Journal articles: 'POST-CONFLICT SOCIETY'

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Campbell, Patricia J. "Gender and post-conflict civil society." International Feminist Journal of Politics 7, no. 3 (September 2005): 377–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14616740500161110.

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Bloomfield KCB, Sir Kenneth. "Towards a post‐conflict society foreword." Child Care in Practice 10, no. 2 (April 2004): 83–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13575270410001693303.

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Багінський, А. В. "State actions in the post-conflict society." National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, no. 1(41) (March 11, 2019): 17–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2019.1(41).194407.

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Wijegoonawardana, Nirmali. "Peacebuilding in a post-conflict traumatized society." Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology 15, no. 3 (2009): 321–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10781910701667812.

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Parver, Corrine, and Rebecca Wolf. "Civil Society's Involvement in Post-Conflict Peacebuilding." International Journal of Legal Information 36, no. 1 (2008): 51–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500002705.

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War is a way of life – in some parts of the world it is an ongoing struggle with no end in sight. Years of perpetual conflict have adversely affected the way in which political, socio-economic, and cultural components of society have developed. Indeed, armed conflict negatively affects all aspects of society: not only does it destroy buildings and societies, but it also leaves surviving individuals and communities with deep wounds that can last a lifetime.

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VAN LEEUWEN, MATHIJS. "To Conform or to Confront? CSOs and Agrarian Conflict in Post-Conflict Guatemala." Journal of Latin American Studies 42, no. 1 (February 2010): 91–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x10000064.

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AbstractThis article is about the role of civil society after violent conflict. It argues that the transformations that civil society organisations (CSOs) make are more ambiguous than supporting donors and NGOs presume. The article analyses how, ten years after the 1996 peace agreements, Guatemalan CSOs deal with agrarian conflict. It discusses in detail the case of a church-related organisation assisting peasants with agrarian conflicts and the challenges it faced in defining its strategies. The article argues that supporting donors and NGOs should stop seeing the difficulties of organisational change in post-conflict situations exclusively in terms of the internal incapacities of civil society. Instead, they should re-politicise their analyses and focus on the importance of broader social and political processes in post-conflict settings for the strategic options open to CSOs.

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Yarmak, Olga V., Maria G. Bolshakova, Tatyana V. Shkayderova, and Anastasia G. Maranchak. "Social communication paradoxes in post-conflict societies." VESTNIK INSTITUTA SOTZIOLOGII 12, no. 1 (2021): 136–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/vis.2021.12.1.703.

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The article presents the results of a media-analytical study of information flows in Ukraine and in the “new” subjects of the Russian Federation – Crimea and Sevastopol. The relevance of the study of post-conflict societies is dictated by the fact that in the digital era, an effective military solution must be supported by participation in the formation of the information agenda and management of information flows. The cases of color revolutions allow to speak of communication as a factor in the formation of unconventional social attitudes. The results of the study carried out by the authors show that in the condition of the crisis in society, communication networks are formed often due to the external influence. Information flows of a post-conflict society are formed not only from real events of everyday life and the existing socio-political situation, but also focusing on a number of topics and discourses that must be present in the media field without fail. They act as information triggers, system trigger tools that form a different streaming of flows, which were differentiated by the authors as single – and multi-wave. The analysis of the identified flows, that represent communicative network structures, testifies to the different genesis of their emergence and functioning, but the determining factor in this process is the geopolitical request for the formation of media tracks. The authors come to conclusion that the information flows of post-conflict societies are communicative-political structures of a dual nature: they initially carry the ideas of an open and democratic society, but then form conflict situations in the civil and media fields.

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Korhonen, Outi. "International Governance in Post-Conflict Situations." Leiden Journal of International Law 14, no. 3 (September 2001): 495–529. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156501000267.

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International organisations have recently assumed a more intrusive role in settling conflicts in all continents. At the same time, post-conflict or post-settlement tasks seem to be emerging as an important function, encompassing the conduct of democratic elections, the guarantee of security, development of civil society, etc. In order to operationalise such wide-ranging and deeply intrusive social aims it is not sufficient to have peace-keepers or elections monitoring missions sent into the conflict-torn territories. Concentrated and centrally planned efforts of international governance are needed. In the present day, however, there is no such systematic scheme to which to refer. Yet institutional structures are needed to administer the extensive tasks and functions assigned in certain post-conflict situations. Therefore many questions of legitimacy and fundamental accountability arise.

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Theros, Marika. "Reimagining civil society in conflict: Findings from post-2001 Afghanistan." Journal of Civil Society 15, no. 2 (April 3, 2019): 143–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17448689.2019.1594083.

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Valchev, Rumen. "An examination of industrial conflict in a post-communist society." Mediation Quarterly 10, no. 3 (March 1993): 265–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/crq.3900100306.

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Nagy, Károly, and Edmond Hajrizi. "Building Pillars for Adapting Society 5.0 in Post-Conflict Countries." IFAC-PapersOnLine 52, no. 25 (2019): 40–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ifacol.2019.12.443.

