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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'POST-CONFLICT SOCIETY'
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George, Michael J., and John D. Bishop. "Governing in a post-conflict society social fit." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/5639.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.The growing interconnectedness of nations through globalization, and the threat of international terrorism as a destabilizing force, has increased the international community's concern for stable governance in the developing world. In an era of globalization, with near instantaneous information flow, and a global court of international opinion, the options for governing a society in a post-conflict environment are limited. History is filled with rebellions, insurgencies, coups, invasions, and occupations, which result in regime change or some sort of postconflict intervention by the international community. In each case, prior to conflict, there was an established order, or form of governance. After conflict a new order, or form of governance, has to emerge. In these societies a preconflict political and social order was disrupted, and a new post-conflict political and social order established. Ideally, the crafting of a new political and social order into effective governance requires the acceptance of the governed. As the United States remains committed to assisting nations with establishing governance and fostering stability, policymakers should consider the social acceptance of a post-conflict government by the people.
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Ahonen, Sirkka. "Post-Conflict History Education in Finland, South Africa and Bosnia-Herzegovina." University of Helsinki, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-27402.
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A post-conflict society tends to get locked in a history war. As the practice of history in its broad sense is a moral craft, representations of guilt and victimhood prevail in social memory. The representations are often bolstered by mythical references, wherefore deconstruction of myths is expected from history education for the purposes of post-conflict reconciliation. This article deals with the post-conflict uses of history in Finland, South Africa and Bosnia-Herzegovina. The three cases constitute examples of a class war, a race conflict and an ethno-religious armed clash. The memory politics and history curricula differ between the cases. Their comparison indicates, how far an imposition of one ´truth´, a dialogue of two ´truths´ and segregation of different memory communities are feasible strategies of post-conflict history education. The article suggests that history lessons can be an asset instead of a liability in the pursuit of reconciliation.
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Molina, Betancur Carlos Mario, and Bedoya Francisco Javier Valderrama. "Human Rights defense in a post conflict society: The colombian case." Derecho & Sociedad, 2017. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/118148.
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The defense of human rights in a post-conflict society is a great challenge for any civilized society.The post-conflict in Colombia must be a process that is addressed by the political and legal parameters of the Constitution in force in the country. Nevertheless, to guarantee a model social state of law based on respect for human dignity, work and solidarity of its members and the prevalence of general interest. Second, to provide legal security to the State, civil society and demobilized groups to the latter political and democratically participate in the governance of the state, with the horizon of their actions respect for human rights and thereby ensures that the damage caused to the victims is solved by the Truth, Justice and Reparation.La defensa de los Derechos Humanos en una sociedad de posconflicto es un gran reto para toda sociedad civilizada. El postconflicto en Colombia se presenta como uno de los últimos ensayos políticos para cerrar brechas de violencia y desigualdad en América Latina. Colombia se presenta como un laboratorio de paz al cabo de setenta años de guerra continua no declarada entre las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (en adelante, FARC) y el ejército colombiano. Las conversaciones de paz de La Habana parecen ir encaminadas a asentar un proceso de paz duradera que está poniendo a prueba los parámetros políticos y jurídicos de la Constitución Nacional vigente en el país de 1991. Sin embargo, para poder garantizar un modelo de Estado Social de Derecho fundamentado en el respeto a la dignidad humana, el trabajo, la solidaridad de sus asociados y la prevalencia del interés general, lo pactado en La Habana tendrá que seguir los lineamientos establecidos en el Derecho Internacional Humanitario, los cuales ya han sido enmarcados ampliamente por la ley y la jurisprudencia de la Corte Constitucional, que, a su vez, han establecido que el respeto de los derechos humanos en una sociedad de posconflicto debe solucionarse con altos y claros estándares de Verdad, la Justicia y Reparación.
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Farinde, Louisa Omolara. "The effectiveness of protecting children's rights in post-conflict Liberian society." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/15200.
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This dissertation will primarily involve desk-based research to examine those provisions of the Liberian Children's Law that refer to measures preventing the use of children in armed conflict, measures protecting children from being used in armed conflict as well as measures reintegrating children into society who have participated in such violence in their past in light of CRC standards. Reference will also be made to scholarly contributions on children's rights in postconflict societies, reports on and documentation of the condition of child rights in Liberia and the relevant international and regional human rights instruments including the International Convention on the Rights of the Child, the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the involvement of children in armed conflict, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, and the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child. Among critiquing the Children's Law by comparing its standards to other international human rights instruments, feasibility of the Children's Law will be examined by considering 1) justiciability, 2) accessibility, and 3) enforceability as criteria indicating whether the Children's Law is a substantive document and proves effective in theory or not.
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Cownie, Erik. "Envisioning a post-conflict society : perspectives from a peripheral loyalist working-class." Thesis, Ulster University, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.591071.
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This study sought to examine a peripheral loyalist working-class community's complex transition from conflict and paramilitarism. To date, academic literature on loyalist communities has, in general, focussed on conflict-era loyalism or the experience of interface existence, particularly, in inner-city Belfast. This study added another dimension to this canon of work by, instead, focussing on a homogenous and spatially detached community where the primary foci are class disadvantage and the consequences of negative social capital. The academic neglect of these hinterland estates is, often, mirrored by statutory abandonment in a policy environment where the over- riding aim remains to ameliorate the worst effects of internecine violence in the communities which straddle the city's many peace-lines. Grounded on the principles of interpretivist research, this project comprised a case study examination of a peripheral loyalist housing estate and enta iled semi-structured interviews with residents, para militaries, politicians, and statutory agencies. Social capital was adopted as the theoretical framework and a context-s pecific social capital framework model was developed to capture the unique experiences and perceptions of a community still struggling to address the legacies of conflict, in particular, paramilitarism. In broad terms, the data from these interviews demonstrate the following key points: firstly, that two important contexts needed to be co nsidered - specifically, loyalist para militarism and urban transformations in Belfast; secondly, that there is a definite class dimension to social capital which, invariably, leads to less desirable outcomes in poorer communities than are, commonly, expected in more affluent areas; and, finally, that social capital is as likely to produce as many negative outcomes as positive ones. More specifically, this study explored and expla ined the historical narrative of Ballybeen in terms of a microcosm of the wider loyalist community, in particular, their attempts to address the highly complex issues of both historical and extant paramilitary influence. This enabled an evaluation of the roles played by the various actors in Ballybeen's social and economic regeneration, its post-conflict t ransitions and social capital formations. This appraisal (redirects academic / statutory attention towards such communities and suggests that 40 years of paramilitarism has bestowed on the estate a legacy of stigma and oppression.
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Kolbe, Jarla. "Civil Society & Peace Building – two debated Concepts in the Post-Conflict Environment of Iraq." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-29086.
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Binneh-Kamara, Abou. "Media reporting of war crimes trials and civil society responses in post-conflict Sierra Leone." Thesis, University of Bedfordshire, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10547/618559.
