Journal articles: 'Post election violence'

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Angerbrandt, Henrik. "Deadly elections: post-election violence in Nigeria." Journal of Modern African Studies 56, no. 1 (March 2018): 143–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x17000490.

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AbstractTwo decades after the ‘third wave of democratization’, extensive violence continues to follow elections in sub-Saharan Africa. Whereas national processes connected to pre-election violence have received increased scholarly attention, little is known of local dynamics of violence after elections. This article examines the 2011 Nigerian post-election violence with regard to the ways in which national electoral processes interweave with local social and political disputes. The most affected state, Kaduna State, has a history of violent local relations connected to which group should control politics and the state. It is argued that electoral polarisation aggravated national ethno-religious divisions that corresponded to the dividing line of the conflict in Kaduna. A rapid escalation of violence was facilitated by local social networks nurtured by ethno-religious grievances.

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von Borzyskowski, Inken. "The Risks of Election Observation: International Condemnation and Post-Election Violence." International Studies Quarterly 63, no. 3 (June 17, 2019): 654–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqz024.

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Abstract Research on international election observation shows that observation reduces fraud, encourages participation, and boosts confidence in the election. However, this conventional account misses the negative, violence-inducing potential of observer criticism. This is the first study examining how observer criticism influences post-election violence. Democracy depends on the loser’s consent, and the willingness of election losers to be governed by the winners can be influenced by observer criticism. When reputable observers criticize the credibility of an election, they can encourage losers to challenge the result. Observer criticism strengthens the electoral loser by legitimizing a challenge and serving as a focal point for mobilization. Using data on post-election violence in thirty-eight countries in sub-Saharan Africa since 1990, I show that internationally condemned elections are more likely to turn violent than not-condemned elections. These results are robust to various control variables (including observer presence and election fraud) and accounting for potential selection, spuriousness, endogeneity, and omitted variables.

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Daxecker, Ursula E. "The cost of exposing cheating." Journal of Peace Research 49, no. 4 (July 2012): 503–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343312445649.

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This article investigates the relationship between international election observation, election fraud, and post-election violence. While international electoral missions could in principle mitigate the potential for violence by deterring election fraud, the ability of international observers to detect manipulation may in fact induce violent uprisings. Serious irregularities documented by international observers provide credible information on election quality, which draws attention to election outcomes and alleviates coordination problems faced by opposition parties and society. When elections are manipulated to deny citizens an opportunity for peaceful contestation and international observers publicize such manipulation, violent interactions between incumbents, opposition parties, and citizens can ensue. Consequently, the author expects that fraudulent elections monitored by international organizations will have an increased potential for subsequent violence. This expectation is evaluated empirically in an analysis of post-election conflict events for African elections in the 1997–2009 period. Using original data on electoral manipulation and reputable international election observation missions, findings show that the presence of election fraud and international observers increases the likelihood of post-election violence. Matching methods are employed to account for the possibility that international observers’ decisions to monitor elections are endogenous to the occurrence of violence in the electoral process. Results for matched samples confirm the findings in the unmatched sample. A variety of robustness tests show that the results are not influenced by the operationalization of independent variables and influential observations.

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Hafner-Burton, Emilie M., Susan D. Hyde, and Ryan S. Jablonski. "Surviving Elections: Election Violence, Incumbent Victory and Post-Election Repercussions." British Journal of Political Science 48, no. 2 (December 19, 2016): 459–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000712341600020x.

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It is often assumed that government-sponsored election violence increases the probability that incumbent leaders remain in power. Using cross-national data, this article shows that election violence increases the probability of incumbent victory, but can generate risky post-election dynamics. These differences in the consequences of election violence reflect changes in the strategic setting over the course of the election cycle. In the pre-election period, anti-incumbent collective action tends to be focused on the election itself, either through voter mobilization or opposition-organized election boycotts. In the post-election period, by contrast, when a favorable electoral outcome is no longer a possibility, anti-government collective action more often takes the form of mass political protest, which in turn can lead to costly repercussions for incumbent leaders.

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Crost, Benjamin, Joseph H. Felter, Hani Mansour, and Daniel I. Rees. "Narrow Incumbent Victories and Post-Election Conflict: Evidence from the Philippines." World Bank Economic Review 34, no. 3 (November 9, 2019): 767–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wber/lhz014.

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Abstract Post-election violence is a common form of conflict, but its underlying mechanisms are not well understood. Using data from the 2007 Philippine mayoral elections, this paper provides evidence that post-election violence is particularly intense after narrow victories by incumbents. Using a density test, the study shows that incumbents were substantially more likely to win narrow victories than their challengers, a pattern consistent with electoral manipulation. There is no evidence that the increase in post-election violence is related to the incumbents’ political platform or their performance in past elections. These results provide support for the notion that post-election violence is triggered by election fraud or by the failure of democratic ways of removing unpopular incumbents from office.

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Hafner-Burton, Emilie M., Susan D. Hyde, and Ryan S. Jablonski. "When Do Governments Resort to Election Violence?" British Journal of Political Science 44, no. 1 (February 26, 2013): 149–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123412000671.