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Popoola, Juliana. "Civil Society Organizations and Post-Conflict Reintegration in Niger Delta, Nigeria." Open Journal of Political Science 10, no. 04 (2020): 668–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ojps.2020.104039.

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Amman, John, and James O'Donnell. "THE SIERRA LEONE TEACHERS UNION: LABOR IN A POST-CONFLICT SOCIETY." WorkingUSA 14, no. 1 (March 2011): 57–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1743-4580.2011.00320.x.

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Van Leeuwen, Mathijs, and Willemijn Verkoren. "Complexities and Challenges for Civil Society Building in Post-Conflict Settings." Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 7, no. 1 (May 2012): 81–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15423166.2012.719353.

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Öjendal, Joakim, and Mona Lilja. "Beyond Democracy in Cambodia: Political Reconstruction in a Post-Conflict Society." CONTEMPORARY SOUTHEAST ASIA 33, no. 1 (2011): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs33-1i.

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Islam, Mohammad Tarikul. "Conflict Resolution and Civil Society: Experiences of Nepal in Post-Maoist Revolution." Jadavpur Journal of International Relations 21, no. 2 (October 23, 2017): 85–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973598417728858.

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Peacemaking involves a set of goals, policies, and strategies, and those are directed to prevent the occurrence of armed conflicts and to avoid violence. Peacemaking solicits a legitimate framework through which all actors could peacefully participate in social, economic, and political life of the nation. The role of civil society groups in peacebuilding has not been adequately discussed in both academic writings and policy analysis of Nepal. The pro-democracy movement jointly launched by the Seven Party Alliance (SPA) and the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) (CPN-M) witnessed a shift in the political landscape of Nepal, bringing an end to the decade-old Maoist insurgency as King Gyanendra stepped down on April 24, 2006. Therefore, the study carefully exemplifies the various activities which different civil society groups performed and attempted to analyze their roles in the prolonged process of peacebuilding. The responsibilities of civil society in Nepal, particularly in the aftermath of Maoist Revolution, are found to be focused and calculated, and effective to some extent. Collective efforts of different civil society groups helped to restart searching common ground for conflict mediation and peace in Nepal after a decade-long Maoist conflict. The underlying community interests for conflict resolution have been the business for all and where civil society has a spirited stake.

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Medjedovic, Janko, and Boban Petrovic. "Predictors of party evaluation in post-conflict society: The case of Serbia." Psihologija 46, no. 1 (2013): 27–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/psi1301027m.

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The goal of present study is to increase understanding of evaluation of political parties by exploring their relations with dispositional constructs conceptually related to political behavior. These are: personality traits, social attitudes and the Ethos of conflict, which emerges from protracted violent conflict between societies. The conflict examined in this study involves Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo. Principal components analysis conducted on parties? preferences isolated two dimensions which can be broadly interpreted as Socio-liberal and National-conservative orientation. Regression analyses have shown that these two dimensions are explained mostly by the Ethos of conflict, followed by social attitudes and personality traits. Personality traits of Honesty and Originality predict evaluation towards Socio-liberal parties. High patriotism and a positive evaluation of one?s own nation characterize supporters of National-conservative parties, while Socio-liberal participants have low patriotic attitudes and do not consider that the aims of Serbian politics in Kosovo automatically exclude the Kosovo Albanian aims.

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Popovska, Biljana. "The Role of Teaching History for a Nation-Building Process in a Post-Conflict Society: The Case of Macedonia." Connections: The Quarterly Journal 12, no. 1 (2012): 51–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.11610/connections.12.1.06.

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Musinguzi, Denis. "The role of Civil Society Organisations in post-conflict development of northern Uganda." Journal of Science and Sustainable Development 6, no. 2 (January 31, 2019): 122–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/jssd.v6i2.7.

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This article examines the role of Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) in post-conflict reconstruction and development of northern Uganda. The analysis is informed by the increased spate of violent conflicts in Africa since the end of the Cold War; the destruction caused by violent conflicts; and the significant role played by CSOs in post-conflict reconstruction and development. The northern part of Uganda witnessed the most protracted and devastating Lord‘s Resistance Army (LRA) conflict in the country‘s post-independence history, which forms the central focus of the study. To generate a deeper analysis of the role of CSOs, this article delves into the historical evolution of civil society from the classical thought of ancient Greece to the modern and contemporary perspectives of civil society. The analysis of the role of CSOs in post-conflict reconstruction and development is framed in the war-topeace transition; and recognises the dialectical relationship between peace and development. The article examines the community‘s perceptions on the role of CSOs and its responsiveness to community needs. It concludes with a reflection on simmering issues, which if not properly addressed, could destroy the positive inroads and peace dividends being realised in northern Uganda. A constructivist and qualitative methodology guided the study, which sought to interpret reality from the context of the espondents.

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ONDRUŠEK, DUŠAN, and VLADIMÍR LABÁTH. "Conflicts in Transforming Society and the Nongovernmental Sector: The Slovak Example." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 552, no. 1 (July 1997): 40–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716297552001004.