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This study, which seeks to contribute to the shared-body of knowledge on media and war crimes jurisprudence, gauges the impact of the media’s coverage of the Civil Defence Forces (CDF) and Charles Taylor trials conducted by the Special Court for Sierra Leone (SCSL) on the functionality of civil society organizations (CSOs) in promoting transitional (post-conflict) justice and democratic legitimacy in Sierra Leone. The media’s impact is gauged by contextualizing the stimulus-response paradigm in the behavioral sciences. Thus, media contents are rationalized as stimuli and the perceptions of CSOs’ representatives on the media’s coverage of the trials are deemed to be their responses. The study adopts contents (framing) and discourse analyses and semi-structured interviews to analyse the publications of the selected media (For Di People, Standard Times and Awoko) in Sierra Leone. The responses to such contents are theoretically explained with the aid of the structured interpretative and post-modernistic response approaches to media contents. And, methodologically, CSOs’ representatives’ responses to the media’s contents are elicited by ethnographic surveys (group discussions) conducted across the country. The findings from the contents and discourse analyses, semi-structured interviews and ethnographic surveys are triangulated to establish how the media’s coverage of the two trials impacted CSOs’ representatives’ perceptions on post-conflict justice and democratic legitimacy in Sierra Leone. To test the validity and reliability of the findings from the ethnographic surveys, four hundred (400) questionnaires, one hundred (100) for each of the four regions (East, South, North and Western Area) of Sierra Leone, were administered to barristers, civil/public servants, civil society activists, media practitioners, students etc. The findings, which reflected the perceptions of people from large swathe of opinions in Sierra Leone, appeared to have dovetailed with those of the CSOs’ representatives across the country. The study established that the media’s coverage of the CDF trial appeared to have been tainted with ethno-regional prejudices, and seemed to be ‘a continuation of war by other means’. However, the focus groups perceived the media reporting as having a positive effect on the pursuit of post-conflict justice, good governance and democratic accountability in Sierra Leone. The coverage of the Charles Taylor trial appeared to have been devoid of ethno-regional prejudices, but, in the view of the CSOs, seemed to have been coloured by lenses of patriotism and nationalism.
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Alminas, Ruth. "Transnational Civil Society or Marketplace? An Empirical Examination of Inter-NGO Collaboration in Post-Conflict Environments." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/255194.
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Do NGOs tend to operate more like activists in a transnational civil society or more like competitors in a transnational marketplace? This dissertation represents a preliminary attempt to understand the extent to which NGOs interact with one another through transnational networks in their efforts to assist and protect internally displaced persons (IDPs) in conflict and post-conflict settings. So far, the concept of the transnational advocacy network has served largely as a metaphor. This dissertation represents a significant contribution to our understanding of transnational relations by offering the first empirical examination of the structure of these networks. By applying the theoretical framework offered by resource dependence theory to the question of NGO interaction, this dissertation offers an alternative view of transnational relations. I first present original network data representing the transnational advocacy network of NGOs along with the state agencies, UN agencies and other organizations involved in providing assistance and protection to IDPs in Azerbaijan in 2010. These data will demonstrate that (1) transnational actors do network around specific campaigns, but (2) this does not necessarily mean that NGOs are collaborating with one another or acting as the central actors in these networks. I next analyze original network data modeling the extent to which inter-NGO collaboration exists among NGOs responding to 29 separate cases of protracted internal displacement. These data will provide support for my argument that NGOs tend to follow a strategy of resource dependence rather than resource mobilization in their strategic networking behaviors. Finally, I will examine the variation in the cohesion among these 29 potential inter-NGO networks and suggest conditions which underlie greater inter-NGO collaboration. I find that only in cases of a real or perceived threat to the NGO-sector as a whole, specifically a legal environment that is not conducive to the functioning of the nonprofit sector, is extensive inter-NGO collaboration likely to occur. The data suggest that a hostile legal environment is necessary and sufficient for extensive inter-NGO collaboration.
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Pyzdrowski, John E. "Experiences of Advisors/Mentors in Developing Leadership Emergence in a Post Conflict, Marginalized Society| A Phenomenological Study." Thesis, The George Washington University, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10258683.
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This study examines lived experiences of advisors and mentors during leadership development efforts and how understanding cultural differences enables leadership emergence. Work conducted by advisors and mentors in Afghanistan provided the focus for research. The qualitative approach used incorporated interviews of ten participants. The researcher used Moustakas’ phenomenological research method to explore the lived experiences. Findings provide understanding of how cultural differences influence leadership emergence development in marginalized societies and how cultural differences influence approaches to developing local leaders.
Conclusions from this study provide meaning because they address gaps in knowledge regarding experiences related to leadership development for society’s marginalized elements, leadership approaches mentors report important in fulfilling their roles, and methods to develop emerging leaders. Conclusions indicate 1) mentor and advisor experiences stress the importance of adaptability, demonstrated competence and positive outlook; 2) building trusted relationships, leadership as a social process, and the emerging leader construct form foundational elements of mentoring in post-conflict marginalized societies; 3) trust, critical thinking, planning, accountability and expertise are leadership competencies that result in mentor success; 4) developing leadership emergence in cultures other than one’s own require engagement strategies that enable rapid understanding of how to deal with cultural differences; 5) mentees in marginalized societies can alter mentors perspectives; and 6) developing leadership emergence is a non-gender specific process and should emphasize technical expertise.
This study offers recommendations for practice in developing leadership emergence and illuminates future research. Recommendations for practice include: providing intensive leadership development training for mentors and fostering increased multicultural understanding for emerging leaders; the importance of developing trusted relationships and networks; fostering curiosity in learning about other cultures; promoting the need for openness toward cultural differences; and integrating cooperative learning into leadership development practices. Recommendations for research include using actual field experience of leadership development that takes into account cultural differences; study on leadership emergence of youth in marginalized societies; study on indigenous cultures through the lens of cultural dimensions; and future meta-analysis of leader emergence in developing nations and vulnerable groups.
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Paulin, Margaret. "The Presence of the Past in Three Guatemalan Classrooms: The Role of Teachers in a Post-Conflict Society." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1368572974.
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Martin, De Almagro Maria. "(Un)globalizing civil society: when the boomerang rebounds :transnational advocacy networks and women groups in post-conflict Burundi and Liberia." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209092.
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To date, few scholars have addressed the internal dynamics of transnational advocacy networks (TANs) and their impact on the production of international norms. The lack of research on the topic seems rather surprising at a time when constructivists produce literature on the significance of global civil society and the role networks play in processes of recruitment and collective identity construction (Crugel 1999; Keck and Sikkink 1998; Boli and Thomas 1999; Anheier et al. 2001; Taylor and Rupp 2001; Keane 2003; Bob 2005). I cover this gap by looking at how power struggles between the international and the local members of a TAN shape the implementation of international norms in post-conflict settings. The purpose of the thesis is twofold: firstly to contribute to a broader literature on global civil society and secondly, to propose a new, more dynamic account on the life-cycle of international norms. The campaign for the implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security presents an ideal case study. First, it is one of the most successful stories of global norm creation and diffusion thanks to the advocacy efforts of non-state actors. Second, it also shows a case of policy gridlock, where the international efforts to bettering the situation of women in non-Western settings through an implicit liberal normative teleology have shown their limits by the socializee’s formal acceptance of the framework and informal resistance to the dominant norm. Based on extensive fieldwork, my approach combines feminist research methodology (Bar On 1993; Devault 1990; Pillow 2003; Taylor 2000), with the reflexive approach advocated by qualitative researchers in post-colonial and post-structuralist studies (Said 1978; Butler 1990; Escobar 1995). I conducted 60 semi-structured interviews with women activists during 4 field visits in Bujumbura (Burundi) and Monrovia (Liberia) between 2012 and 2013. Following discourse analysis theory (Shepherd 2008; Hansen 2006) and using NViVo8, the interviews were systematically analysed with regard to the reasons they put forward to explain their engagement in the women’s movement and the type of rights they sought to accomplish. The research is conducted through a relational approach in which the interactions of agents are affected by 1) a diversity of structural opportunities through three mechanisms: brokerage, gatekeeping and diffusion and, 2) a compound of ideas forming the master-frame. Those two, in turn, modify interests and identities, both understood as outputs and not as variables determining the interactions of agents. I show how a certain discourse on gender security became accepted as the master frame of the campaign, and how other discourses were left out. That is, I show how discourses created boundaries and identities amongst actors, and how these actors used their agency to stretch those boundaries and identities in order to steer other activists to move towards certain behaviour. Building upon my empirical findings, the thesis sets out a theoretical model of identity boundaries stretching and adaptation in order to analyse the discursive construction of identity and subjectivity as political action. It develops the concept of rebound effect, that is, the point where the ideational boundaries between the thrower of the boomerang (issue entrepreneur) and the receiver (issue follower) are so impervious that the boomerang bounces back and never reaches its destination. I found out that norms based on a liberal peacebuilding approach such as UNSCR1325 are created and maintained by a failure to engage with local and grassroots movements (Richmond 2013). This, in turn, contributes to a process of de-legitimization of NGOs and local associations who form the TAN vis-à-vis the affected population. My findings have important implications for international relation theories of global governance and global activism since they provided a critique of the mainstream norm’s cascade model by introducing new temporalities and geographies in the analysis of the life-cycle of international norms.Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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La, Rosa Thais. "Cultural Behavior in Post-Urbanized Brazil: The Cordial Man and Intrafamilial Conflict." PDXScholar, 2013. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/667.