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When are governments most likely to use election violence, and what factors can mitigate government incentives to resort to violence? How do the dynamics of election violence differ in the pre- and post-election periods? The central argument of this article is that an incumbent's fear of losing power as the result of an election, as well as institutionalized constraints on the incumbent's decision-making powers, are pivotal in her decision to use election violence. While it may seem obvious to suggest that incumbents use election violence in an effort to fend off threats to their power, it is not obvious how to gauge these threats. Thus, a central objective of this article is to identify sources of information about the incumbent's popularity that can help predict the likelihood of election violence. The observable implications of this argument are tested using newly available cross-national evidence on elections, government use of pre- and post-election violence, and post-election protests from 1981 to 2004.

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Datta, Sreeradha. "Post‐election communal violence in Bangladesh." Strategic Analysis 26, no. 2 (April 2002): 316–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700160208450047.

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Krause, Jana. "Restrained or constrained? Elections, communal conflicts, and variation in sexual violence." Journal of Peace Research 57, no. 1 (January 2020): 185–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343319891763.

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Anecdotal evidence suggests that sexual violence varies significantly across cases of election violence and communal conflicts but systematic research is scarce. Post-election violence is particularly likely if electoral mobilization further polarizes longstanding communal conflicts and political elites do not instruct security forces to intervene decisively. I comparatively analyse two prominent cases of post-election violence in Kenya (2007/8) and Nigeria (2008) that exhibit stark variation in sexual violence. Patrimonial networks and norms of violent masculinity that increase the probability of (gang) rape were present in both cases and do not explain variation. Civil war research has identified three explanations for the variation in sexual violence: situational constraints; ordered sexual violence or restraint; and bottom-up dynamics of sexual violence or restraint. I examine these for the context of post-election violence. I argue that the type of communal conflict triggered by electoral mobilization explains variation in sexual violence. In Kenya, pogroms of a majority group against a minority allowed for the time and space to perpetrate widespread sexual violence while in Nigeria, dyadic clashes between similarly strong groups offered less opportunity but produced a significantly higher death toll. These findings have important implications for preventing election violence. They demonstrate that civilian vulnerability is gendered and that high levels of sexual violence do not necessarily correspond to high levels of lethal violence. Ignoring sexual violence means underestimating the real intensity of conflict and its impact on the political process.

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Skinner, Ann T., Paul Oburu, Jennifer E. Lansford, and Dario Bacchini. "Childrearing violence and child adjustment after exposure to Kenyan post-election violence." Psychology of Violence 4, no. 1 (January 2014): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a0033237.

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Mungwari, Teddy. "Zimbabwe Post Election Violence: Motlanthe Commission of Inquiry 2018." International Journal of Contemporary Research and Review 10, no. 02 (February 23, 2019): 20392–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.15520/ijcrr.v10i02.675.

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Zimbabwe held its national elections on 30 July 2018. The electoral process was generally peaceful until 1 August 2018, when demonstrators took to the streets of Harare demanding the immediate release of the presidential election results. Arguably, the police failed to contain the situation and sought the assistance of the military which fired live ammunition to unarmed civilians. By end of 1 August 2018, at least six (6) people had been tragically killed; injury of thirty-five (35), and extensive damage and destruction of property had been caused. Following these incidents, on 12 September 2018, the President of the Republic of Zimbabwe, His Excellency Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa, appointed a Commission of Inquiry in terms of Section 2(1) of the Commission of Inquiry Act [Chapter 10:07] through Proclamation 6of 2018 published in Statutory Instrument 181 of 2018, to investigate matters of public welfare arising out of the tragic events in Harare on 1 August 2018. This article argues that the Motlanthe Commission of Inquiry was biased against main opposition. The article concluded that the coverage of the public hearings was polarized and that Zimbabwe is a divided and polarized state. This article contributes towards policy and reform changes.

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Lesser, Taryn. "Preventive Diplomacy Work in the Organization of American States (OAS): The 2006 Elections in Guyana." International Negotiation 17, no. 3 (2012): 417–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-12341238.

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Abstract The South American country of Guyana has a history of turmoil and violence around its presidential elections. The 2006 elections, however, were cited as largely free of violence and post-election unrest. While the peaceful outcome may be attributed to a number of factors, the involvement of the Organization of American States in setting up an electoral observation mission and in engaging in preventive diplomacy played a constructive role in the process, in addition to other ongoing initiatives. This article examines the OAS’ use of its mandate for the preservation of democracy as an entry point for conflict prevention. In particular, it analyzes the role of election monitoring and the facilitation of dialogue as a form of preventive diplomacy. The article argues that the Guyana case provides an example of the OAS using its democracy promotion mandate to prevent conflict, specifically election-related violence. It also highlights some of the critiques of OAS work in the area of democracy promotion and election monitoring, noting that the organization has engaged in these activities only in selective cases that meet specific criteria.

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Belokurova, Galina. "Soviet legacies, organized crime, and economic gangsterism: Russia, 1995–2010." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 51, no. 1 (February 15, 2018): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2018.01.004.

