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1

Frohardt, Mark. Reintegration and human rights in post-genocide Rwanda. U.S. Committee for Refugees, 1997.

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2

Accounting for horror: Post-genocide debates in Rwanda. Pluto Press, 2004.

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3

Mazimpaka, Jolly. Post-genocide restructuring of higher education in Rwanda, an overview. Association of African Universities, 2000.

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4

Drumtra, Jeff. Life after death: Suspicion and reintegration in post-genocide Rwanda. U.S. Committee for Refugees, 1998.

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5

(Organization), Redress, ed. Survivors and post-genocide justice in Rwanda: Their experiences, perspectives, and hopes. African Rights, 2008.

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6

Sentama, Ezechiel. Peacebuilding in post-genocide Rwanda: The role of cooperatives in the restoration of interpersonal relationships. University of Gothenburg, School of Global Studies, Peace and Development Research, 2009.

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7

Threatening & appropriate bodies in nation-building: Paths to world's first female parliamentary majority in post-genocide Rwanda. University of Gothenburg, School of Global Studies, 2010.

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8

Mukashema, Immaculée, ed. Psychosocial Well-Being and Mental Health of Individuals in Marital and in Family Relationships in Pre- and Post-Genocide Rwanda. Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-74560-8.

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9

Yonekawa, Masako. Post-Genocide Rwandan Refugees. Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-6756-3.

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10

Rwanda: Etnografie del post-genocidio. Meltemi, 2009.

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11

L'église chrétienne au Rwanda pré et post-génocide. Harmattan, 2011.

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12

Sub-Saharan Africa's development challenges: A case study of post-genocide Rwanda's experience, 1994-2007. Palgrave Macmillan, 2008.

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13

Reyntjens, Filip. Political Governance in Post-Genocide Rwanda. Cambridge University Press, 2015.

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14

Beloff, Jonathan R. Foreign Policy in Post-Genocide Rwanda. Taylor & Francis Group, 2020.

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15

Memory and Justice in Post-Genocide Rwanda. Cambridge University Press, 2017.

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16

Longman, Timothy. Memory and Justice in Post-Genocide Rwanda. Cambridge University Press, 2017.

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17

Mageza-Barthel, Rirhandu. Mobilizing Transnational Gender Politics in Post-Genocide Rwanda. Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315595801.

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18

Mageza-Barthel, Rirhandu. Mobilizing Transnational Gender Politics in Post-Genocide Rwanda. Taylor & Francis Group, 2017.

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19

Sinalo, Caroline Williamson. Rwanda after Genocide: Gender, Identity and Post-Traumatic Growth. University of Cambridge ESOL Examinations, 2020.

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20

Child Perpetrators on Trial: Insights from Post-Genocide Rwanda. Cambridge University Press, 2019.

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21

Beloff, Jonathan R. Foreign Policy in Post-Genocide Rwanda: Elite Perceptions of Global Engagement. Taylor & Francis Group, 2020.

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22

Beloff, Jonathan R. Foreign Policy in Post-Genocide Rwanda: Elite Perceptions of Global Engagement. Taylor & Francis Group, 2020.

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23

Beloff, Jonathan R. Foreign Policy in Post-Genocide Rwanda: Elite Perceptions of Global Engagement. Taylor & Francis Group, 2020.

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24

Foreign Policy in Post-Genocide Rwanda: Elite Perceptions of Global Engagement. Taylor & Francis Group, 2020.

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25

Survivors and post-genocide justice in Rwanda: Their experiences, perspectives, and hopes. African Rights, 2008.

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26

Clark, Phil. Gacaca Courts, Post-Genocide Justice and Reconciliation in Rwanda: Justice Without Lawyers. Cambridge University Press, 2011.

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27

Courts in Conflict: Interpreting the Layers of Justice in Post-Genocide Rwanda. Oxford University Press, 2015.

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28

Group, International Crisis, ed. "Consensual democracy" in post-genocide Rwanda: Evaluating the March 2001 district elections. International Crisis Group, 2001.

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29

(Organization), African Rights, and Redress (Firm), eds. Survivors and post-genocide justice in Rwanda: Their experiences, perspectives, and hopes. African Rights, 2008.

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30

Manikas, Peter, Krishna Kumar, David Tardif-Douglan, Kim Maynard, Annette Sheckler, and Carolyn Knapp. The International Response to Conflict and Genocide: Lessons from the Rwandan Experience: Rebuilding Post-war Rwanda. Overseas Development Institute, 1996.

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31

Buss, Doris, and Jerusa Ali. Rwanda. Edited by Fionnuala Ní Aoláin, Naomi Cahn, Dina Francesca Haynes, and Nahla Valji. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199300983.013.45.

