Journal articles: 'Post-independence Zimbabwe'

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EDWARDS, GLYN, and CLEM TISDELL. "Post-independence Trends in Education in Zimbabwe." South African Journal of Economics 58, no. 4 (December 1990): 298–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1813-6982.1990.tb00957.x.

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Vambe, Maurice Taonezvi. "Popular Songs and Social Realities in Post-Independence Zimbabwe." African Studies Review 43, no. 2 (September 2000): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/524985.

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Makina, Daniel. "Historical Perspective on Zimbabwe’s Economic Performance." Journal of Developing Societies 26, no. 1 (March 2010): 99–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0169796x1002600105.

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The paper presents a chronological unravelling of the political economy of Zimbabwe. It commences by giving an analysis of economic performance within a framework of four periods, namely, (i) the pre-independence period, (ii) the post-independence period of controls, (iii) the economic liberalization period and (iv) the economic crisis period. It proceeds to discuss the deterioration in economic performance emanating from inappropriate macroeconomic policies followed post-independence. The role of the monetary policy regime in exacer-bating macroeconomic instability is also highlighted. Furthermore, the system of governance is noted to be another significant contributory factor to economic decline. One important insight from the analysis is that the economy had been operating sub-optimally throughout the post-independence period, a factor which is often ignored in research on Zimbabwe. Furthermore, if we take into account the lacklustre performance during the pre-independence period when it was under international sanctions, Zimbabwe could be said to have had ‘five lost decades’ –the 1960s, the 1970s, the 1980s, the 1990s and the decade commencing in the year 2000.

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Zembe, Christopher Roy. "Migrating with Colonial and Post-Colonial Memories: Dynamics of Racial Interactions within Zimbabwe’s Minority Communities in Britain." Journal of Migration History 2, no. 1 (March 22, 2016): 32–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-00201002.

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Upon attaining independence on 18 April 1980, the Zimbabwean government was faced with the challenge of eradicating prejudices, which had been constructed during the colonial era. Whilst it is correct to accept that colonial Zimbabwe was beset with racial prejudices, which inhibited interracial interactions, it is also essential to recognise that post-colonial events triggered socialisation processes devoid of nation building. Therefore, by exploring the dynamics of interactions within Zimbabwe’s minority communities in Britain, the paper will unravel the impact of memories constructed during the different phases of Zimbabwe’s history. By focusing exclusively on Whites, Coloureds (mixed-race) and Asians, it will demonstrate that the Zimbabwean immigrant community in Britain is not a monolithic group of Blacks, but a racially diverse community. Analysing the diaspora interactions of communities considered more privileged than Blacks during the colonial era provides a perspective on the complexities of eradicating historically constructed racial prejudices.

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Groves, Zoë. "‘Zimbabwe is my home’: Citizenship and Belonging for ‘Malawians’ in Post-Independence Urban Zimbabwe." South African Historical Journal 72, no. 2 (April 2, 2020): 299–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02582473.2020.1773521.

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Rwafa, Urther, and Maurice Vambe. "'Hear our Voices': Female popular musicians in post-independence Zimbabwe." Muziki 4, no. 1 (July 2007): 66–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/18125980701754611.

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Chidora, Tanaka. "Heroes and Heroines in Zimbabwean Fiction." Journal of African Languages and Literary Studies 2, no. 2 (August 1, 2021): 11–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.31920/2633-2116/2021/v2n2a1.