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In countries like Russia, where legal institutions providing political accountability and protection of property rights are weak, some elite actors accept the use of violence as a tool in political and economic competition. The intensity of this violent exposure may vary depending on the position the province had had in the Soviet administrative hierarchy. The higher the province’s position before 1991, the greater the intensity of business violence one is likely to observe there in post-communist times, because the Soviet collapse left a more gaping power vacuum and lack of working informal rules in regions with limited presence of traditional criminal organizations. Post-Soviet entrepreneurs also often find it worthwhile to run for office or financially back certain candidates in order to secure a privileged status and the ability to interpret the law in their favor. Businessmen-candidates themselves and their financial backers behind the scenes may become exposed to competitive pressures resulting in violence during election years, because their competitors may find it hard to secure their position in power through the existing legal or informal non-violent means. To test whether Soviet legacies and Provincial elections indeed cause spikes in commerce-motivated violence, this project relies on an original dataset of more than 6000 attacks involving business interests in 74 regions of Russia, in 1991e2010. The results show that only legislative elections cause increases in violence while there is no firm evidence that executive polls have a similar effect.

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Joshi, Madhav, Erik Melander, and Jason Michael Quinn. "Sequencing the Peace." Journal of Conflict Resolution 61, no. 1 (July 10, 2016): 4–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002715576573.

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Once a set of civil war actors reach a final peace agreement, a number of different implementation sequences are possible as the negotiated provisions are put into practice. We focus on a key but threatening stepping stone in the post-accord period—the holding of the first post-accord election—which has the capacity to be a stabilizing or destabilizing force. We identify effective accommodation provisions that civil war actors can negotiate and implement before the first post-accord election to reduce the chances of renewed violence. Utilizing new longitudinal data on the implementation of comprehensive peace agreements between 1989 and 2012 and a series of survival models, we find that if the first post-accord election is preceded by the implementation of accommodation measures, elections can have a peace-promoting effect. However, in the absence of preelection accommodation measures, elections are much more likely to be followed by peace failure.

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Halliday, Craig. "Peace wanted alive: an artist’s response to Kenya’s post-election violence." Excursions Journal 10, no. 1 (December 4, 2020): 61–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.20919/exs.10.2020.258.

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In this article I examine how the chaos of Kenya’s PEV became the source of motivation for Solo 7’s peace activism. For the artist, the term "chaos" was initially understood as a metaphor for the violence and destruction in the slum of Kibera (where Solo 7 resides), which upturned daily life as people knew it. The article will go on to argue that once this particular episode of chaos came to an end, other forms emerged – notably, an anxiety as to whether violence might reoccur, but also the uncertainty of surviving day to day in a precarious and highly unequal society. These multi-layered connotations of chaos created new subtexts for how Solo 7’s peace slogans and activism were interpreted and used by both the artist and public. [...] And they are needed today more than ever.

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Opondo, P. A. "Ethnic politics and post-election violence of 2007/8 in Kenya." African Journal of History and Culture 6, no. 4 (May 31, 2014): 59–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5897/ajhc2013.0146.

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Peter, Sesan A., and Imran AbdulRahman. "Political and economic effects of post-election violence on national development." Net Journal of Social Sciences 6, no. 2 (2018): 18–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.30918/njss.62.18.016.

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Nmaju, Mba Chidi. "Violence in Kenya: Any Role for the ICC in the Quest for Accountability?" African Journal of Legal Studies 3, no. 1 (2009): 78–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221097312x13397499736949.

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AbstractThis article examines the violence that broke out in Kenya after the 2007 presidential elections. After weeks of fighting and the establishment of a coalition government made up of the incumbent president and the leader of the opposition, relative calm returned to the country. However, the government has been slow to implement the recommendations of the Commission of Inquiry into Post Election Violence (Waki Commission). One key suggestion the Waki Commission made was to call upon the Kenyan government to establish an independent Special Tribunal made up of domestic and international jurists to prosecute those responsible for the crimes committed during the violence. At the time of writing, the ICC Pre-Trial Chamber II had been assigned the matter to determine whether the Office of the Prosecutor could initiate investigations. This article argues that the crimes committed in Kenya during the post election violence do not meet the ICC threshold on jurisdiction and gravity, and do not have the essential legal attributes of genocide and crimes against humanity. However, the manner in which the ICC handles this situation has the potential to influence the way future crimes are tried; thus the ICC must ensure that impunity does not prevail over accountability.

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Tanaka, Yukako Sakabe. "Mitigating violence by solving the commitment problem in post-conflict negotiations." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 3, no. 2 (April 26, 2018): 149–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891118767765.

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Why do some political groups choose to remain militant when they have the opportunity to transform into political parties or become members of state organs? By scrutinizing the power-sharing negotiations held before a country’s first election, this article argues that the group that leads the negotiations faces the challenge of accepting or declining the policy proposed by its counterpart who poses a threat of violence. Even if the counterpart proposes policy that is acceptable to the leading faction, fulfilling the commitment in regard to the political deal is another challenge for the leading faction. Such challenges often fail and consequently cause violence. In contrast, some counterparts can successfully transform themselves into non-violent political agencies regardless of whether they make compromises in policies or not. Third parties can play a vital role in avoiding violence by influencing actors’ decision-making or enhancing the leading faction’s ability to achieve its commitment. The article illustrates this argument by presenting a formal model and then testing the model by examining the case of Timor-Leste. It suggests specific conditions required for negotiations under which armed groups transform into peaceful actors when introduction of democracy and state-building are ongoing.