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Cultures, subcultures, and individuals occupy different positions in the low-context/individualistic and the high-context/collectivistic spectrum, and they shift due to factors such as urbanization, economic development and cultural globalization. In this study, I examine Sérgio Buarque de Holanda's theory of the cordial man and how it illustrates qualities of the high-context Brazilian culture. Within the framework of grounded theory, these qualities are evaluated from the perspective of intergenerational dyads--fathers and sons--that have been exposed to an urbanized and globalized environment in order to determine whether and how a shift from high-context to low-context is occurring. The participants were interviewed to explore perception of self, upbringing, decision-making process within the family, father and son relationships, intrafamilial communication, ways to influence and be influenced, history of conflict, and urbanization and globalization. Their responses revealed the extent to which their values were individualistic or group-oriented and if the cordial man behavior was also present in the intimacy of their homes. In sum, I reach three conclusions: technological and cultural globalization propagates low-context values and behaviors; sons are in a transitional state, in which individual goals are relevant enough to challenge parental expectations, but still cause guilt when pursued; and, the cordial man still exists in the urban and globalized world. Implications for families, family therapists, counselors and mediators are discussed.
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Zain, Fajran. "The development of authoritarianism : the influence of social threat, group identification, and anger rumination in a post-conflict society." Virtual Press, 2007. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1379438.
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This research examined a model of authoritarian personality development within people from Aceh, the province in Indonesia that has been in political conflict since 1976. A number of measures were administered online using InQsit BSU software. These measures assessed bad wartime experiences (BE), social identification with Aceh, social conformity, a worldview of social threat, social uncertainty, chronic anger rumination, individualist-collectivist cultural orientation, and right-wing authoritarianism (RWA). 215 Achenese citizens between 18 to 57 years of age served as participants. The results showed that participants were clearly collectivists. As predicted, regression analyses demonstrated that BE correlated positively with social threat, when threat was measured at a societal level [i.e., Belief in a Dangerous World (BDW)]. The relationship of BEBDW was completely mediated by social identification. Also as predicted, a strong and positive correlation was found between BDW-RWA. A hypothesis concerning anger rumination was not supported. Anger rumination did not mediate the relationship between BDW-RWA or between Uncertainty-RWA. Interestingly, the relationship between rumination and RWA was in a negative direction. The present study replicated work by Duckitt (2002), and extended that work by examining the mediational role of both Social Identification and BDW in the Conformity-RWA relationship. Another new finding is that cultural orientation (especially vertical collectivism) contributed to RWA in much the same way as social conformity. The limitations of this study are discussed and suggestions for future research are presented.Department of Psychological Science
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Apio, Eunice Otuko. "Children born of war in northern Uganda : kinship, marriage, and the politics of post-conflict reintegration in Lango society." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2016. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/6926/.
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This thesis is about the experiences of children born as a result of sexual violence in war and armed conflict. It explores how children conceived in the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) are perceived and how those perceptions affect their everyday lives once they left the LRA and joined the families and communities of their mothers in post-war northern Uganda, and particularly in Lango. These children are offspring of forced wives - girls and young women who were forced into sexual relationships with LRA militiamen. Kony used fear and mysticism to manipulate his followers and control their sex life and hence, re-organise their reproductive choices. Yet Kony’s approach to sexuality and procreation was perceived as incompatible with Lango norms and institutions regulating sex, marriage and motherhood. This gave rise to tensions over the reintegration of formerly abducted women and their children. This study explores the circumstances under which these children were conceived and what happened to them when they left the LRA and joined their mothers’ natal families and communities. Moreover, it explores related fields – such as ideas and practices of kinship and gender - influencing the treatment of children conceived in the LRA.
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Jones, Kamara Rochelle. "“We Ain’t Ready to See a Black President”: Barack Obama and Post-Racialism in American Society." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1268172269.
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Schadl, Ilona Verfasser], and Christopher [Akademischer Betreuer] [Daase. "The exclusion of society : the problem of post-conflict statebuilding and the case of Afghanistan / Ilona Schadl. Betreuer: Christopher Daase." München : Universitätsbibliothek der Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität, 2011. http://d-nb.info/1028325347/34.
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Healy, Lynn Marie. "Framing the Victim: Gender, Representation and Recognition in Post-Conflict Peru." The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1440092938.
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Kärrholmen, Ebba, and Olivia Lange. "We Are More Than Just Housewives : Young Women’s Expectations and Outlook on TheirParticipation Within the Post-Conflict Society of Bosnia and Herzegovina." Thesis, Jönköping University, HLK, Globala studier, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-53453.
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Peace processes have been slow to recognise women, which is later reflected in the political landscape of the post-conflict society. Researchers have emphasised that the post-conflict setting many times constitutes a greater challenge for women than men as they face more vulnerability and insecurity in forms of domestic violence and being excluded from the formal peace processes. This is the case for Bosnia and Herzegovina, which is still facing difficulties both socially, politically and economically due to the civil war at the beginning of the 1990s. For instance, the country is facing major economic difficulties, which have contributed to high unemployment rates which is especially affecting women and the youth. Thereby this study which is based on eight qualitative semi-structured interviews explores how young women with tertiary education in Bosnia and Herzegovina experience their participation in the post-conflict setting, and what out-looks they have on their future in relation to the predominant gender order. Through the thematic analysis and by using a theoretical framework related to “Conflict, Gender, Ethnicity and Post-Conflict Reconstruction” and “gender order” their experiences were analysed. The results of this study show that although the young women experienced that they could participate in society, all of them experienced obstacles related to politics and gender traditional expectations of women. Their outlooks were relatively positive as they recognised several opportunities to fulfil their dreams due to education. Moreover, the majority of them wanted to stay in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The post-conflict setting is affecting the entire population, however, young women are further affected by the gender order. Ultimately, the patriarchal gender order which is heightened in the post-conflict setting is impacting these young women’s participation and outlooks, which limits their prospects. However, through their participation and how they conduct themselves, they are opposing the place they have been given in the gender order.Fredsprocesser har varit långsamma med att erkänna kvinnor, vilket senare har återspeglats i det politiska landskapet i samhället efter en konflikt. Forskare menar på att tiden efter en konflikt många gånger utgör en större utmaning för kvinnor än för män, eftersom de är mer sårbara och ofta möter olika former av våld i hemmet samt utesluts från de formella fredsprocesserna. Det här är fallet för Bosnien och Hercegovina, som fortfarande står inför svårigheter både socialt, politiskt och ekonomiskt på grund av inbördeskriget i början av 1990-talet. Landet står exempelvis inför stora ekonomiska svårigheter, vilket har bidragit till den höga arbetslösheten som särskilt drabbar kvinnor och ungdomar. Mot bakgrund av det här undersöker studien, som baseras på åtta kvalitativa semi-strukturerade intervjuer, hur unga kvinnor med högre utbildning i Bosnien och Hercegovina upplever sitt deltagande i det post-konfliktsamhälle som de lever i, hur deras framtidssyn ser ut och hur de förhåller sig till den nuvarande genusordningen. Genom tematisk analys och användningen av ett teoretiskt ramverk relaterat till “Konflikt, genus, etnicitet och post-konfliktrekonstruktion” och ”genusordning” analyserades deras erfarenheter. Resultatet av studien visar att de unga kvinnorna upplevde att de kunde delta i samhället men också att de kände vissa hinder, relaterade till politik och de traditionella könsrollerna som finns i samhället. Samtidigt var de ungas syn på framtiden relativt positiv, då de ansåg att det fanns många möjligheter för dem att uppfylla sina drömmar eftersom de hade studerat. Många av dem ville stanna i Bosnien och Hercegovina. Miljön som är i ett post-konfliktsamhälle påverkar hela befolkningen dock är unga kvinnor extra utsatta, då de också är påverkade av den regerande genusordningen. Den nuvarande patriarkala genusordningen som ofta kulminerar i ett post-konfliktsamhälle begränsar de unga kvinnornas deltagande, vilket påverkar deras tankar om framtiden. Dock, genom sitt deltagande och agerande i samhället sätter de sig emot den plats som de har tilldelats i genusordningen.