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This paper was developed from a talk that I gave on heroes and heroines in Zimbabwean fiction at the now defunct Book Café in Harare, Zimbabwe. By the time they invited me, my hosts had already come up with a clearly demarcated guideline of who heroes and heroines are, and connected these heroes and heroines to what they called 'revered' values of 'our' society. My response was not to follow that template, but to create a separate deconstructionist taxonomy that questioned such an assumption. This deconstructionist adventure was based on the belief that heroes/heroines are not the same for everyone, especially in a post-independence Zimbabwean society characterised by conditions that are far removed from the promises of independence. Thus, in a country whose independence has been postponed because of various factors, including a leadership whose form of governance involves violence against its citizens in the name of protecting them, a monolithic view of heroes/heroines and revered values needs to be interrogated. Zimbabwean literature offers an inventory that refuses to pander to my hosts' template, and it is this inventory that I used to question the assumption that Zimbabwe was one, huge, happy and united national family because based on its many literary texts, what we have is a dystopian family still trying to find its way and define its heroes/heroines.

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Maxwell, David. "‘Catch the Cockerel Before Dawn’: Pentecostalism and Politics in Post-Colonial Zimbabwe." Africa 70, no. 2 (May 2000): 249–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2000.70.2.249.

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AbstractThe article examines relations between pentecostalism and politics in post-colonial Zimbabwe through a case study of one of Africa’s largest pentecostal movements, Zimbabwe Assemblies of God, Africa (ZAOGA). The Church’s relations with the state change considerably from the colonial to the post-colonial era. The movement began as a sectarian township-based organisation which eschewed politics but used white Rhodesian and American contacts to gain resources and modernise. In the first decade of independence the leadership embraced the dominant discourses of cultural nationalism and development but fell foul of the ruling party, ZANU/PF, because of its ‘seeming’ connections with the rebel politician Ndabiningi Sithole and the American religious right. By the 1990s ZAOGA and ZANU/PF had embraced, each drawing legitimacy from the other. However, this reciprocal assimilation of elites and the authoritarianism of ZAOGA’s leadership are in tension with the democratic egalitarian culture found in local assemblies, where the excesses of leaders are challenged. These alternative pentecostal practices are in symbiosis with radical township politics and progressive sources in civil society. Thus, while pentecostalism may renew the process of politics in Zimbabwe, it may itself be renewed by the outside forces of wider Zimbabwean society.

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Mangena, Tendai. "Suffer Little Children: Zimbabwean Childhood Literary Representations in the Context of Crisis." International Journal of Children's Rights 19, no. 2 (2011): 205–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181810x512398.

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AbstractA closer reading of post – independence Zimbabwean short stories shows that childhood is more complex than its traditional conceptions. There are various diverging childhood depictions in literature. is paper explores these divergences, focusing initially on how children are represented as possessing what Muponde and Chihota (2000) call 'taboo shattering instincts in a diseased society'. In societies where there are clear human rights violations, children and other vulnerable groups are the most affected. In this respect, the paper explores various literary representations that deal with how children were affected during the Zimbabwean millennial crisis that was at most characterised by human rights violation. In any given society, at some point, adults are expected to resist forms of oppression; this paper argues that in literature and in society, children may be figures of resistance as well. Short stories to be scrutinised will be selected from the following editions; Not Another Day (2006), No More Plastic Balls: New Voices in the Zimbabwean Short Story (2000), Women Writing Zimbabwe (2008), Writing Still: New Stories from Zimbabwe (2003), Writing Now: More Stories from Zimbabwe and An Elegy for Easterly (2009).

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Dube, Nomzamo, and Janina Wozniak. "Language regulation in post-independence Zimbabwe (1981–2015) and Kalanga linguistic citizenship." Southern African Linguistics and Applied Language Studies 39, no. 2 (April 3, 2021): 113–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2989/16073614.2021.1909485.

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Sylvester, Christine. "Whither Opposition in Zimbabwe?" Journal of Modern African Studies 33, no. 3 (September 1995): 403–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00021182.

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On 8 and 9 April 1995, Zimbabweans turned out for an election that mostly was not. As many as 55 of the 120 parliamentary seats open for contestation had already been decided for the Zimbabwe African National Union (Patriotic Front), because the six opposition parties of the moment did not put up candidates for them. ZANU PF could also count on another 30 parliamentarians: 12 non-constituency members, to be appointed by the President of Zimbabwe, as well as the eight provincial governors; and ten chiefs elected by local chiefs, all beholden to the ruling party for carrying forward traditional powers to the post- independence era. In other words, ZANU PF was sure of obtaining 85 of the 150 seats in the House of Assembly before a single ballot was cast in the 1995 elections.