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This article focuses on the basic conflict of a self-transforming post-Communist society. Two phenomena are described. The first comprises the ways in which people cope with this conflict during the transformation period; the five most frequent reactions are opportunistic, materialistic, defensive, victimlike, and mobilization. The second phenomenon is the more general phenomenon of the development dynamics that characterize the basic conflict. The conflict between the third (nongovernmental) sector and the government in Slovakia is presented as an example of these dynamics.

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Khalidova, Olga B. "Anthropology of religious conflict in post-soviet urban space during society transformation." Historical and social-educational ideas 12, no. 4-5 (October 29, 2020): 79–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.17748/2075-9908-2020-12-4-5-79-89.

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Depending on the specific historical and socio-political situation in society, religious fac-tors can play various roles. In times of social crisis, it becomes one of the most influential forces used by various social and political groups in their own interests. In the capable hands of both individuals and statesmen, religion has the ability to influence the internal political situation and the mobilization of society. This was especially evident in the transit period of our country's history, when the historical prerequisites for the reforms defined the essence of socio-economic, political, spiritual development of the USSR in the second half of the 1980s – early 1990s. During this period, the development of the spiritual field of Russian society was characterized by a growing interest in Islam. All the prerequisites for the re-Islamization process have been established here. In this context, the Republic of Dagestan can serve as a local example, the development of which in the post-Soviet period of Russian history was conditioned by a difficult and sometimes rather complicated socio-political situation closely intertwined with the Islamic factor, headed by religious leaders who created a conflict situation. Concentrating attention on the role of the individual in the formation and development of social and religious processes, in the proposed article the authors try to consider the confrontation between society and the state in the struggle for the dominance of religious ideas against the background of the existing socio-economic and socio-political factors in the conditions of increased national consciousness in the Dagestan society.

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Mohammed, Walied Salim. "Political elite and peacebuilding mechanisms in post-conflict societies." Tikrit Journal For Political Science, no. 16 (July 2, 2019): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v0i16.140.

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The research discusses the mechanisms that could change fragile peace, achieved after conflict in unstable societies, into sustainable one. This process will not be achieved if the political elite doesn't have a sufficient political and social consciousness that enables it to manage conflict and transfer it into peace, consequently, seeking to promote peace foundations through adopting two types of strategies. First, short-range strategies, related to transitional justice, tolerance, reconciliation, and compensation. Second, long-range strategies, related to re-engineering political culture of society and achieving socio-economic development, besides the integration among different groups, a matter that means dedicating and sustaining peace.

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TAKAMATSU, Kana. "Post-Conflict Society and Gender: Reintegration of Ex-Combatants and Human Security." TRENDS IN THE SCIENCES 24, no. 6 (June 1, 2019): 6_42–6_45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5363/tits.24.6_42.

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YAMAO, Dai. "Re-thinking Governance in a Post-conflict Society: The Case of Iraq." Annuals of Japanese Political Science Association 65, no. 2 (2014): 2_135–2_155. http://dx.doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.65.2_135.

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Maguire, A., D. French, and D. O'Reilly. "P2-523 Residential segregation and mental health in a post conflict society." Journal of Epidemiology & Community Health 65, Suppl 1 (August 1, 2011): A365. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/jech.2011.142976m.50.

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Gallagher, Tony. "Balancing difference and the common good: lessons from a post‐conflict society." Compare: A Journal of Comparative and International Education 35, no. 4 (December 2005): 429–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057920500331330.

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Goddard, J. Tim, and Kirk Anderson. "Introduction – A Question of Equitable Educational Reform in a Post-Conflict Society." Interchange 41, no. 2 (April 2010): 95–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10780-010-9119-y.

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Brett, Roddy. "The Role of Civil Society Actors in Peacemaking: The Case of Guatemala." Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 12, no. 1 (April 2017): 49–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15423166.2017.1281756.

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This article builds upon recent scholarship in critical peace studies that focuses on the role of civil society actors in formal peacemaking processes, in short, peace talks, and post-conflict peacebuilding. The article specifically explores the role of civil society actors in the Guatemalan peace process. The research addresses the possible tensions and potential complementarities in processes where civil society enjoys a mandated role in centralised, formal peace negotiations carried out between the state and armed actors in talks levied within the liberal peace framework. In the case of Guatemala, non-state actors participated to an unprecedented extent in the peace negotiations, and Guatemala has not relapsed into armed conflict. However, post-conflict Guatemala is a violent and unstable country. Consequently, the study challenges the assumption that peacemaking is necessarily more successful in those instances where provisions have been established to guarantee the participation of civil society.

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Nisser, Annerose, and Nils B. Weidmann. "Online ethnic segregation in a post-conflict setting." European Journal of Communication 33, no. 5 (July 19, 2018): 489–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323118784816.

