and framing tactics that brought gender-specific interests to the peace process and the Good Friday peace agreement. As the chapter examines the successes and challenges of the post-conflict women’s movement in Northern Ireland, it reflects on the power of creativity and innovation in altering institutional dynamics during times of transition.
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44

Wood, Betsy. Upon the Altar of Work. University of Illinois Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252043444.001.0001.

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This book examines how debates about children and their labor shaped the way Northerners and Southerners defined fundamental concepts of American life such as work, freedom, morality, and the market from the 1850s through the 1930s. Initially, Northerners and Southerners clashed over child labor in the context of the sectional crisis over slavery. For decades after the Civil War, debates about child labor bore the traces of this sectionalist conflict. Reformers, who eventually came to see child labor as the worst evil of the nation since slavery, mobilized politically in a national movement to abolish child labor with the power of the progressive state, liberating children to develop their potential in a burgeoning consumer market society. To defeat this movement, the opponents of reform also mobilized politically, asserting an opposing vision of American freedom that drew on traditional understandings of familial authority and the moral value of free labor. Tracing the ideological origins and the politics of the battle over child labor over the course of eighty years, this book tells the story of how child labor debates bequeathed an enduring legacy of sectionalist conflict within a post-emancipation, modern capitalist society.
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45

Beehner, Lionel, Risa Brooks, and Daniel Maurer, eds. Reconsidering American Civil-Military Relations. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197535493.001.0001.

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This book explores contemporary civil-military relations in the United States. Much of the canonical literature on civil-military relations was either written during or references the Cold War, while other major research focuses on the post-Cold War era, or the first decade of the twenty-first century. A great deal has changed since then. This book considers the implications for civil-military relations of many of these changes. Specifically, it focuses on factors such as breakdowns in democratic and civil-military norms and conventions; intensifying partisanship and deepening political divisions in American society; as well as new technology and the evolving character of armed conflict. Chapters are organized around the principal actors in civil-military relations, and the book includes sections on the military, civilian leadership, and the public. It explores the roles and obligations of each. The book also examines how changes in contemporary armed conflict influence civil-military relations. Chapters in this section examine the cyber domain, grey zone operations, asymmetric warfare and emerging technology. The book thus brings the study of civil-military relations into the contemporary era, in which new geopolitical realities and the changing character of armed conflict combine with domestic political tensions to test, if not potentially redefine, those relations.
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46

Balkelis, Tomas. War, Revolution, and Nation-Making in Lithuania, 1914-1923. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199668021.001.0001.

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This book explores how war made the Lithuanian state and shaped society from the onset of the Great War in 1914 to the last waves of violence in 1923. As the very notion of an independent Lithuania was constructed during the war, violence became an essential part of the formation of Lithuanian state, nation, and identity. War was much more than simply the historical context in which the tectonic change from empire to nation state took place. It transformed people, policies, institutions, and modes of thought in ways that would continue to shape the nation for decades after the conflict subsided. By telling the story of the post-World War I conflict in Lithuania, the book focuses on the juncture between soldiers and civilians rather than the strategies and acts of politicians, generals, or diplomats. Its two main themes are the impact of military, social, and cultural mobilizations on the local population, and different types of violence that were so characteristic of the region throughout the period. The actors in this story are people displaced by war and mobilized for war: refugees, veterans, volunteers, peasant conscripts, prisoners of war, paramilitary fighters, and others who took to guns, not diplomacy, to assert their power. The book tells the story of how their lives were changed by war and how they shaped the society that emerged after war.
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47

Brown, Katherine A. Your Country, Our War. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190879402.001.0001.

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This book reviews how news intersects with international politics and discusses the global power and reach of the U.S. news media, especially within the context of the post-9/11 era. It is based on years of interviews conducted between 2009 and 2017, in Kabul, Washington, and New York. The book draws together communications scholarship on hegemony and the U.S. news media’s relationship with American society and the government (i.e. indexing and cascading; agenda-building and agenda-setting; framing; and conflict reportage) along with how national bias and ethnocentrism are fixed phenomena in international news. Given the longevity of the U.S. presence in Afghanistan and the Afghan news media’s dramatic proliferation since 2001, Afghanistan provides a fascinating case study for the role of journalists in conflict and diplomacy. By identifying, framing, and relaying narratives that affect the normative environment, U.S. correspondents have played unofficial diplomatic and developmental roles. They have negotiated the meaning of war and peace. Indirectly and directly, they have supported Afghan journalists in their professional growth. As a result, these foreign correspondents have not been merely observers to a story; they have been participants in it. The stories they choose to tell, and how they tell them, can become dominant narratives in global politics, and have directly affected events inside Afghanistan. The U.S. journalists did not just provide the first draft of history on this enduring post-9/11 entanglement between the United States and Afghanistan—they actively shaped it.
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48

Crosthwaite, Paul. Fiction and Trauma from the Second World War to 9/11. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198749394.003.0026.

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This chapter looks at how contemporary British and Irish novelists reflect on the spasms of catastrophic violence that have punctuated the twentieth century and continue to define the twenty-first. These events not only traumatized individuals on a mass scale, but also dealt irrevocable damage to foundational assumptions concerning reason, progress, meaning, and language. Such weighty preoccupations, however, took some time to fully coalesce in the fiction of the post-Second World War period. There were few substantial treatments of the war in its immediate aftermath. When such responses began to appear in the 1950s, and swelled in number in the 1960s, they did so predominantly in the form of conventional social realist narratives concerned with the immediate experience of combat and the impact of the conflict on the structures of British and Irish society.
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49

Gamberini, Andrea. Introduction. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198824312.003.0001.

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The introduction gives a critical rereading of the historiographical debate regarding the processes of state building at the end of the Middle Ages, highlighting its limitations in the lack of interest shown in the ideal reasons for the political conflict. This then gives rise to the interpretative proposal that forms the basis of the present work, which aims to shed light on the many conflicts that, in relation to legitimacy of power, tore medieval society apart. With this in mind, the introduction focuses on an analysis of the sources that are potentially useful for the study of these particular aspects, on the risks underlying their use, and on the expected results. The last part discusses the structure of the work and justifies the decision to divide it into two, clearly divided parts, dedicated to the communal age on the one hand and the post-communal era on the other.
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Hinton, Alexander. The Justice Facade. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198820949.001.0001.

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Is there a point to international justice? This book explores this question in Cambodia, where Pol Pot’s Khmer Rouge revolutionaries committed genocide and crimes against humanity in an attempt to create a pure socialist regime (1975–1979). Due to geopolitics, it was only in 2006 that a UN-backed hybrid tribunal, the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (“Khmer Rouge Tribunal”), commenced operation, one of a growing number of post-Cold War transitional justice interventions. The Justice Facade argues that there is a point to such tribunals, but it is masked by a set of utopian human rights and democratization ideals. Instead of projecting this transitional justice imaginary onto post-conflict peacebuilding efforts, we need to step behind the justice facade to examine what tribunals mean in terms of everyday life and practices—such as the Buddhist beliefs and ritual interactions with the spirits of the dead that are critical to Cambodian victims and survivors. In making this argument, The Justice Facade focuses on civil society outreach efforts to “translate” the court in terms meaningful to Cambodians, the majority of whom are rural villagers, as well as the experience of Cambodian civil parties who testified. This ground-breaking study of transitional justice and demonstration of the importance of examining “justice in translation” is of critical importance not just to those working in the field of transitional justice and law, but in related fields such as development, human rights, anthropology, and peacebuilding.
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