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12

Hammar, Amanda. "In the name of sovereignty: Displacement and state making in post-independence Zimbabwe." Journal of Contemporary African Studies 26, no. 4 (October 2008): 417–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589000802481999.

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JENKINS, CAROLYN. "The Politics of Economic Policy-Making in Zimbabwe." Journal of Modern African Studies 35, no. 4 (December 1997): 575–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x97002589.

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There are two remarkable features of post-independence economic policy-making in Zimbabwe: the very limited nature of the changes made by the new government in 1980, and the complete reversal of policy announced in 1990. It was surprising that a more radical transformation had not been introduced soon after independence, since this had been achieved by a civil war prompted not only by the denial of even basic rights to the majority of the population, but also by an extremely inequitable distribution of economic resources. The volte-face in 1990 was also unexpected, because it required a repudiation of governmental rhetoric at a time when the economy was by no means in a state of crisis, even though under stress. This article attempts to understand these policy shifts.

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14

Spierenburg, Marja. "Spirits and Land Reforms: Conflicts About Land in Dande, Northern Zimbabwe." Journal of Religion in Africa 35, no. 2 (2005): 197–231. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570066054024703.

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AbstractDespite its present support for the invasion of (mainly white-owned) commercial farms and emphasis on 'fast-track resettlement', most interventions by the post-Independence government of Zimbabwe in agriculture aimed to confine African farmers to the Communal Areas. In Dande, northern Zimbabwe, a land reform programme was introduced in 1987 that sought to 'rationalise' local land use practices and render them more efficient. Such reforms were deemed necessary to reduce the pressure on commercial farms. This article describes how the reforms caused Mhondoro mediums in Dande to challenge the authority of the state over land, thereby referring to the role they and their spirits played in the struggle for Independence. Pressure on the mediums to revoke their criticism resulted in a complex process in which adherents challenged the reputation of mediums who were not steadfast in their resistance to the reforms.

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McGowan, Pat, and Thomas H. Johnson. "Sixty Coups in Thirty Years – Further Evidence Regarding African Military Coups d'État." Journal of Modern African Studies 24, no. 3 (September 1986): 539–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00007175.

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Decolonisation in sub-Saharan Africa began in January 1956 when the Sudan joined long-independent Ethiopia and Liberia as a new, post-colonial state. Although the process is not yet complete because of the disputed status of Namibia and South Africa's continued rule by a white minority, over the past 30 years as many as 43 new states have achieved independence from colonial rule, the most recent being Zimbabwe in April 1980.

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Khumalo, Njabulo Bruce. "Silenced genocide voices in Zimbabwe’s archives: Drawing lessons from Rwanda’s post-genocide archives and documentation initiatives." Information Development 35, no. 5 (October 8, 2018): 795–805. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0266666918802443.

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Archives are a very important part of any given community, yet they may be silent on some critical histories. Perpetrators of genocides have usually resorted to denying or even trivialising such atrocities. They go on to silence genocide voices and these silences translate to the absence of records and archives on such topics. Like Rwanda, post-independence Zimbabwe fell victim to a genocide which was executed by the ZANU PF government in Matabeleland and Midlands Provinces. The post-genocide experience has seen the ZANU PF government silencing genocide voices by criminalising or even denying the killing of people. The silencing of voices and the muteness of the national archival institution on the Gukurahundi genocide in Zimbabwe stands as a cause for concern. This study sought to assess the state of silencing of voices on the Gukurahundi genocide and also draw lessons from the documentation of the Rwandan genocide. This conceptual study also reviewed relevant literature. A manual document search and an online search were conducted.