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Marx, Margaretha Elizabeth. "The potential of dance education to promote social cohesion in a post-conflict society: perspectives of South African pre-service student teachers." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/4474.
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This study constitutes a theoretical and qualitative investigation into the meanings and locations of social cohesion in dance education. Theoretical connections between culture, dance education and social cohesion are explored. The empirical investigation is designed as a qualitative case study interrogating pre-service student teachers’ experiences and perceptions of a particular dance education course in a culturally and politically diverse university classroom in post-apartheid South Africa. Open-ended questionnaires, reflective journals and focus group interviews were employed to generate data. Findings indicate that involvement in creative movement and ethno-cultural dances raised awareness of the Self and the Other, engendering perspective and personal transformation, important requisites for social transformation and subsequently social cohesion in a formerly divided society, such as South Africa. In addition, these dance education experiences provided participants with unique encounters with the Other’s culture. These occurred through embodied experiences of the culture of the Other, as well as through bodily negotiations with the Other. These findings lead me to argue that dance education, as pertaining to this particular course, can facilitate spaces conducive to cohesion amongst culturally and politically diverse participants in post-apartheid South Africa.
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Hunt, Janet, and janethunt@homemail com au. "Local NGOs in national development: The case of East Timor." RMIT University. School of Global Studies, Social Science and Planning, 2008. http://adt.lib.rmit.edu.au/adt/public/adt-VIT20081202.155254.
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This thesis explores the roles and experiences of local East Timorese non-government organisations through the multiple transitions which accompanied East Timor's process of independence in the period 1999-2004. It explores how NGOs attempted to influence the changing environment in which they were operating, particularly in the development of the new nation. In doing so, it examines how the actual experience of these local NGOs relates to theories of civil society and NGOs in the various phases of transition to democracy, state and nation building and post-conflict peacebuilding. After reviewing literature relating to the role of civil society and NGOs in democratisation, development and peacebuilding, and identifying some key issues to explore, the study turns to the particular context of East Timor. It summarizes the colonial history, with a particular focus on governance, development and the emergence of civil society and NGOs in that territory, and the phases of the transition. It then focuses closely on six leading East Timorese NGOs, which between them reflect different organisational origins and sectoral interests and which were perceived to be playing significant roles within the NGO community. The case study chapters describe briefly the history of each NGO, then trace their stories over an approximately five year period. They explore how the visions, strategies, programs and organisational systems of these NGOs changed as the context changed. The case studies show how adaptive these NGOs were, how excluded some of them were by the huge influx of international players after the ballot, but how, in the absence of a legitimate government, they were included in various processes in a number of important ways during the UNTAET period. These studies also reveal some of the challenges the NGOs faced as the new government took over in May 2002. The study concludes by summarising the changing roles and capacities of the NGOs, highlighting the many roles which local NGOs played throughout the study period, and the way in which they met new demands placed upon them. It identifies capacities critical for these NGOs' survival and development, and identifies some strategies which the NGOs themselves identified as useful in helping them attain these. It also identifies some areas which they found challenging and where more capacity development may have been valuable. Finally the study reflects on the actual experiences of Timorese NGOs compared to theory and experiences elsewhere relating to democracy, development and peacebuilding. The findings, which emphasise the changing relationship of the new state to its citizens, suggest that the civil society and development practice, which has been strongly based on de Tocqueville's approach to civil society, is not particularly helpful in a post-conflict setting. Instead, an adapted Gramscian approach, viewing civil and political society as interrelated sites in which a struggle to embed non-violent means of apportioning power are being waged, could be of greater analytic and practical value.
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Lindeby, Susanna. "Processes of feelings in a society with a violent past : A qualitative study of the communication for Societal healing in the Truth Commissions in East Timor, Sri Lanka and Ghana between 2002-2011." Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Statsvetenskap, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-13006.
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The research investigates in what extent and how communication for meeting feelings is provided in Truth Commission work. It examines if and in what way feelings are addressed in the communication officially published by the Truth Commissions in East Timor, Ghana and Sri Lanka, occurring between 2002-2011. The research is also looking at the healing processes in a time perspective to find out if there is a communication for Societal healing to be continued in a longer term. My conclusion is that two cases of three in my research, the TRCs in Ghana and East Timor, have communication clearly directed to meet feelings caused by the war. One of the three cases (East Timor) has a communication with a clear ambition to heal over a longer period, to continue after the existence of the Truth Commission. The research suggests that communication with a clear ambition to reach out widely in the society, a communication directed to meet and process feelings over a longer period, can make Societal healing more effective. It also concludes that, in the future, Societal healing, as a field in conflict resolution, will be more based on representational media than today, provided through web communication.
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Martins, João Miguel Godinho. "O papel das Associações de Base na recuperação comunitária em Estados Frágeis no Pós-Conflito : O caso do bairro de Quelele (Bissau) no pós guerra de 1998-1999." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/4553.
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Mestrado em Desenvolvimento e Cooperação InternacionalEm 1998/1999 a Guiné-Bissau viu-se confrontada com uma Guerra Civil. Num país que era já considerado um Estado Frágil, este acontecimento veio agravar ainda mais as condições de vida da sua população, especialmente em Bissau e na periferia, onde o teatro de guerra se desenrolou. O bairro do Quelele, objetivo do nosso estudo, esteve na linha da frente e passados 10 anos poucos foram os progressos em termos sociais e de infraestruturas. Num momento em que a Guiné-Bissau se encontra na última fase do pós-conflito, a Sociedade Civil tem um papel importantíssimo a desempenhar, e deste depende o sucesso de todo o país. A Sociedade Civil e as Associações de Base que a integram constituem o cerne da nossa investigação. Com o nosso trabalho de campo no Quelele analisamos as diferentes formas de organização dos Grupos de Jovens e dos Grupos de Mulheres e as suas principais funções dentro da comunidade, abrindo caminho para a discussão da centralidade das Associações de Base no debate desenvolvimentista. Os resultados a que chegamos são, na nossa opinião, mais um passo para o aprofundamento do estudo das Associações de Base e do papel importante que desempenham na comunidade e no processo de desenvolvimento dos Estados Frágeis no pós-conflito.