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Ajao, Toyin, and Cori Wielenga. "Citizen Journalism and Conflict Transformation." Matatu 49, no. 2 (December 20, 2017): 467–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-04902012.

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Abstract The ubiquitous Internet platform in Africa has given rise to a new set of non-state actors responding to protracted conflicts through the use of new media technology. As a departure from a state-centric approach to addressing conflict in Africa, this interdisciplinary study explores the contribution of the public in responding to armed conflicts through citizen journalism. To unearth non-violent African digital innovations, this research explored the Ushahidi platform, which emerged as a response to Kenya’s 2008 post-election violence. Using a qualitative method, data was gathered through unstructured in-depth interviews. The data was analysed using thematic analysis. The data showed the transformative role the Ushahidi platform played during Kenya’s electoral violence through crisis-mapping, the early warning multi-agent consortium, a constitutional referendum, and election monitoring. Evidence also emerged regarding the pioneer work of Ushahidi in other non-violent technological involvements in addressing crisis in Kenya.

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Lang, Britta, and Patrick Sakdapolrak. "Violent place-making: How Kenya's post-election violence transforms a workers' settlement at Lake Naivasha." Political Geography 45 (March 2015): 67–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2014.09.005.

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Pfeiffer, Elizabeth. "“The Post-Election Violence Has Brought Shame on This Place”: Narratives, Place, and Moral Violence in Western Kenya." African Studies Review 61, no. 2 (May 2, 2018): 183–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2017.117.

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Abstract:This article explores the intersections of violence, morality, and place to theorize the notion of moral violence. Using narratives collected during ethnographic research in a highway town in Kenya, it suggests that when people offer moralizing sentiments about this locality they are pointing to (and sometimes reproducing) the effects of and anxieties about the decades of violence and inequalities that have engulfed the lives of the residents. Particular attention is paid to the way in which narratives about political/ethnic violence and HIV/AIDS have blended to create and sustain moral violence as a chronic and particular, historically embedded variant of structural violence.

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Somerville, Keith. "British media coverage of the post-election violence in Kenya, 2007–08." Journal of Eastern African Studies 3, no. 3 (October 14, 2009): 526–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17531050903273776.

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Pyne-Mercier, Lee D., Grace C. John-Stewart, Barbra A. Richardson, Njeri L. Kagondu, Joan Thiga, Haidy Noshy, Nadia Kist, and Michael H. Chung. "The consequences of post-election violence on antiretroviral HIV therapy in Kenya." AIDS Care 23, no. 5 (February 2, 2011): 562–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09540121.2010.525615.

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Njoroge Kinuthia. "War or peace journalism? Kenyan newspaper framing of 2007 post-election violence." Editon Consortium Journal of Media and Communication Studies 2, no. 1 (December 31, 2020): 161–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.51317/ecjmcs.v2i1.193.

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This study sought to examine the dominant frame in terms of ‘war’ and ‘peace’ in the coverage of the 2007/2008 post-election violence. At the time, Kenya had eight daily and over 10 weekly newspapers (Mbeke, 2008). The Daily Nation and The Standard were selected for the purpose of this study. The study applied systematic sampling method to select stories from The Standard and simple random sampling to select the stories from Daily Nation. A sample of 35 news articles (an average of 5 every day) for each of the newspapers and a maximum of 10 for each of the other categories were selected from 294 and 180 articles from The Standard and Daily Nation respectively. Details of each story were recorded in the coding sheet. This information was afterwards transferred to SPSS, a statistical data analysis programme. The study employs 11 of Johan Galtung’s 13 indicators of war/peace journalism to analyse the framing of the conflict. Galtung has proposed a new approach to reporting war and conflict that he terms 'peace journalism'. The two newspapers had an equal number of war journalism-framed stories (6 or 2%). Peace journalism framing was dominant in both newspapers. The findings contrast Galtung’s argument that in reporting war and conflict the media always give emphasis to war journalism frames.

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Jarstad, Anna K. "The Prevalence of Power-Sharing: Exploring the Patterns of Post-Election Peace." Africa Spectrum 44, no. 3 (December 2009): 41–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203970904400303.

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Why are some elections followed by armed conflict, while others are not? This article begins to explore this question by mapping the prevalence of power-sharing agreements and patterns of post-election peace in states shattered by civil war. While democracy builds on the notion of free political competition and uncertain electoral outcomes, power-sharing reduces the uncertainty by ensuring political power for certain groups. Nevertheless, new data presented in this article – the Post-Accord Elections (PAE) data collection – shows that the issues of peace, power-sharing and democracy have become intertwined as the vast majority of contemporary peace agreements provide for both power-sharing and elections. First, in contrast to previous research which has suggested that power-sharing is a tool for ending violence, this study shows that conflict often continues after an agreement has been signed, even if it includes provisions for power-sharing. Second, this investigation shows no evidence of power-sharing facilitating the holding of elections. On the contrary, it is more common that elections are held following a peace process without power-sharing. Third, a period of power-sharing ahead of the elections does not seem to provide for postelection peace. Rather, such elections are similarly dangerous as post-accord elections held without a period of power-sharing. The good news is that power-sharing does not seem to have a negative effect on post-election peace.