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17

Samanga, T., and V. M. Matiza. "Depiction of Shona marriage institution in Zimbabwe local television drama, Wenera Diamonds." Southern Africa Journal of Education, Science and Technology 5, no. 1 (August 28, 2020): 53–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/sajest.v5i1.39824/sajest.2020.001.

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Marriage is a highly celebrated phenomenon among the African people. It is one of the important institutions among the Shona and Ndebele people in Zimbabwe as expressed in the saying ‘musha mukadzi’ and ‘umuzingumama’ (home is made by a woman) respectively. However with the coming of colonialism in Zimbabwe, marriage was not given the appropriate respect it deserves. This has given impetus to this paper where the researchers in the study through drama want to bring out the depiction of marriage institution in a post -independence television drama, Wenera Diamonds (2017). This paper therefore, aims to show the impact of neo-colonialism on Shona marriage institution. The neo colonial period is characterised with the perpetuation of Western imperial interests through protocols of diplomatic relations, treaties and existing bilateral agreements which marked a new phase of relationships with former colonisers. The aim of this article therefore is to depict marriage institution in neo colonial Zimbabwe in Wenera Diamonds (2017), a Zimbabwean television drama. Using qualitative research methodology, the research employs content analysis to elucidate the depiction in the said performance. Guided by the Africana womanist perspective, the article argues that the indigenous knowledge needed for African social development is rendered irrelevant by a dysfunctional set of values of the western hegemony. Against that, the paper establishes that the depiction of marriage institution in Wenera diamonds is a reflection of imperialist colonial forces on the black person hence the need to go back to basics and resuscitate their culture.

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18

Bloom, Gerald. "Two Models for Change in the Health Services in Zimbabwe." International Journal of Health Services 15, no. 3 (July 1985): 451–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/kv70-akeg-y1je-klne.

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The health situation in pre-Independence Zimbabwe was much as elsewhere in the Third World. While the majority suffered excess mortality and morbidity, the affluent enjoyed a health status similar to that of the populations of developed countries. The health services also showed the familiar pattern, with expenditure concentrated on sophisticated facilities in the towns, leaving the rural majority with practically no services at all. With the coming of Majority Rule, the previous pattern of controlling access to facilities on the basis of race could not continue. Two broad routes forward were defined. On the one hand, the private doctors, the private insurance companies, and the settler state proposed a model based on improving urban facilities, depending on a trickle-down to eventually answer the needs of the rural people. On the other hand, the post-Independence Ministry of Health advocated a policy of concentrating on developing services in the rural areas. The pattern of the future health service will depend on the capacity of the senior health planners and on the enthusiasm of front-line health workers but, of overriding importance will be the political commitment to answer the needs of the majority and the outcome of the inevitable struggle for access to scarce health sector resources.

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Makonye, Felix, Stanley O. Ehiane, and Monica Njanjokuma Otu. "Dynamics of Pre- and Post-Electoral Violence in Zimbabwe since Independence in April 1980 to November 2017." African Renaissance 17, no. 1 (March 15, 2020): 95–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.31920/2516-5305/2020/17n1a5.

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Vambe, Maurice T. "The depiction of black women in popular songs and some poems on AIDS in post-independence Zimbabwe." Muziki 4, no. 2 (November 2007): 224–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/18125980802298633.

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Rakodi, Carole. "Urban poverty in Zimbabwe: Post-independence efforts, household strategies and the short-term impact of structural adjustment." Journal of International Development 6, no. 5 (September 1994): 655–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/jid.3380060511.

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22

Mararike, Munoda. "Zimbabwe Economic Sanctions and Post-Colonial Hangover: A Critique of Zimbabwe Democracy Economic Recovery Act (ZDERA) – 2001 a2018." International Journal of Social Science Studies 7, no. 1 (December 21, 2018): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v7i1.3895.