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Existing research has shown that online networks are often segregated along identity lines, such as political ideology or religious views. Although online segregation should be specifically detrimental when appearing between ethnic groups in a post-conflict setting, to date we have no systematic evidence on the level of online ethnic segregation. To close this gap, the present study examines online ethnic segregation in a large ethnically mixed blogger network in a post-conflict society, Bosnia and Herzegovina. Since politics has been found to enhance ethnic divides in the offline world, we additionally examine whether segregation is higher for bloggers engaging with political topics. Using large-scale web scraping, automated text analysis and Monte Carlo simulation, we find evidence for pronounced ethnic divisions. Furthermore, we find that political bloggers tend to have more ethnically segregated networks. The findings show that a broad public exchange transcending ethnic categories remains limited in the online context we study, and that those who dominate the online political debate tend to be those who in their social interactions put even more weight on ethnic categories than the average.

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Earnest, James. "Post-conflict reconstruction – a case study in Kosovo." International Journal of Emergency Services 4, no. 1 (July 13, 2015): 103–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijes-02-2015-0009.

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Purpose – Rehabilitation and reconstruction of social and economic infrastructure in a post-conflict environment are complex, long-debated issues in development cooperation. In addition to war creating large-scale human suffering, generating refugees, displacing populations, engendering psychological distress, obliterating infrastructure and transforming the economy, in post-conflict situations, deepening chaos and disorder can be found at the highest social, economic and political levels; serious developmental challenges remain insufficiently addressed. Repairing war-damaged infrastructure in order to reactivate the local economy is a challenge for all post-conflict countries. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach – The study was designed to examine planning and execution of post-conflict reconstruction (PCR). The use of a mixed-method research approach combining both quantitative and qualitative data collection was used to explore planning and implementation of PCR infrastructure projects in Kosovo. The data collection in the field was undertaken for a period of eight weeks, from July to September 2008. A total of 420 respondents were involved in the study process, as follows: key informants (four), pilot test (12), semi-structured interviews (36), project manager/engineers survey (231), chief of mission/country director survey (117), and focus group (20). To meet the needs of the society and recognise the required functional components of project management, the overall contexts of managing projects in a post-conflict environment have been discussed in the study. Findings – Planning and implementing reconstruction projects in areas affected by conflict have proven to be far more challenging than expected and responses by practitioners, aid agencies, and government regarded as inadequate. The changing political, economic, and social factors in Kosovo after the war in 1999 have had a significant influence on the limited adoption of a project management methodology in development and reconstruction projects. The findings from the exploratory study were aimed at improving understanding of the planning, pre-designing, and implementation of infrastructure projects. The findings indicated a need to promote a better understanding of how projects are undertaken at all levels of the organisation, and to describe processes, procedures, and tools used for the actual application of projects. The findings of the study identified a poor quality of planning and implementation of reconstruction projects in an environment of complexity, change, and uncertainty. The study also raised some very significant findings for a broader approach to community involvement in project identification, planning, and implementation. Infrastructure projects implemented in Kosovo were used to develop a conceptual framework for designing projects and programmes more likely to yield positive outcomes for post-conflict society. Originality/value – The study was done by the researcher in Kosovo.

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Gilmartin, Niall. "Gendering the ‘post-conflict’ narrative in Northern Ireland’s peace process." Capital & Class 43, no. 1 (December 31, 2018): 89–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309816818818089.

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The Good Friday Agreement negotiations gave a unique opportunity for the insertion of women’s rights and equal formal representation in the new post-conflict Northern Ireland. Notwithstanding the robust and unambiguous commitments in the text of the agreement, the primary architects of the peace process, however, situated gender and women’s position as peripheral to the main priorities of ‘guns and government’. While conventional forms of peacebuilding claim to be beneficial for all, evidence from the so-called ‘post-conflict’ period around the world demonstrates a continuity of violence for many women, as well as new forms of violence. This article explores the position of women in Northern Ireland today across a number of issues, including formal politics, community activism, domestic violence and reproductive rights. By doing so, it continues feminist endeavours seeking to problematise the ‘post-conflict’ narrative by gendering peace and security. While the Good Friday Agreement did undoubtedly provide the potential for a new era of gender relations, 20 years on Northern Irish society exhibits all the trademarks and insidious characteristics of a patriarchal society that has yet to undergo a genuine transformation in gender relations. The article argues that the consistent privileging of masculinity and the dominance of male power is a commonality that remains uninterrupted by the peace process.

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Harris, David. "Liberia 2005: an unusual African post-conflict election." Journal of Modern African Studies 44, no. 3 (August 3, 2006): 375–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x06001819.

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The 2003 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) and the ensuing two-year-long National Transitional Government of Liberia (NTGL), which brought together two rebel forces, the former government and members of civil society, justifiably had many critics but also one positive and possibly redeeming feature. In spite of, or perhaps because of, the realpolitik nature of the CPA and the barely disguised gross corruption of the members of the coalition government, the protagonists in the second Liberian civil war (2000–03) complied with the agreement and the peace process held. The culmination of this sequence of events was the 11 October 2005 national elections, the 8 November presidential run-off and the 16 January 2006 inauguration. In several ways, this was the African post-conflict election that broke the mould, but not just in that a woman, Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, won the presidential race, and a football star, George Weah, came second. The virtual absence of transformed rebel forces or an overbearing incumbent in the electoral races, partially as a result of the CPA and NTGL, gave these polls extraordinary features in an African setting.