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Hadzic, Dino, David Carlson, and Margit Tavits. "How Exposure to Violence Affects Ethnic Voting." British Journal of Political Science 50, no. 1 (December 4, 2017): 345–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123417000448.

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How does wartime exposure to ethnic violence affect the political preferences of ordinary citizens? Are high-violence communities more or less likely to reject the politicization of ethnicity post-war? We argue that community-level experience with wartime violence solidifies ethnic identities, fosters intra-ethnic cohesion and increases distrust toward non-co-ethnics, thereby making ethnic parties the most attractive channels of representation and contributing to the politicization of ethnicity. Employing data on wartime casualties at the community level and pre- as well as post-war election results in Bosnia, we find strong support for this argument. The findings hold across a number of robustness checks. Using post-war survey data, we also provide evidence that offers suggestive support for the proposed causal mechanism.

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Brancati, Dawn, and Jack L. Snyder. "Rushing to the Polls: The Causes of Premature Postconflict Elections." Journal of Conflict Resolution 55, no. 3 (May 26, 2011): 469–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002711400863.

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In the post—cold war period, civil wars are increasingly likely to end with peace settlements brokered by international actors who press for early elections. However, elections held soon after wars end, when political institutions remain weak, are associated with an increased likelihood of a return to violence. International actors have a double-edged influence over election timing and the risk of war, often promoting precarious military stalemates and early elections but sometimes also working to prevent a return to war through peacekeeping, institution building, and powersharing. In this article, we develop and test quantitatively a model of the causes of early elections as a building block in evaluating the larger effect of election timing on the return to war.

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Juditha, Christiany. "Cyberstalking di Twitter @triomacan2000 pada Pemilu 2014." Jurnal Penelitian Komunikasi 18, no. 1 (July 15, 2015): 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.20422/jpk.v18i1.17.

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The use of Twitter is open up the space for freedom of expression and opinion. But also raised a new phenomenon called cyberstalking (bullying). Acts of bullying (violence/intimidation) are also occur in cyberspace. People are free to commit violence and intimidate others without either use a personal account, institutional and anonymous. Especially when the Election arrives. This action is more intense uncontrolled. This study was carried out to get an overview of the phenomenon of cyberstalking on Twitter in 2014 elections that carried the account @ TrioMacan2000. The method used is a qualitative content analysis of the unit of analysis is the whole message (tweet) on account @ TrioMacan2000 during the legislative election campaign period opens March 16 to April 5, 2014. The study concluded that most of the tweets are also pictures posted on the account @ TrioMacan2000 throughout the campaign period of election legislation, cyberstalking entered in all categories studied, namely the desire to hurt; post power imbalance; repetition, as well as the pleasure that is felt by the perpetrators.

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Omede, A. J., and Abdullahi Mu’awiyya. "Electoral Violence and Democratization Process in Nigeria : A Review of 2011 Post Presidential Election Violence in Katsina State." NG-Journal of Social Development 5, no. 5 (October 2016): 136–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.12816/0033196.

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Bamrah, Sapna, Agneta Mbithi, Jonathan H. Mermin, Thomas Boo, Rebecca E. Bunnell, SK Sharif, and Susan Temporado Cookson. "The Impact of Post-Election Violence on HIV and Other Clinical Services and on Mental Health—Kenya, 2008." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 28, no. 1 (November 26, 2012): 43–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x12001665.

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AbstractIntroductionIn December 2007, civil disruption and violence erupted in Kenya following national elections, displacing 350,000 people and affecting supply chains and services. The Kenyan government and partners were interested in assessing the extent of disruption in essential health services, especially HIV treatment.MethodsA two-stage cluster sampling for patients taking antiretroviral therapy (ART) was implemented ten weeks after elections, March 10-21, 2008, at twelve health facilities providing ART randomly selected in each of the three provinces most affected by post-election disruption—Rift Valley, Nyanza, and Central Provinces. Convenience samples of patients with tuberculosis, hypertension, or diabetes were also interviewed from the same facilities. Finally, a convenience sampling of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in the three provinces was conducted.ResultsThree hundred thirty-six IDPs in nine camps and 1,294 patients in 35 health facilities were interviewed. Overall, nine percent of patients reported having not returned to their routine health care facility; 9%-25% (overall 16%) reported a temporary inability for themselves or their children to access care at some point during January-February 2008. Less than 15% of patients on long-term therapies for HIV, tuberculosis, diabetes, or hypertension had treatment interruptions compared with 2007. The proportion of tuberculosis patients receiving a ≥45-day supply of medication increased from five percent in November 2007 to 69% in December 2007. HIV testing decreased in January 2008 compared with November 2007 among women in labor wards and among persons tested through voluntary counseling and testing services in Nyanza and Rift Valley Provinces. Patients and their family members witnessed violence, especially in Nyanza and Rift Valley Provinces (54%-59%), but few patients (2.5%-14%, 10% overall) personally experienced violence. More IDPs reported witnessing (80%) or personally experiencing (38%) violence than did patients. About half of patients and three-quarters of IDPs interviewed had anxiety or depression symptoms during the four weeks before the assessment. There was no association among patients between the presence of HIV, tuberculosis, diabetes, and hypertension and the prevalence of anxiety or depression symptoms.ConclusionMore than 85% of patients in highly affected provinces avoided treatment interruptions; this may be in part related to practitioners anticipating potential disruption and providing patients with medications for an extended period. During periods of similar crisis, anticipating potential limitations on medication access and increased mental health needs could potentially prevent negative health impacts.BamrahS, MbithiA, MerminJH, BooT, BunnellRE, SharifSK, CooksonST. The impact of post-election violence on HIV and other clinical services and on mental health-Kenya, 2008. Prehosp Disaster Med. 2013;28(1):1-9.