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Scholarship on imperialism in Zimbabwe has not been documented in terms of establishing its roots. What has evaded contemporary researchers and academics on post-land reform programme economic sanctions of 2001 is that their roots lie in colonial domination and imperialism. The Scramble for Africa of 1884 is an adjunct of the Berlin Colonial Conference of 1884-1885 which marked long dark days of imperialism in Africa. It was about colonial domination, exploitation of mineral and extraction of natural resources. Western Europe became principal beneficiaries of newly ‘discovered’ wealth – pillaging and looting to their countries through exploitation, false pretenses, deception and outright theft. The insidious process was complemented by subjective constructs of political, social, religious and cultural domination of indigenous populations or ‘natives’ as imperialism defined unbalanced framework of economic relationships. Pronunciations like subjugation, suppression, cultural genocide, expropriation and repression have been touted by historians to highlight the depth and intensity of coloniality. The economic sanctions are part of a strategic neo-colonial era in which former colonial powers continue clutching to vein glories of the past. Yet that past is the present. Zimbabwe is being punished for reclaiming land through land reform programmes of 2001 which helped to empower Zimbabweans. In this research we look at the Janus face of Western decoloniality efforts- with specific reference to how Zimbabwe has fought ferocious battles for reclamation and restitution of its land. We also examine instruments of repression including statutes like the 1965 Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) and the Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act of 2001 as amended in 2018 (ZDERA). In our analytical narratives, we illustrate how the such instruments are designed to maintain imperialist status quo through specified punitive measures under ZDERA.

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Machimbidza, Takawira, and Stephen Mutula. "Exploring experiences of librarians in Zimbabwean state universities with the consortium model of subscribing to electronic journals." Information Development 36, no. 2 (March 13, 2019): 193–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0266666919834055.

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The study explores the experiences of librarians in three state universities in Zimbabwe with the consortium model of subscribing to electronic journals. The study employed a qualitative approach. Interviews were held with nine professional librarians from each of the participating institutions. Findings showed that state universities in Zimbabwe have benefitted from consortium subscribed electronic journals; however, librarians were concerned about their coverage and relevancy. Librarians felt disempowered as they have lost the independence to select resources suitable for their own institutions. The lack of archival rights is detrimental to post-termination access to previously subscribed resources. Institutions face challenges with technological infrastructure that allows them to convey consortium resources to their users. The study provides important insight into the practice of consortium from a developing country context. The findings will alert consortia managers and member institutions to the key shortfalls of consortia arrangements. The study’s recommendations hopefully triggers corrective actions aimed at improving the practice of consortia to the benefit of end users.

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Madzimure, Takudzwa. "A Case for Decentralization in Zimbabwe’s local government system: Challenges and Opportunities." Archives of Business Research 9, no. 2 (February 10, 2021): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/abr.92.9580.

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The issue of decentralization in Zimbabwe’s local government system has been topical since the colonial era. In the post-independence epoch the expectation was that the new majority government would address the centralization of governance which was motivated by racial imbalances. However, decentralization was not achieved as local government was not recognized in the Lancaster House Constitution adopted at independence in 1980. For years this allowed the central government to control all the local government structures in the country. The relationship between local governments and the central government became bitter and tense after the formation of a formidable opposition, MDC, which has been controlling most urban local authorities since its formation. The 2013 Constitution has not improved things either as the central government has not been willing to implement the new law to its latter and spirit. In all this it is the citizens who have been bearing the brunt as there has been poor service delivery owing to the bad relationship between the center and local structures. The study found out that if decentralization is fully implemented in Zimbabwe it has the potential of bringing efficient and effective service delivery, citizen participation, democracy and accountability in the local government system. The paper also makes recommendations on what needs to be done to achieve decentralization in the country’s local government system.

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Carreira, Shirley De Souza Gomes. "A reconfiguração da identidade cultural em Precisamos de Novos Nomes, Noviolet Bulawayo." Ilha do Desterro A Journal of English Language, Literatures in English and Cultural Studies 72, no. 1 (February 1, 2019): 145–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/2175-8026.2019v72n1p145.