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Klay Kieh, George. "Warlords, Politicians and the Post-First Civil War Election in Liberia." African and Asian Studies 10, no. 2-3 (2011): 83–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921011x586979.

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AbstractThe issue of post-conflict elections has become one of the major areas in both the scholarly literature and in policy circles. This is because post-conflict elections are considered critical to the peacebuilding process in war-torn societies. The rationale is that post-conflict elections can be used to address the vexing problem of choosing the leadership for states recovering from war. With the leadership chosen in the context of free, fair and transparent elections, it can then shepherd the arduous process of rebuilding the society. In this vein, using the first post-conflict election in Liberia as a case study, this article examines the electoral landscape, and the factors that led to the Taylor-led National Patriotic Party (NPP) winning a landslide victory.

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Duggan, Marian. "Lost in transition? Sexuality and justice in post-conflict Northern Ireland." Northern Ireland Legal Quarterly 68, no. 2 (August 9, 2017): 159–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.53386/nilq.v68i2.33.

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Northern Ireland has pioneered the delivery of transitional justice, largely as a result of its troubled past. Efforts to guide this long-divided society towards greater inclusion have been facilitated by a range of processes (judicial and otherwise) designed to deliver truth, justice and accountability. Legal requirements to consider a broader demographical representation in consultations means that lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender voices are increasingly evident in this transition. Yet continued political resistance to sexual minority equality, set against a backdrop of wider social integration, indicates the piecemeal approach to progress which is being adopted. This article critically analyses the socio-legal positioning of sexual minorities in Northern Ireland's ongoing processes of transitional justice. In addressing how sexual orientation fits with the driving factors underpinning a move towards a 'post-conflict' society, the analysis queries the heteronormative cultural dynamics informing this utopian future and the impact this may have on exacerbating rather than eradicating homophobic victimisation.

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Badi, Emadeddin. "Of Conflict and Collapse: Rethinking State Formation in Post-Gaddafi Libya." Middle East Law and Governance 13, no. 1 (March 4, 2021): 22–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-13010001.

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Abstract This paper explores the relationships between the Libyan state and society, and the ways in which these dynamics affected the subsequent civil wars in 2011 and onwards. Beyond the commonly-studied impact of oil and state rentierism, this paper demonstrates that the enduring centralization of the state, Gaddafi’s dystopian governance system, the socio-economic and political cultures pre-2011, and the interplay between local systems of legitimacy and central authority have played an underappreciated role in the contemporary Libyan landscape. The continuities and discontinuities of order that defined and characterized the Libyan state before and after 2011 are thus dissected. An exploration of the appositeness of Eurocentric theories of statehood to the Libyan landscape unveils the pillars of legitimacy that defined Libyan statehood pre-Gaddafi. This sheds light both on how the Gaddafi regime sought to control society by often manipulating these pillars and on the ways in which Libyan society either directly and indirectly resisted his rule or rested in complacency. This covert resistance, which turned overt, widespread, and violent in 2011, paved the way for a discursive mutation of “tribalism.” This notion morphed from one of a group behavioral binding mechanism tied to blood lineage into one underpinned by notions of solidarity that override kinship. This analysis in turn elucidates the precarity of the Libyan state and explains the subsequent turmoil in the country post-2011, characterized notably by the emergence of armed non-state actors. A key discontinuity identified is in the realm of foreign influencers that have exploited long-standing domestic grievances and weaponized Libya’s traditional pillars of legitimacy, thus tearing at its society’s social fabric.

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Abe, Toshihiro. "Reconciliation as Process or Catalyst: Understanding the Concept in a Post-conflict Society." Comparative Sociology 11, no. 6 (2012): 785–814. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341246.

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Abstract While the work of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission has brought various new issues in the study of post-conflict society and transitional justice, a problematic issue that remains is how we should understand the ideal of reconciliation. This paper first critically traces previous theoretical works on reconciliation policy in South Africa, particularly paying attention to the arguments in political philosophy that have been deployed to incorporate the post-TRC condition into a theoretical frame. This examination is followed by a discussion invoking René Girard’s notion of desire to capture the dilemma of people in a post-conflict society. Finally, the uniqueness and importance of the reconciliation project is inferred to have the possible function of affecting the collective relationships among former enemies.

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Gaghman, Abdulghani. "General Framework for Post-conflict Reconstruction in Yemen." Technium Social Sciences Journal 7 (April 21, 2020): 236–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v7i1.374.