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Odhiambo, Christopher J. "He Who Pays the Piper Plays the Tune." Matatu 51, no. 1 (June 18, 2020): 64–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-05101008.

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Abstract Patronage in the arts has always been a paradox. This article grapples with this paradox as reflected in the symbiotic relationship between artists and their sponsors. This paradoxical, complex and complicated co-existence of patronage through arts’ sponsorship is scrutinized through the intervention community theatre initiatives of Sponsored Arts for Education in Kenya (S.A.F.E-K). The paper argues that the ideology and the messages as framed, circulated and conveyed by the film Ni Sisi on the post-election violence (PEV) that visited Kenya in 2007/2008 is immensely influenced by the commercial and publicity interests of its main sponsor. The article as such draws attention to the nuanced subtleties of aesthetic framing in this film and how these are implicated in the sponsor’s intentions of projecting a positive image of itself disguised as a project of ‘demonizing’ violence and foregrounding a peace culture. The article identifies and interrogates the subtle indices that are found in the film that appears to cunningly exonerate the sponsor from any role that might have led to escalation of the post-election violence. The reading of such nuanced subtleties in absolving the sponsor of complicity in the perpetuation of violence remains the focus of this article.

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Brown, S., and C. L. Sriram. "The big fish won't fry themselves: Criminal accountability for post-election violence in Kenya." African Affairs 111, no. 443 (March 1, 2012): 244–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/ads018.

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Finkel, Steven E., Jeremy Horowitz, and Reynaldo T. Rojo-Mendoza. "Civic Education and Democratic Backsliding in the Wake of Kenya’s Post-2007 Election Violence." Journal of Politics 74, no. 1 (January 2012): 52–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022381611001162.

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Ireri, Kioko. "A study of newspaper columnists’ framing of Kenyan politics in post-2007 election violence." Ecquid Novi: African Journalism Studies 34, no. 2 (July 2013): 109–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02560054.2013.782284.

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Ondara, Reuben Kiyondi. "Omogusii Omokimbizi: A Gusii Popular Artist’s Meditation on the Post-election Violence in Kenya." Eastern African Literary and Cultural Studies 6, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 41–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23277408.2019.1710341.

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Wanjiru, Jenestar. "Post-conflict reconstruction: Negotiating school leadership practice for inclusive education of conflict-affected children in Kenya." Educational Management Administration & Leadership 48, no. 3 (January 3, 2019): 496–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1741143218817554.

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Provision of education during/after violent conflicts remains a global dilemma with many conflict-affected children excluded from/within education. Likewise, school leadership is increasingly seen as a key element in developing inclusive schools across communities. This single intrinsic case study with aspects of ethnography was conducted in one post-conflict community school in Kenya, where 71% of the pupil population comprised conflict-affected children following the 2007–2008 post-election violence. The aim was to explore and understand how the headteacher and teachers perceived and developed teacher participation in school leadership practice, in order to respond to learning and development needs of conflict-affected children, and promote inclusive practices in post-conflict schooling. Thematic analysis of interviews, observations, and textual displays indicated that by diagnosing the state of local affairs, that is, violence-disrupted livelihoods, school demographics, and systemic demands, the headteacher encouraged active participation of teachers in school leadership practices. Although overall accountability remained locked in hierarchical structures, teacher leadership emerged in arrangements like “office-referenced” individual leadership and collaborating groups (e.g., task groups and “team leadership”). With school leadership practice often attributed to headteachers in Kenya, this study contributes to debates on the construction of teacher leadership and offers insights into the experiences of school leaders in combating exclusionary practices after societal violence.

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Mburu, Daniel M. "The Lost Kenyan Duel: The Role of Politics in the Collapse of the International Criminal Court Cases against Ruto and Kenyatta." International Criminal Law Review 18, no. 6 (November 19, 2018): 1015–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-01806007.