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Since the end of the genocide and civil war in Rwanda, various measures have been implemented to facilitate women’s political participation. This chapter looks to post-conflict Rwanda as a case study in the successes and limitations in efforts to increase women’s participation in public life. The chapter details the desired outcomes of increased political participation by women before turning to the Rwandan example. It argues that while the increased presence of women in public life has resulted in some positive economic, political, and social outcomes, the power of female politicians is large
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32

The Gacaca Courts, Post-Genocide Justice and Reconciliation in Rwanda: Justice without lawyers. Cambridge University Press, 2010.

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33

1979-, Clark Philip, and Kaufman Zachary D. 1979-, eds. After genocide: Transitional justice, post-conflict reconstruction and reconciliation in Rwanda and beyond. Hurst Publishers., 2009.

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34

After Genocide: Transitional Justice, Post-Conflict Reconstruction and Reconciliation in Rwanda and Beyond. Oxford University Press, 2009.

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35

Haslam, Alissa. Reporting genocide of the other: Print media and Rwanda. 2001.

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36

Arrow, Holly, and Alexander Garinther. Thinking Together about Genocide. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198801764.003.0010.

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This chapter explores how people “think together” in dyads, small groups, and larger collectives via mutual influence that organizes shared attention and intention, collectively constructs and validates meaning, and collaboratively develops and adjusts distributed networks of learning, memory, and forgetting. It weaves together a selective review of psychological literature on socially shared and situated cognition with applications to the shared and unshared memories of survivors and killers in post-genocide Rwanda. The process and content of convergent and divergent memories about a devastat
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37

Nassenstein, Nico. Language Movement and Pragmatic Change in a Conflict Area. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190657543.003.0014.

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Since the Rwandan Genocide in 1994, the border areas of Rwanda, Uganda, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo have been characterized by armed conflict and waves of cross-border migration, which have affected speakers’ realizations of the varieties of Kinyarwanda spoken in the area. The resulting recontextualized language use is best explored through a theoretical background of language ideologies and “border thinking.” With respect to Kinyarwanda, the fluid practice Kinyafranglais and the youth language Imvugo y’Umuhanda have emerged in relation to post-genocide language purification proce
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38

Becoming Rwandan: Education, Reconciliation, and the Making of a Post-Genocide Citizen. Rutgers University Press, 2019.

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39

Russell, S. Garnett. Becoming Rwandan: Education, Reconciliation, and the Making of a Post-Genocide Citizen. Rutgers University Press, 2019.

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40

Stone, Dan. Memory Wars in the ‘New Europe’. Edited by Dan Stone. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199560981.013.0036.

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Seventy years after the start of World War II, revisionists across Europe are arguing that Joseph Stalin was as much to blame for starting the war as was Adolf Hitler. As Adam Krzeminski rightly says, World War II is still being fought. This article sees ‘collective memory’ as a set of representations of the past that are constructed by a given social group (be it a nation, a family, a religious community, or other) through a process of invention, appropriation, and selection, and which have bearings on relationships of power within society. ‘Memory’ here refers not only to the academic study
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41

Gordon, Gregory S. Speech and Atrocity. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190612689.003.0002.

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Chapter 1 limns the chronology of speech and government-sponsored mass violence over the centuries. After an overview of pre-twentieth century hate rhetoric, it focuses on Ottoman propaganda in relation to the Armenian Genocide. It then describes the Nazi hate speech campaign against the Jews, the archetypal modern template for mass murder agitprop. It then moves to the post–Cold War period and examines the role of speech in the 1990s atrocities committed in the Balkans and Rwanda. The chapter concludes by examining more recent instances of atrocity rhetoric connected to mass crimes: postelect
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42

Yonekawa, Masako. Post-Genocide Rwandan Refugees : Why They Refuse to Return ‘Home’: Myths and Realities. Springer, 2019.

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43

Jaleel, Rana M. The Work of Rape. Duke University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/9781478021797.

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In The Work of Rape Rana M. Jaleel argues that the redefinition of sexual violence within international law as a war crime, crime against humanity, and genocide owes a disturbing and unacknowledged debt to power and knowledge achieved from racial, imperial, and settler colonial domination. Prioritizing critiques of racial capitalism from women of color, Indigenous, queer, trans, and Global South perspectives, Jaleel reorients how violence is socially defined and distributed through legal definitions of rape. From Cold War conflicts in Latin America, the 1990s ethnic wars in Rwanda and Yugoslav
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44

Roessler, Philip, and Harry Verhoeven. Winning the War, Losing the Peace. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190611354.003.0003.

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This chapter lays out the book’s central argument. It first addresses the limitations of existing explanations—war for natural resources, spillover of Rwandan genocide, anti-foreign resistance and personalization of power. It then develops the building blocks of the argument, which attributes Africa’s Great War to the type of revolutionary organization and regional alliance the comrades built to liberate Zaire. In contrast to the strong Leninist political organizations that they built during their own revolutionary struggles, the regional powers, led by the RPF, backed the emergence of a weak,
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