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The war in Yemen, which escalated in March 2015 when a Saudi-led coalition intervened, with comprehensive blockade and air campaign has turned a poor country into a humanitarian catastrophe. The impacts of the conflict in Yemen are devastating—with nearly a quarter of a million people killed directly by fighting and indirectly through lack of access to food, health services, and infrastructure. The economy has collapsed, and fighting has ravaged the country’s infrastructure. The reconstruction and recovery of Yemen will demand rebuilding the economy, restoring state institutions and infrastructure and repairing the social fabric. Good governance plays a key role in rebuilding Yemen as a post-conflict state. The task is thus to build transparent, efficient and participative governance structures that can help to stabilise the volatile transformation of post-conflict society. This paper intends to clarify how good governance can be promoted in Yemen as conflict / post-conflict country and which role the political and administrative system could play in this context. This paper is based on a literature review of the main theories and issues involved in post-conflict reconstruction, coupled with an analysis of relevant case studies and good practices from different countries. The main recommendations most urgently needed are; establishing safety and security, strengthening constitutional government, reconstructing infrastructure and restoring services, stabilizing and growing the economy, and strengthening justice and reconciliation organizations.

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Khotimah, Husnul. "COLLECTIVE MEMORY “JUM’AT KELABU” DI BANJARMASIN (PERSPEKTIF RESOLUSI KONFLIK ATAS PERISTIWA 23 MAY 1997)." Al-Banjari : Jurnal Ilmiah Ilmu-Ilmu Keislaman 16, no. 2 (December 6, 2017): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.18592/al-banjari.v16i2.1486.

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This paper intends to explore the events of the conflict on 23 May 1997 from the aspect of the peaceful resolution. Where a peace-building effort is needed to maintain a peaceful situation. With the collective memory being represented in the present mass, it is part of the form of efforts in fostering post-conflict sustainable peace. Through the elements of society (Non-Governmental Actor) the memory of conflict is represented in the public sphere as a form of warning against forgetting over history.The role of a non-governmental actor in peacebuilding has a strategic role in resolving conflicts and building peace post-conflict. There are three things raised in this research that is: The incident of conflict "Jum'at Kelabu" in the city of Banjarmasin in 1997, a collective memory form of conflict that built elements of society after the conflict, and the views of elements of society to the collective memory that was represented in the present in the effort to build peacebuilding. This research is a qualitative research, using a sociology-historical approach. The method used in data collection is through observation, interview, and documentation as secondary data. From the results of data analysis, the following results are obtained: the conflict that occurred in Banjarmasin city has a long chronology, the cause of this conflict is an unclear campaign route, the party base that controls Banjarmasin, because the mass of one the OPP that interfere with the Friday prayer, and aggressiveness of campaign participants. The form of peacebuilding efforts of the elements of society is to take peaceful action down the street, discussion/dialogue, and watching a documentary film. Elements of society argue that bringing back the memory of the conflict has two impacts: negative and positive impacts on people’s lives thereafter. These efforts need to be built to create an awareness that the conflict is painful, unpleasant and disturbing so hopefully it will never happen again.

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Sahlan, Muhammad, Suci Fajarni, Siti Ikramatoun, Ade Ikhsan Kamil, and Iromi Ilham. "The Roles of Ulama in the process of Post-Conflict Reconciliation in Aceh." Society 7, no. 2 (December 31, 2019): 251–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.33019/society.v7i2.106.

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In the context of Aceh, the word “Ulama" refers to an Islamic scholar who own boarding school (In Aceh language known as Dayah) or a leader of an Islamic boarding school (known as Teungku Dayah). Ulama become "the backbone" of any social problem and play strategic and influential roles in Acehnese society. However, The Ulama roles have changed in the post-conflict era in Aceh. The assumption that Ulama are unable running their authorities in Acehnese society especially in the post-conflict era. Ideally, their roles are needed in the reconciliation regarding the agents of reconciliation who have authority like the Ulama and are trustworthy by Acehnese society. Therefore, this article aims to discuss the position of Ulama in the process of post-conflict reconciliation in Aceh. To investigate the problem, a descriptive qualitative method was used, where the method is to describe the nature of a temporary situation that occurs when the research is carried out in detail, and then the causes of the symptoms were examined. The data were literature studies, participatory observation, and in-depth interviews. The results of this research showed that during an important period of Aceh's history, the Ulama constantly become guardians that provide a religious ethical foundation for each socio-political change in Aceh, and subsequently they also act as the successor to the religious style that developed in the society. Even the formation and development of the socio-political and cultural system occurred partly on the contribution of the Ulama. The position of Ulama in the process of post-conflict reconciliation in Aceh can be found in four ways. Firstly, knowledge transmission. Secondly, as a legal decision-maker which refers to Sharia law, especially related to the reconciliation process. Thirdly, as a mediator. Fourthly, cultural roles in the form of ritual or ceremonial guides that are carried out when the parties of the conflict have met an agreement to reconcile.

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Radnitz, Scott. "Historical narratives and post-conflict reconciliation: An experiment in Azerbaijan." Conflict Management and Peace Science 35, no. 2 (December 14, 2015): 154–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894215618514.