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This article contributes to the debate concerning the International Criminal Court and politics by regarding the Court as a coliseum on whose floor the Prosecutor duels with the defendants of his/her choosing. It focuses on the Ruto and Kenyatta cases arising from the 2007/2008 post-election violence in Kenya. The article begins with a background to the post-election violence. The second part discusses Kenya’s initial efforts to halt the icc proceedings against the six suspects. The third part considers how Kenyatta and Ruto used the icc prosecutions against them to get elected to the country’s presidency. The fourth part discusses how Kenya’s non-cooperation with the Prosecutor and the recantation and withdrawal of witnesses led to the collapse of the Kenyatta and Ruto cases. The fifth and final part concludes by arguing that the Prosecutor lost the duel due to a political miscalculation which Kenyatta and Ruto used to their advantage.

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Ndiritu, Nelson. "THE USE OF DISCOURSE IN THE MANAGEMENT OF BLAME IN CONFLICT SITUATIONS: THE CASE OF KENYA’S INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 8, no. 7 (July 30, 2020): 179–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v8.i7.2020.572.

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The use of violence as means of addressing differences between groups and individuals is common. The world has witnessed wars and small scale violence resulting from disagreements. Violence however leaves behind trails of destruction and pain in its wake. It also generally perceived as a sign of failure of the power of the intellect to address issues. It is therefore regarded as a primitive method which is employed as a last resort. Parties that have been involved in violence may therefore find need to explain the reasons for their involvement and often tend to lay blame for the violence elsewhere. This paper investigates the discursive resources employed in the management of blame in conflict situations taking the case of the Kenyan Internally Displaced Persons. The paper employs Discursive Psychology one of the approaches to discourse analysis to investigate the management of the blame arising from the violence that followed Kenya’s 2007 elections. The paper draws from a research carried out by the author among 24 Internally Displaced Persons in Kenya’s 2007/2008 post-election violence. The research sample comprised an equal number of male and female respondents who were from the different communities involved in the violence.The data was collected by means of in-depth interviews.

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Onyebadi, Uche, and Tayo Oyedeji. "Newspaper coverage of post political election violence in Africa: an assessment of the Kenyan example." Media, War & Conflict 4, no. 3 (December 2011): 215–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750635211420768.

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The media in Africa are often indicted for being partly responsible for the conflicts and tensions in the continent, and the role of the radio in escalating the 1994 genocide in Rwanda is frequently cited in support of this indictment. This article examines newspaper reports of the post 2007 presidential election violence in Kenya and finds a contrast to the Rwandan ‘model’. Although the newspapers analysed did not provide any forewarning about the impending crisis, they relentlessly published news stories and house editorials that addressed peace-building in the country. The authors suggest that the Kenyan example raises two main issues: (a) the media can play functional roles in de-escalating conflicts in Africa; and (b) reporters should be society’s moral witnesses, not ‘objective’ bystanders, who watch and report on the collapse of humanity.

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Kilonzo, Susan. "Ethnic minorities wedged up in post-election violence in Kenya: a lesson for African governments." Critical Arts 23, no. 2 (July 2009): 245–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02560040903047342.

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Kanyinga, Karuti. "Stopping a Conflagration: The Response of Kenyan Civil Society to the Post-2007 Election Violence." Politikon 38, no. 1 (March 15, 2011): 85–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2011.548672.

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Ochieng', Josephine Atieno. "Outward peace, inward pieces: a case of the effect of the Kenya post-election violence." British Journal of Guidance & Counselling 38, no. 3 (August 2010): 275–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03069885.2010.483129.

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Shikanga, O.-Tipo, Maurice Ope, Hillary Limo, Daniel R. Feikin, Robert E. Quick, Eric D. Mintz, Robert F. Breiman, David Mutonga, Mohammed Abade, and Samuel Amwayi. "High Mortality in a Cholera Outbreak in Western Kenya after Post-Election Violence in 2008." American Journal of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene 81, no. 6 (December 1, 2009): 1085–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.4269/ajtmh.2009.09-0400.

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Sharma, Serena K. "The 2017 General Election in Kenya: Re-evaluating r2p’s First Test Case 10 Years On." Global Responsibility to Protect 9, no. 4 (November 26, 2017): 345–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1875984x-00904002.

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As Kenyans went to the polls on 8 August, protests over the results brought back memories of the disputed election 10 years prior. While the level of violence and contestation did not reach the same magnitude as a decade ago, recent events have illuminated the tentative nature of the peace that was established in the aftermath of the 2007–08 post-election crisis. While there is no doubt that the Kenya National Dialogue and Reconciliation (kndr) process was essential in averting further bloodshed in Kenya – what is often overlooked are the significant costs associated with the 2008 agreements. By prioritising stability over democracy, enabling impunity over accountability, and addressing the symptoms of violence as opposed to more proximate causes, the kndr process left many of the issues that facilitated the 2007 unrest unresolved. Consequently, the underlying causes of instability in Kenya remain.

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Fombad, Charles Manga. "Election Management Bodies (embs) in Eastern and Southern Africa: Some Reflections on their Legal Framework." African and Asian Studies 15, no. 2-3 (November 4, 2016): 289–335. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341365.