In 1998/1999, Guinea-Bissau was confronted with a Civil War. In a country already considered a Fragile State, this event worsened its population living conditions, especially in Bissau and its periphery where the theater of war was developed. The neighborhood of Quelele, where we carried out our fieldwork, was in the conflict frontline and, after 10 years, social and infrastructure improvements are minimal. Now, with Guinea-Bissau in latter stage of post-conflict, Civil Society has a very important role and the entire country is depending on it. Civil Society and, especially, Community Based Organisations are the main subject of our research. With our fieldwork in Quelele, we analyzed Youth and Women Groups' different organizational structures, and their main functions in the community, making way for the debate about the importance of Community Based Organisations in development issues. The results achieved in this paper aim to be another step forward in the understanding of Community Based Organisations and, especially, in the communities they serve and within post-conflict Fragile States development processes.
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Virk, Kudrat. "Developing countries and humanitarian intervention in international society after the Cold War." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:60fbdfeb-341c-430c-91c7-5071397a0e47.
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This thesis examines the policies, positions, and perspectives of developing countries on the emerging norm of humanitarian intervention after the Cold War, focusing on the period between 1991 and 2001. In doing so, it questions the role of opposition that conventional wisdom has allotted to them as parochial defenders of sovereignty. Instead, the thesis reveals variation and complexity, which militates against defining the South, or the issues that humanitarian intervention raises, in simplistic either-or terms. Part I draws on insights about ‘sovereignty as what states make of it’ to break the classic pluralism-solidarism impasse that has otherwise stymied the conversation on humanitarian intervention and confined the South as a whole to a ‘black box’ labelled rejectionism. It reconstructs the empirical record of developing countries at large on six cases of military intervention (northern Iraq, Somalia, Haiti, Sierra Leone, Kosovo, and East Timor), revealing variation that defies easy categorization. It also charts a cumulative and dynamic trend within the South towards a grey area between pluralism and solidarism that shows how these were not diametrically opposed positions. Following from that, Part II looks in-depth at India and Argentina. Whereas Argentina accepted the idea of humanitarian intervention, India remained reluctant to countenance it and persistently objected to the development of a new rule in its favour. Part II argues that the level of congruence between the emerging norm and the two countries’ prevailing values, aspirations, and historically constructed ways of thinking played a key role in determining the different levels of acceptance that the idea found with them. Part III delves deeper into the substance of their views. It shows how neither country constructed mutually exclusive choices between pluralism and solidarism, sovereignty and human rights, and intervention and non-intervention. Rather, both exhibited an acute awareness of the dilemmas of protecting human rights in a society of states, and a wariness of yes-no answers. Cumulatively, this thesis thus points away from thinking about the South itself as a given category with clear, shared or pre-determined ideas, and towards a more nuanced and inclusive conversation on humanitarian intervention.
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Bell, Pamela. "The nature and extent of war trauma and the psychological repercussions on female civilians: a contribution to a broader understanding of the effects of prolonged and repeated trauma, within the cultural and contextual restraints of a post-conflict society." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211351.
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Niyazbekov, Nurseit. "Protest mobilisation and democratisation in Kazakhstan (1992-2009)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:494a3742-e7d6-4adf-8728-e644a3f7f249.
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This thesis consists of two objectives which divide it into two parts. Thus, part one explores the cyclicity of protest mobilisation in post-Soviet Kazakhstan in the 1992–2009 period and part two investigates the relationship between protest mobilisation and democratisation in the 1990s, a decade marked by early progress in democratisation followed by an abrupt reversal to authoritarianism. Acknowledging the existence of numerous competing explanations of protest cyclicity, the first part of this study utilises four major social movement perspectives – relative deprivation (RD), resource mobilisation (RMT), political opportunity structures (POS) and collective action frames (CAF) – to explain variances in protest mobilisation in Kazakhstan over time and four issue areas. Adopting a small-N case study and process-tracing technique, the thesis’s first research question enquires into which of these four theoretical perspectives has the best fit when seeking to explain protest cyclicity over time. It is hypothesised that the ‘waxing and waning’ of protest activity can best be attributed to the difficulties surrounding the identification and construction of resonant CAFs. However, the study’s findings lead to a rejection of the first hypothesis by deemphasising the role of CAFs in predicting protest cyclicity, and instead support the theoretical predictions of the POS perspective, suggesting the prevalence of structural factors such as the regime’s capacity for repression and shifts in elite alignments. The second research question revolves around variations in protest mobilisation across four issue areas and explores the reasons why socioeconomic grievances mobilised more people to protest than environmental, political and interethnic ones. According to the second hypothesis, people more readily protest around socioeconomic rather than political and other types of grievances due to the lower costs of participation in socioeconomic protests. While the regime’s propensity for repressing political protests could explain the prevalence of socioeconomic protests in the 2000s, the POS perspective’s key explanatory variable failed to account for the prevalence of socioeconomic protests in the early 1990s, resulting in the rejection of the second hypothesis. The second part of the thesis attempts to answer the third research question: How does protest mobilisation account for the stalled transition to democracy in Kazakhstan in the 1990s? Based on the theoretical assumption that instances of extensive protest mobilisation foster democratic transitions, the study’s third research hypothesis posits that transition to democracy in Kazakhstan stalled in the mid-1990s due to the failure of social movement organisations to effectively mobilise the masses for various acts of protest. This assumption receives strong empirical support, suggesting that protest mobilisation is an important facilitative factor in the democratisation process. The thesis is the first to attempt to employ classical social movement theories in the context of post-communist Central Asian societies. Additionally, the study aims to contribute to the large pool of democratisation literature which, until recently (following the colour revolutions), seemed to underplay the role of popular protest mobilisation in advancing transitions to democracy. Finally, the research is based on the author’s primary elite-interview data and content analysis of five weekly independent newspapers.
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Ciordia, Morandeira Alejandro. "Less divided after ETA? Green networks in the Basque Country between 2007 and 2017." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11572/277816.
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This thesis investigates how everyday patterns of interactions among civil society organizations are transformed in a relatively short period of time when major changes in the broader political context occur. More precisely, it focuses on civic organizations engaged in environmental activism and advocacy in the Basque Country, examining whether ETA’s decision to abandon the armed struggle on October 20th, 2011 has affected their dynamics of collaboration. Combining diverse theoretical elements from the literature on social movements, together with insights from studies of civil society and peacebuilding, and relying upon the conceptual and methodological toolbox of social network analysis (SNA), I analyze the evolution of interorganizational networks of collective action before and after the end of violence, specifically, between the years 2007 and 2017.
The empirical core of the dissertation is comprised by chapters 5, 6 and 7. Chapter 5 examines the varying impact of two main external ideological cleavages (national identity and position towards ETA’s violence) on interorganizational collaboration. The findings confirm that allegiances and conflicts related to these two dimensions used to condition collaborative ties between organizations up to 2011, while during the more recent post-conflict period collaborative patterns seem to be less segmented along ideological lines. Chapter 6 complements the preceding one by adding into the analysis several other non-ideological predictors of interorganizational collaboration. Results show that, with the end of ETA’s armed struggle, pragmatic-instrumental factors and interpersonal bonds seem to play a larger role as drivers of public collaboration. Next, chapter 7 engages in a quite different and more exploratory kind of analysis. Applying Diani’s modes of coordination (MoC) analytical framework, I explore whether the underlying relational logics through which civic actors engage with one another have significantly changed before and after the end of violence. The structural network analyses conducted reveal that social movement patterns of relations have expanded after 2011, becoming dominant vis-à-vis other modes of coordination. At the same time, actors embedded in a social movement mode of coordination are slightly more heterogeneous after the definitive demise of the violent conflict in comparison with the previous phase. Taken as a whole, these findings can be interpreted as positive signs of post-conflict normalization of socio-political life in the Basque Country. The fact that environmental civic networks are now denser and more cross-cutting does not only mirror the lower saliency of the cleavages that used to severely condition Basque politics, but it can also serve as a powerful mechanism through which a more tolerant and vibrant democratic community can progressively be built.