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How malleable are the attitudes of people in a post-conflict society toward their former adversaries? I conduct a laboratory experiment in Azerbaijan, which fought a war against its neighbor Armenia in the 1990s, to investigate whether reconsideration of the roots of the conflict can influence interethnic attitudes. Subjects are assigned differing interpretations of the conflict and asked to think about or discuss their reactions. The results indicate that the most effective interventions work through, rather than against, existing beliefs. Discussion also plays a critical role in provoking the introspection that is necessary to challenge longstanding prejudices. The analysis provides insight into the social psychological processes of prejudice reduction and offers caveats to conventional policy interventions to encourage reconciliation.

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Komatsu, Taro. "Navigating a Divided Society: Educational Research Strategies for Post-Conflict Bosnia and Herzegovina." Research in Comparative and International Education 7, no. 2 (January 2012): 146–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/rcie.2012.7.2.146.

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Blunt, Peter, and Mark Turner. "Decentralisation, democracy and development in a post-conflict society: commune councils in Cambodia." Public Administration and Development 25, no. 1 (2005): 75–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/pad.349.

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Hirsch, Alexander Keller. "Fugitive reconciliation: The agonistics of respect, resentment and responsibility in post-conflict society." Contemporary Political Theory 10, no. 2 (April 20, 2011): 166–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/cpt.2010.5.

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Duffy, Joe. "Citizens as social work educators in a post-conflict society: reflections from Northern Ireland." Alternativas. Cuadernos de Trabajo Social, no. 16 (December 15, 2009): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/altern2009.16.4.

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This paper examines how service users and carers can contribute to social work education in a post conflict society. A small-scale study undertaken in Northern Ireland is used as a case study to show how such citizens can potentially critically contribute to social work students’ understanding of the impact of conflict on individuals, groups and communities. The need to appreciate the effects of such community division is now a core knowledge requirement of the social work curriculum in Northern Ireland. The article reports on research findings with service users, carers and agency representatives which points to ways in which social work students can achieve a critical understanding of the impact of conflict. Northern Ireland, in this way, is presented as a divided society, still in a state of adjustment and evolution, following a period of protracted community strife and violence. The author suggests that individuals who have been directly affected by conflict can contribute in an informed and critical way to social work students’ developing knowledge and experience in an important area of their professional competence and understanding of anti-oppressive practice more broadly.

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Yatchenko, Volodymyr, and Oksana Oliinyk. "SOCIAL TRAUMA AS A CONFLICTOGENIC FACTOR IN UKRAINIAN STUDIES AND IN UKRAINIAN HISTORY." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 25 (2019): 133–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2019.25.21.

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The article deals with aspects of the interconnection of the phenomena of social trauma and social conflict, especially in the context of modern Ukrainian society, as well as in the context of the problems of Ukrainian studies discourse. The authors note the extreme importance of the phenomenon of social trauma in the state of health, in the vital program of the individual, in the collective self-identification of social groups, in particular of nations, and the problems and specifics of the manifestation of social trauma in philosophical and sociological sciences. Social trauma is capable to influence the personality's understanding of the meaning of its existence, the interpretation of the direction of development of social processes, the content of interpersonal and intergroup relations in the society. As a result of the defeat of one of the parties of a social conflict, the trauma itself can turn into a conflict factor in the social organism. The authors emphasize the diverse impact of social trauma on the emergence and course of social conflicts in interpersonal and intergroup spheres in the history and contemporary realities of Ukrainian society. It is emphasized that social trauma can be caused not only by real but also by fictional events, which can also cause social conflicts. The article emphasizes the extremely important role of the value positions of the subjects of social conflict in the ranking of traumatic events in the Convention of Ukrainian Studies, shows the influence of these positions on the interethnic and interclass relations in Ukraine. The peculiarities of the connection of social trauma with social conflicts in the life of the modern Ukrainian society in the post-truth situation are also analyzed. The authors emphasize that provoking social conflict by means of creating a post-truth situation if post-truth speculates on real or imagined social trauma is especially dangerous for the society. An ongoing social conflict will be deep and lasting. The manipulation of historical facts by placing them in a post-truth situation is illustrated in the article by facts from the sphere of hybrid warfare conducted by the Russian Federation in the eastern territories of Ukraine. The article explores several aspects of the impact of social trauma on social conflicts in the context of anomie in the spiritual life of the Ukrainian society.

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Graham, T. W. "(A343) Rebuilding Post Conflict Food Security in Liberia." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 26, S1 (May 2011): s96—s97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x1100327x.