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It is generally recognised that election management bodies (embs) constitute one of the most important institutions needed to sustain Africa’s fledgling transition to democratic and constitutional governance. They are needed to ensure that all political actors adhere to the rules of the electoral contest and that the outcome of elections are not predetermined and are based on free and fair processes that reflect the genuine will of the people. However, frequent incidents of post-election violence in which citizens question the role played by the embs in the last few years have raised many questions about their role, which has not been systematically and thoroughly investigated. This paper aims to take a critical look at the legal framework relating to the setting up and regulation of embs in a selected number of countries in the Eastern and Southern African region to see whether there is any possible connection between the manner in which they are structured and the effectiveness of their operations. Does the legal framework of an emb have anything to do with the acceptance or non-acceptance of the electoral results of elections organised by the emb? Are there any lessons that can be learnt by comparing the legal framework of the embs of countries where election results are generally accepted with that of countries where the announcement of election results have often provoked violence? The establishment of an emb is supposed to be a clear sign of a firm commitment by a country to constitutionalism and constitutional democracy. This does not always turn out to be so. From the comparative analysis of the experiences of the selected countries, this study will highlight some of the major lessons that can be drawn in designing embs in order to enhance their performance and credibility.

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Gitau, Susan Wambui. "Virginia Satir’s Model Treatment and Coping Mechanisms among 2007/08 Post Election Violence Integrated Internally Displaced Persons in Thika Sub-County, Kenya." Journal of Research in Philosophy and History 2, no. 2 (September 3, 2019): p130. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/jrph.v2n2p130.

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Kenya experienced post-election violence in 2007/2008; leaving 1,113 people dead and over 650,000 people displaced from their homes. The purpose of the study therefore, was assessment of effectiveness of Virginia Satir’s Model in trauma recovery of 2007/08 Post Election Violence Integrated Internally Displaced Persons in Thika Sub County in Kiambu County. The study used quasi-experimental research design in which the researcher used Solomon’s Four Non-equivalent Control Group Design. The researcher sampled 125 participants from the accessible 240 Integrated Internally Displaced Persons from Kiandutu, Kiganjo, Gachagi and Umoja slum villages in Thika Sub County who formed the four groups of study. The control groups were taken through regular counseling model while the experimental groups were exposed to Virginia Satir’s Model. Quantitative methods of data analysis involving the use of Analysis of Variance and t-test was used to list statistical significant difference within and among means in the posttest scores for the groups. Computations were conducted using Statistical Package for Social Sciences version 21 for windows. The researcher established that the Virginia Satir’s Model had minimal effect on enhancing coping mechanisms among IIDPs.

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Wanjiru, Jenestar. "School leadership and post-conflict education: How can their roles in developing inclusive practices in post-conflict schooling be understood and conceptualized?" Educational Management Administration & Leadership 49, no. 1 (November 14, 2019): 145–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1741143219884693.

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The concepts of ‘leadership’ and ‘inclusion’ continue to attract much attention in educational discourses; however, not many studies have explored their connection in schools serving conflict-affected communities where displacement and fragmentation of families risks the access, participation and achievement of many young people in education. This single intrinsic case study with aspects of ethnography was conducted in one post-conflict community primary school in Kenya, following the 2007/8 post-election violence. Overall, the aim was to understand the connection between school leadership and inclusive education practices, with interest in the schooling experiences of conflict-affected children. Following an integration of reviewed literature and findings emerging from the entire study, this paper specifically examines how roles for school leadership can be understood in relation to developing inclusive practices for conflict-affected pupils in post-conflict schooling. Three core thematic issues emerged, suggesting that these roles involved: mediating ‘post-conflict conflicts’; fostering ‘socio-moral connectedness’, and engendering aspects of ‘indigenous leadership practice’ in school. These roles were fundamental in reversing community disintegration and repairing moral distortion. Besides contributing to knowledge in the developing field of education and conflict, this study highlights the joint social, moral and professional investment made by headteachers and teachers in repairing violence-torn societies.

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Kanyinga, Karuti, and James D. Long. "The Political Economy of Reforms in Kenya: The Post-2007 Election Violence and a New Constitution." African Studies Review 55, no. 1 (April 2012): 31–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2012.0002.

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Abstract:This article explores the package of “Agenda item 4” reforms undertaken by the Kenyan government in the mediation process following the 2007–8 postelection violence, including those relating to long-standing issues over constitutional revision. It situates the previous lack of reforms within Kenya's political economy and demonstrates how political and economic interests thwarted progress and produced the postelection crisis. It also examines the more recent attempts to address reforms following the signing of the National Accord and the creation of a power-sharing government, and finds strong public support for constitutional revision. It concludes that these pressures from below, along with a realignment of political interests and institutional change from power-sharing, helped support reform.

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Mwaura, Philomena Njeri, and Constansia Mumma Martinon. "POLITICAL VIOLENCE IN KENYA AND LOCAL CHURCHES’ RESPONSES: THE CASE OF THE 2007 POST‐ELECTION CRISIS." Review of Faith & International Affairs 8, no. 1 (January 2010): 39–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15570271003707812.

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Kagwanja, Peter. "Courting genocide: Populism, ethno-nationalism and the informalisation of violence in Kenya's 2008 post-election crisis." Journal of Contemporary African Studies 27, no. 3 (July 2009): 365–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589000903187024.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Post election violence'

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