Overall, this dissertation provides a more nuanced and complex view of the role played by organized civil society and social movements in deeply divided communities, underlining the need to focus on their relational structure in order to correctly assess their potential impact on social integration and the functioning of democracy. Moreover, by analyzing networks among civic organizations in a longitudinal perspective, this dissertation makes several original contributions to social movement scholarship, especially to the stream of literature focusing on coalition making. Methodologically, the replication or adaptation of the empirical design employed in this research could be instrumental in fostering more longitudinal examinations of collective action fields, which until now remain scarce. From a theoretical standpoint, this investigation underlines the context-dependent nature of even well-established patterns of political interactions, underscoring the need to pay more attention to the complex interplay between historical conjunctures and underlying everyday patterns of sociopolitical behavior.
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Latif, Dilek. "Peace Building After Humanitarian Intervention: The Case Of Bosnia And Herzegovina." Phd thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12606504/index.pdf.
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ABSTRACT
PEACE BUILDING AFTER HUMANITARIAN INTERVENTION: THE CASE OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA
Latif, Dilek
Ph.D., Department of International Relations
Supervisor: Prof. Dr. ihsan D. Dagi
August 2005, 379 pages.
This dissertation analyzes peace building process after humanitarian intervention. It conceptualizes peace building through questioning the feasibility of peace building following a humanitarian intervention. Addressing the deficiency of contemporary peace building approach, this thesis indicates the shortcomings of the various instruments of peace building in contributing peace and reconciliation on the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). Besides, it shows the drawbacks of the current practice that peace building is a learning process, which employs the lessons learnt to advance the efficiency of peace building process.
There is a lack of comprehensive approach to peace building, based on case studies, evaluating the shortcomings and merits of all the instruments of peace building that provides a general strategy. Despite abundancy of policy oriented research to contribute policy making, academic work to analyze such a complicated phenomena has been frail. Within this context, contribution of the dissertation is to demonstrate the entire picture and question viability of the peace building process in war-torn societies. Therefore, it is enriching the study on the peace building operations.
Failure of institutionalization of peace in BiH after almost a decade of rigorous peace building efforts of the international community shows the fault of the mainstream understanding of peace building. The dissertation also unveils that engagement in Kosovo is the product of a similar strategy, which in practice either repeated the same fruitless methods or tried to build on the experience obtained in Bosnia but failed to heal up the troubles and challenges faced in Kosovo. Overall, the study points out the inevitability of a novel approach and an alternative peace building strategy beyond the policy-related focus.
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Boersch-Supan, Johanna. "Peace as societal transformation : intergenerational power-struggles and the role of youth in post-conflict Sierra Leone." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:19e1c5d6-e910-4a0e-b7be-f66b19d988be.
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Intergenerational solidarity and reciprocity are fundamental building blocks of any society. At the same time, socio-generational groups constantly struggle for influence and authority. In Sub-Saharan Africa, disproportionately male, gerontocratic and patrimonial systems governing economic, social and political life lend a special explosiveness to the social cleavage of generation. This dissertation draws on the concept of the generational contract to explore whether Sierra Leone’s decade-long civil war (1991-2001) – labelled a ‘revolt of youth’ – catalysed changes in the power-asymmetries between age groups. Based on fieldwork conducted between 2007 and 2010, I argue that youth in post-war Sierra Leone question fundamental norms of intergenerational relations and challenge local governance structures demanding changes to the generational contract. Amidst a strong continuity of gerontocratic dominance and counter-strategies from elders, youth draw on organisational forms and a local rights discourse to create spaces for contestation and negotiation. These openings hold potential for long-term rearrangements of societal relations in the medium to long-term future.
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Kigin, Melissa Lee. "At-Risk Individuals' Awareness, Motivation, Roadblocks to Participation in Premarital Interventions, and Behaviors Following Completion of the RELATionship Evaluation (RELATE)." Diss., CLICK HERE for online access, 2005. http://contentdm.lib.byu.edu/ETD/image/etd1072.pdf.
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Demba, Guy-Eugène. "Élites dirigeantes, sortie de crise et reconstruction post-conflit dans les États africains de la Région des Grands Lacs.1990-2013." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014LYO30008/document.
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Depuis plus de deux décennies, un nombre d’Etats africains dits du champ de la Conférence Internationale sur la Région des Grands Lacs sont enlisés dans des conflits armés à la fois intra-étatiques et internationalisés. Du génocide rwandais aux guerres civiles au Congo-Brazzaville, en Angola, en Ouganda, au Burundi, ou encore aux violences politiques armées incessantes en Centrafrique, en passant par la Grande Guerre Africaine en RDC, nombreux et importants sont les mécanismes de résolution de conflits qui ont été expérimentés, de nature aussi bien bilatérale, communautaire, régionale, qu’onusienne. Malheureusement, les concepts de sortie de crise et de reconstruction post-conflit demeurent de vains mots, eu égard aux résurgences et aux prolongements des conflits dans cette Région. Ainsi, en mobilisant l’approche néo-élitiste s’inscrivant dans un dépassement de la réalité empirique, après avoir passé en revue toutes les grandes théories philosophico-politico-sociologiques des élites, défendues par les auteurs classiques comme Wilfredo Pareto, Gaetano Mosca etc., d’un côté, et en recourant à la théorie de Johan Galtung de paix négative versus paix positive, d’autre part, cette étude se propose de mettre en évidence le rôle des élites dirigeantes dans la dynamique de pacification de la Région. Et après avoir défini et déterminé celles-ci, le travail démontre la difficulté de résoudre les conflits due à l’hétérogénéité sociologique caractérisant la Région. Puis, il souligne les mécanismes de l’entretien d’une paix négative par les élites dirigeantes, en interaction avec les autres protagonistesFor more than two decades, a number of African States within the scope of the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region have sunk into both armed intrastate and domestic conflicts. From the Rwandan genocide to civil wars in Congo-Brazzaville, Angola, Uganda, and Burundi, or the constantly armed political violence in the Central African Republic (CAR), through the Great African War in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), numerous and important mechanisms for conflict resolution have been experienced, bilateral, communitarian, regional, as well as Onusian. Unfortunately, the concepts relative to the end of crisis and post-conflict reconstruction still remain empty words, given the revivals and extensions of conflicts in that Region. Thus, by mobilizing the neo-elitist approach which goes the empirical reality, after reviewing all the major elitist philosophical, political and sociological theories defended by the classical authors such as Wilfredo Pareto, Gaetano Mosca, etc. On one hand, and by resorting to Johan Galtung’s theory on negative peace versus positive peace, on the other, this dissertation aims at highlighting the role played by governing Elites in the peace process within the Region. After defining these elites, this monography shows the difficulties of solving conflicts due to the regional sociodemographic heterogeneity. Then, it emphasizes mechanisms for keeping negative peace by the governing Elites, in interaction with other protagonists
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Solomon, Michael Tyrone. "Afghan Muslim Male Interpreters and Translators: An Examination of Their Identity Changes and Lived Experiences During Pre and Post-Immigration to the United States During the Afghanistan War (2003-2012)." NSUWorks, 2015. http://nsuworks.nova.edu/shss_dcar_etd/31.
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This research examined the lived experiences of an Afghan Muslim male participant group. This study explored their immigration from a Southwest-Asian, highly non-secular society to a Western-style, liberal, secular nation-state. Further, this research was an examination of Muslim male identity as an attribute that is closely related to lived experiences, environment and cultural assimilation. Also, this study looked closely at the meanings that this Afghan Muslim male immigrant group attached to identity, as well as exploring their unique narratives during pre-immigration and post-immigration periods. This qualitative research study used narrative methods to unearth the lived experiences of five Afghan Muslim male citizens. These participants immigrated to the U.S. while serving as interpreters and translators for the coalition forces during the Afghanistan War between 2003 and 2012. Several researchers have examined Muslim immigration from Eastern to Western nations, focusing on their adaptation, assimilation, and developmental patterns. The research objective of this study was slightly different and important to social science in that it focused on how a select group of Afghan Muslim males conceptualized their own sense of identity and how their notion of identity was shaped and influenced by their own pre- and post-migration experiences. To this end, the discoveries in this study revealed that the nature of the identities for many in this study may be deemed more blended and in some instances renegotiated, holding onto parts of their core native identities while embracing aspects of the cultural, ethnic, and social elements of their new host land that fit within their own individual frame of reference.