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Liberia's 14 year civil war destroyed domestic agricultural production, veterinary and agricultural education, extension services and domestic food security. These losses severely limited domestic food production, and basic hygiene and sanitation: potable water, abattoirs, cold chain and food storage were greatly diminished. The average Liberian life expectancy fell from 45.8 in 1990 to 41.8 years presently. The population birth and death rate are two of the highest globally with a resulting population growth rate, of 2.7% per annum; this growth rate requires an immediate and concerted focus on domestic food production to alleviate nutritional inadequacy and hunger, trade imbalances and loss of foreign exchange credits. Food supply nationally is presumed adequate because of importation, though domestic production is inadequate. Unequal distribution precludes food security for all Liberians. Value chain augmentation, enhancing food availability across all sectors of Liberian society and ensuring distribution of a safe food supply needs critical development. Infant mortality remains one of the highest in the world (approximately 160/1000 births), much of which is attributed to food insecurity, food contamination and lack of uniformly available potable water. Recreation of Liberia's public health and food security requires redevelopment of disease monitoring and laboratory diagnostic capability to re-establish safe food production and handling practices across all sectors. This will allow determination of endemic disease burden for the principal livestock species: poultry, sheep, goats, cattle and swine. Creation of a national disease surveillance/monitoring system allows for targeted disease intervention, ensuring vaccination for correct serotypes and most critically prevalent diseases. Creation of community level training and support will target intervention of local diseases, but also allow for national prioritization of diseases. Targeting which are most prevalent or most likely to cause production limiting effects will require periodic surveillance, targeted vaccination, and chemotherapeutic intervention and evaluation of therapeutic success.

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Österdahl, Inger. "Just War, Just Peace and the Jus post Bellum." Nordic Journal of International Law 81, no. 3 (2012): 271–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718107-08103003.

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Justice after war is becoming an increasingly pressing concern. The cases of Afghanistan, Iraq and most recently Libya illustrate the importance of as well as the difficulties involved in the efforts to manage the outcome of armed conflict in a constructive way. The jus post bellum is meant to serve as the normative framework for the efforts to stabilise the post-conflict situation. The jus post bellum also has the future peaceful and arguably democratic and human rights respecting development of the post-conflict society in view. This article aims at drawing the conceptual and substantive contours of the jus post bellum and to discuss its relationship with other parts of international law, primarily the other bodies of law making up the law of armed conflict. Depending on one’s perspective the jus post bellum can be claimed not yet to exist, to exist already or irrespective of which to be superfluous as a separate category of law. The article recognises the apparent need for a comprehensive post-conflict law to serve as a bridge between war and stable peace. What way the international community should take in order to arrive at a just and useful normative framework for building peace is far from certain, however.

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Shah, Qasim Ali, Bahadar Nawab, and Tahir Mehmood. "The Role of Stakeholders in Post Conflict Peacebuilding in Swat, Pakistan." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 18, no. 1 (January 26, 2020): 211–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/18.1.211-229(2020).

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Peacebuilding is a continuous process to transform conflicts into development opportunities for and by the stakeholders. This article explores the role of stakeholders in post-conflict peacebuilding in Swat. Applying Constructivist paradigm and Discourse Analysis, 80 semi-structured interviews were conducted by incorporating local community, civil society and the government. Study finds out that cultural, political, social and economic tiers of peacebuilding measures in Swat hardly achieved its purpose. The lack of institutional coordination and gaps in peacebuilding measures are important hurdles, which needs to be minimized for sustainable development processes in Swat.

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Cox, Joseph M. "Negotiating justice: Ceasefires, peace agreements, and post-conflict justice." Journal of Peace Research 57, no. 3 (December 2, 2019): 466–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343319879485.

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Post-conflict justice is an integral component in maintaining stability and building peace in the aftermath of civil conflict. Despite its instrumental function, scholars routinely find that policymakers’ choice of justice is shaped by the structural conditions of the post-conflict environment, with outright victories leading to retributive forms of justice and negotiated outcomes yielding restorative forms of justice. However, existing literature conflates ceasefires and peace agreements into a single phenomenon, thereby overlooking the independent effects of each outcome. Leveraging the dual sovereignty framework, this article argues the conflation of negotiated outcomes is problematic because peace agreements and ceasefires generate different post-conflict environments. Relative to ceasefires, peace agreements lead to a reduction in the degree of dual sovereignty because they resolve a conflict’s incompatibility, thereby encouraging efforts to move society beyond war through restorative forms of justice. Due to the persistent threat of recurrent war generated by high levels of dual sovereignty, policymakers following ceasefires will be inclined to pursue retributive forms of justice that may target political opponents or potential defectors to bolster organizational strength. Statistical analyses confirm the underlying expectation that ceasefires and peace agreements yield different post-conflict justice outcomes. Peace agreements, relative to ceasefires, are more likely to be followed by the implementation of amnesties and reparations, whereas ceasefires exhibit a greater probability of yielding purges in the post-conflict environment.

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Mourlon, Fabrice. "The Contribution of Victims and Survivors to the Process of Reconciliation in Northern Ireland." Review of Irish Studies in Europe 1, no. 2 (March 10, 2017): 26–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.32803/rise.v1i2.1429.

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In recent post-conflict societies, people who have been directly or indirectly affected by political violence (‘victims and survivors’) have been involved in reconciliation processes, whose archetype is the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission. Conflict-resolution theories have defined reconciliation as a long process necessary to create or recreate links between once-divided individuals and/or communities. This process aims at establishing a peaceful society and usually gives an important role to victims and survivors.This paper considers Northern Ireland as a case study to take stock of an ongoing and pragmatic process which could inform other post-conflict societies.

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Journal articles on the topic 'POST-CONFLICT SOCIETY'

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