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Hutin, Hervé. "Efficacité des programmes de reconstruction dans les sociétés post-conflictuelles." Phd thesis, Université de Grenoble, 2012. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00932461.
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Le but de la thèse est d'apprécier l'efficacité des programmes de reconstruction destinés à assurer le redressement économique de pays sortant de guerre civile depuis la fin de la Guerre froide. Du point de vue de la méthode, cette efficacité est évaluée à la fois par la pertinence du contenu et de l'organisation de ces programmes aux caractéristiques des économies post-conflictuelles, et par une évaluation de leur performance au vu d'indicateurs de redressement spécifiques à ces contextes. Les causes économiques des conflits et le fonctionnement d'une économie de guerre sont analysés dans la mesure ils conditionnent le passage à une économie de paix (chapitres 1 à 4). Une approche en termes d'économie politique (Stewart, Fitzgerald) recoupant inégalités horizontales et verticales et complétée par celle d'Amartya Sen contribue à rendre compte des spécificités de ce type de contexte que la théorie néoclassique ne permet pas d'appréhender. L'approche en termes de moyens d'existence (Chambers et Conway), de vulnérabilité due au contexte (Collinson) et d'économie institutionnelle donnent un cadre théorique cohérent pour cerner les caractéristiques économiques des sociétés post-conflictuelles (chapitres 5 à 7) et permettent d'identifier des facteurs bloquant ou de ralentissement du processus de redressement économique. L'étude de la configuration des programmes de reconstruction fait apparaître une prolifération d'acteurs aux logiques différentes, peu coordonnés et formant une administration de substitution non alignée dans un État fragile (chapitre 8). Le rapprochement entre programme et caractéristiques observées permet alors de procéder à l'évaluation de l'efficacité des programmes (chapitre 9). L'évaluation quantitative converge vers le constat d'un échec relatif, notamment du fait de leur lenteur (d'où risque de résurgence du conflit). Une modélisation à partir des données disponibles appuie l'identification effectuée de l'importance de certaines variables spécifiques (retour des populations déplacées, institutions, sécurité). L'analyse qualitative des causes de cette inefficacité fait apparaître : - les effets pervers du manque de coordination, analysée ici à la lumière de la théorie des coûts de transaction, de la théorie contingente et de l'analyse marginaliste, notamment sur le marché du travail et les capacités administratives, ce qui permet de mettre à jour le concept de seuil de capacités institutionnelles ; - l'inadaptation dans la conception et la mise en œuvre des programmes aux spécificités observées. Entre la référence mythifiée au Plan Marshall et l'absence d'intervention extérieure qui mènerait à un état de suffocation économique, l'analyse de cette inefficacité relative débouche sur quelques préconisations adaptables selon les contextes.
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Gomes, Porto Joao, C. Alden, and I. Parsons. "From Soldiers to Citizens: demilitarization of conflict and society." 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/3480.
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NoDemilitarization of conflict and society is crucial to building sustainable peace in countries emerging from the scourge of civil war. As longstanding conflicts come to an end, processes which facilitate the potentially volatile transition from formal peace to social peace are critically important. At the heart of the exercise is the necessity of transforming the culture and the instruments of war - demilitarization - including disarming, demobilizing and reintegrating (DDR) former combatants into society. This volume represents the first in-depth and comprehensive discussion of reintegration of former combatants in war to peace transitions. In addition to a systematic reflection and review of existing literature on DDR, the authors devised and applied a field research methodology to studying the reintegration of former combatants in Angola with potentially significant implications on the design and implementation of DDR programmes. The volume is written for academics, students and practitioners focusing on war to peace transitions and post-conflict issues.
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Hsueh, Hung-Fu, and 薛宏甫. "Sinofication in early post-war Taiwan - in search of the origin of conflict between Chinese government and Taiwan society." Thesis, 2019. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/66793t.
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Gulliksen, Cecilie. "A study of children’s participation in peacebuilding in a post- conflict society: a case study of peace clubs in Gulu, Uganda." Master's thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/10319.
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The general aim of the study was to get an understanding how children participate in peacebuilding and how it is supported in a post-conflict society like Gulu. Gathering information in Gulu, Northern Uganda approached this aim. The four components that together created the “understanding” were; the actions the children took towards creating peace in their own surroundings and the sort of effects these actions had, children and adults interacting in peacebuilding, challenges that children participating in peacebuilding faced; Partners working with children participating in peacebuilding and the kind of support they provided.
The data collection was done through eight focus groups; in addition four key informant interviews were conducted with open-end questions. The focus group contained a mix of three different tools; body-map, timeline and Venn diagram. The tools have been adapted to peacebuilding by Save the Children for children to evaluate their own level of participation in peacebuilding. The results from the tools together with transcriptions from the focus groups and the key informant interview were analysed through a thematic analysis. The themes presented and interpreted were; peacebuilding activities, changes towards peaceful behaviour (past and present), adult perceptions of children’s participation, support from the church and the local community to the peace clubs, challenges and significance of participation.
These themes all presented different captions of how peace clubs in Gulu interacted. The activities, actions and cognitive state of the children linked to peacebuilding formed various pictures of what peacebuilding is. Participation was a constant negotiation between adults and children. The children’s perception was influenced by war and cultural circumstance. Support to children’s work with peacebuilding is coherent with their activity agenda; which caused speculation about the level of children’s participation in peacebuilding in Gulu.
Recommendations for further studies; to investigate more about the local networks around peacebuilding in areas similar to Gulu; measure and evaluate, to what extent, the effect of child participation has on the personal growth of a child and how that growth reaches and effects the community; to assess the similarities between child and adult, a study of the adults’ vision of participation should be introduced over a continuous period of time; investigate how the UNCRC article 12.1 limits but also enhances children’s participation. Finally, where recommendation to increase children’s participation in peacebuilding has been taken, a study of the Gulu community’s peacebulding work is required. This studies aim is to assist, guide and hopefully to ensure a continuing path to a peaceful society.
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Gimba, Magha-A.-Ngimba Charles. "Planning for ex-combatants reintegration in a post-conflict society: lessons learnt from African experiences for Kivu in the Democratique Republic of Congo." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/10976.
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This study seeks to critically assess an alternative approach to reintegrating ex-combatants into
the Local Economic Development (LED) process, using the experiences of other African
countries. It also offers practitioners guidance on how planners might successfully address the
challenges of reintegration within the context of a Disarmament, Demobilisation and
Reintegration (DDR) programmes. The study unpacks the role of Public Works Projects in a
post-war torn society for this purpose. The strength of Public Works Projects in a post-conflict
society lies on the fact that these projects aim to provide rapid and visible relief for the
reintegration of ex-combatants and/or other socially marginalised people into civil society.
Public Works Projects build the capacity of communities for development, keeping the
marginalised members productive and self-reliant in the new society in which they find
themselves.
Using the case study of Kivu in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), this study is premised
on the assumption that the planning of the reintegration of Kivu’s ex-combatants needs to focus
on the an overall systems framework, whereby all the segments play a crucial and equal role and
where all the issues of LED through Public Works Projects are regarded as dynamic and treated
as interconnected. Experience from Sub-Saharan African countries show that the reintegration
of ex-combatants is a means towards sustainable peace and LED enhancement in a post-conflict
society since it allows external and national partners to invest, through Public Works Projects,
in rebuilding developmental infrastructure in a post-conflict society. Planning for the
reintegration of ex-combatants in a society, therefore, assumed a multifaceted approach. Within
the context of this research, this new form of planning for the economic reintegration of excombatants
has the potential of lasting longer and requiring more funding than the excombatants’
reintegration programme as it exists currently in Kivu. It urgently needs more
dedicated resources in the form of Public Works Projects to prevent a relapse of conflict. The
reintegration of ex-combatants in Kivu (DRC) confirms the fragile and complex nature of the
DDR programme and speaks of the need to reassess the role of Public Works Projects in postconflict
reconstruction.
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Arnold, Jobb. "Inside and Outside Peace and Prosperity: Post-Conflict Cultural Spaces in Rwanda and Northern Ireland." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1974/12223.
Full textAbstract:
In post-conflict settings real and imagined boundaries do a great deal to determine who is inside and who is outside of state-based narratives of peace and prosperity. Based on case studies in Rwanda and Northern Ireland, I provide an analysis of the post-conflict periods and the impact of neoliberal-styled governance on the dynamics of power. I argue that as power shifted, ‘peace’ also entailed a general social pacification, and prosperity equated to greater private profit. However, top-down social engineering has not contained the entire field of social struggle. I examine micro-level interventions taking place on the margins of mainstream discourse that trouble the moralizing state-narratives that seek to legitimate structural violence. Such spaces facilitate alternative values and practices that contribute to sustained social and cultural resilience, as well as forms of resistance.
Post-conflict Rwanda and Northern Ireland have been impacted by both coercive and consensual forms of social engineering. In Rwanda, state-based framework laws and forceful regimes of local implementation rely on stark contingencies of reward and punishment to shape and control behaviour in the public sphere. In Northern Ireland, the power-sharing structure of the Belfast Agreement has reinforced ethnic politics, while depoliticizing and instrumentalizing civil society in support of its neoliberal policies.
I present ethnographic research and interviews conducted with community organizations in Northern Ireland (Ikon) and Rwanda (Student Association of Genocide Survivors - AERG) that demonstrates how alternative discourses and practices are emerging in the cracks of these top-down systems. I explore Ikon’s use of creative performances and radical theology to create socially resonant cultural spaces that function as temporary autonomous zones. These TAZs unsettle aspects of individual identity while intentionally seeking to destabilize mainstream power dynamics. Unlike Ikon, AERG faces greater public scrutiny and higher political stakes. They demonstrate an adherence to the dominant social script in the public sphere, while exhibiting micro- level agency through trauma healing, and material support in private day-to-day practices. AERG’s performance in the public sphere creates temporary spaces of encounter that exceed the boundaries of official discourse, making their alternative presence felt while remaining illegible to the dominant surveillance frameworks.Thesis (Ph.D, Cultural Studies) -- Queen's University, 2014-06-02 11:02:09.033
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Gharji, Elham. "Power, Social Institutions, and Identity in International Society: Theorizing Regional Order in the Post-Soviet Space." Doctoral thesis, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10316/95431.
Full textAbstract:
Tese no âmbito do Programa de Doutoramento em Relações Internacionais – Política Internacional e Resolução de Conflitos, apresentada à Faculdade de Economia da Universidade de Coimbra.Esta tese aborda o problema da relativa estabilidade autoritária da ordem regional pós-soviética e a primazia da Rússia neste espaço, desde o fim da União Soviética. A queda da União Soviética, em dezembro de 1991, inspirou argumentos como o do “fim da História”, antecipando que seria inevitável uma transformação democrática liberal no antigo espaço regional Soviético totalitário. Essa transformação poderia ter redefinido a ordem regional e as dinâmicas de poder no espaço pós-Soviético, integrando-o na sociedade internacional liberal ocidental. O colapso económico da Rússia e a derrota ideológica do comunismo no início da década de 1990 poderia, em teoria, permitir uma mudança das dinâmicas de poder regionais em benefício de novos atores globais e regionais. Contudo, quase três décadas após o colapso da União Soviética, uma transformação profunda parece não ter tido lugar na região, quer em termos de desenvolvimentos democráticos fundamentais, quer em termos de dinâmicas de poder, incluindo a primazia da Rússia na região. Ao invés, com algumas exceções como a Geórgia, a Moldova e a Ucrânia, a região reapareceu como uma fronteira ideológica entre a democracia e o autoritarismo, em que a Rússia assume a liderança regional. Porque é que, após o colapso da União Soviética, não mudaram, nem a ordem regional pós-Soviética autoritária, nem a primazia da Rússia nela? Esta tese aborda este problema com o objetivo de desenvolver uma nova explicação teórica para a primazia da Rússia e a relativa estabilidade autoritária da região, num contexto de fracasso da expansão da sociedade internacional liberal europeia para o espaço pós-Soviético, após o colapso da União Soviética. Com base na bibliografia teórica da Escola Inglesa das Relações Internacionais e, em particular, no conceito de sociedades internacionais regionais de Flockhart (2016), o estudo analisa a ordem regional pós-Soviética como uma sociedade internacional regional, identificando as normas constitutivas e os valores que definem a região, facilitam o reconhecimento social da Rússia enquanto potência e moldam a identidade da região vis-à-vis os elementos fundamentais da sociedade internacional global.
This thesis addresses a puzzle concerning the relative authoritarian stability of the post-Soviet regional order and Russia’s primacy in it after the dissolution of the Soviet Union. The fall of the Soviet Union in December 1991 inspired arguments such as the ‘End of History’, anticipating that a liberal democratic transformation in the former totalitarian Soviet regional space would become inevitable. Such a transformation could have redefined the regional order and the power dynamics in the former Soviet space by integrating it into the Western liberal international society. Russia’s economic collapse and the ideological defeat of communism in the early 1990s could in theory enable a shift in the region’s power dynamics in favour of new global and regional actors. However, almost three decades after the collapse of the Soviet Union, no profound transformation seems to have taken place in the region neither in terms of fundamental democratic developments nor in terms of power dynamics, namely Russia’s primacy in the region. Instead, with a few exceptions like Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine, the region has re-appeared as an ideological frontline between democracy and authoritarianism, in which Russia assumes regional leadership. Why did the post-Soviet authoritarian regional order and Russia’s primacy in it not change after the collapse of the Soviet Union? This thesis tackles this puzzle by aiming to offer a new theoretical explanation for Russia’s primacy and the region’s relative authoritarian stability against the backdrop of the failure of expansion of the liberal European international society into the post-Soviet space following the collapse of the Soviet Union. Building on the literature from the English School theory of International Relations on the concept of regional international societies, specially Flockhart (2016), the study investigates the post-Soviet regional order in terms of a regional international society, identifying the constitutive norms and values that define the region, facilitate social recognition of Russia as a power, and shape the region’s identity vis-à-vis the global core international society.
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Grossová, Veronika. "Děti zrozené ze znásilnění během konfliktu v Bosně a Hercegovině: poválečné diskurzy." Master's thesis, 2019. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-406114.
Full textAbstract:
The main subject of the research is the social discourse about the ethnic identity of children born of rape during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1992-1995. Acts of rape are considered to be part of the war tactics of major rivals (Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Army of Republika Srpska, and Croatian Defence Council) and paramilitary units. Forced fertilization and disallowance of abortion was carried out as an accompanying factor of ethnic cleansing. The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia has recognized these acts as war crimes. The main objective of the research is to pursue a cross- societal discussion on the issue of inheritance of identity in the case of children of war: first, through a discourse analysis of the media, which significantly contribute to the image of these children, and second, through the contribution of interviews conducted during the field research. The way in which the children born of war are depicted and perceived affects various aspects of their lives. The results of the project will contribute to the discussion of war crimes and their impact on contemporary Bosnian society.