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The aim of this article is to analyze the reconfiguration of the cultural identity of the protagonist of We Need New Names, by Noviolet Bulawayo. In this coming-of-age novel, the author narrates Darling’s story from her childhood, in Harare, Zimbabwe, until she became an adult, as an immigrant in the United States. The novel’s background is the economic, political and social crisis that plagued the country in the post-independence period, aggravated by the spread of AIDs. Like many compatriots, the protagonist builds a utopian image of America, which, years later, melts away due to the difficulties faced by immigrants on American soil.

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Nyandoro, Mark. "Development and Differentiation in the Post-Independence Era: Continuity or Change in ARDA-Sanyati Irrigation in Zimbabwe (1980–1990)." African Historical Review 41, no. 1 (July 2009): 51–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17532520902917010.

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Dodo, Obediah. "A Review of Political Participation between Youth and Elderly People in Zimbabwe." International Journal of Political Activism and Engagement 6, no. 4 (October 2019): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijpae.2019100101.

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The study sought to establish the differences in levels of involvement in politics between the youths and older people in Zimbabwe post-independence. It also expiilores influences to their engagement. The explorative qualitative study was conducted to bring out elaborate descriptive results. It was conducted through document and archival material analysis. Data was analysed using both latent and manifest content analyses, approaches ideal for qualitative investigations. The study was anchored on the theory of deliberative democracy with a focus on political participation of the youth in politics compared to older people. It was established in the study that indeed both youths and older people participate in politics albeit from different stand-points and for different objectives. The study also established that the differences in the two groups' participation in politics is influenced by among others; literacy, resourcefulness of individuals, desperation, poverty, fear, and patriarchal factors among others.

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Muchefa, Livingstone, and Calvin Phiri. "Orality versus Written Legislation: Oral History as used in Zimbabwe`s Post-2000 Land Reform Programme." Oral History Journal of South Africa 4, no. 2 (April 5, 2018): 26–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2309-5792/336.

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Zimbabwe became a colony of the British Empire on 13 September 1890, and attained independence in 1980. During the colonial period of 1890 to 1980 land was expropriated primarily from the indigenous Ndebele and the Shona tribal groups through the institutionalisation of legislation that brought about the segregation of Africans and paved the way for settlement and farming by whites. Between 1980 and 1990 there was little progress in terms of resettlement programmes because of financial constraints and the terms and conditions of the Lancaster House Agreement regarding the willing seller willing buyer principle. There were serious economic challenges in the decade 1990 to 2000, but the period post 2000 witnessed brisk land repossessions which were spearheaded by war veterans and politicians. At the heart of the â€œland invasions,â€ as they were popularly termed, lay historical injustices. This paper seeks to provide an insight into the centrality of the oral tradition or oral history as legal basis for the land repossessions that took place. Neither legal recourse nor visiting archives and other information centres for the purposes of authentication were a priority. The Lancaster Constitution was viewed as an obstacle when dealing with land. The National Archives of Zimbabwe is placed in context within the situation discussed.

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Saidi, Umali, and Joshua Matanzima. "Negotiating Territoriality in North-Western Zimbabwe: Locating The Multiple-Identities of BaTonga, Shangwe, and Karanga in History." African Journal of Inter/Multidisciplinary Studies 3, no. 1 (2021): 61–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.51415/ajims.v3i1.864.

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Multiple identities are not an event, neither are they overnight occurrences. They undergo constructions and reconstructions over time. The BaTonga, Shangwe, and Karanga speaking people in the Musampakaruma Chiefdom of north-western Zimbabwe are not an exception. Forced colonial displacements and post-independence involuntary (and/or voluntary) migrations resulted in their settling in the Musampakaruma Chiefdom from which they have now come to negotiate for space, and ultimately their identities too, in the Zimbabwean mainstream nation-state making process. For years, these three ethnic groups have had a primodalist alliance to identity wherein their identification with ancestral places of origin appeared to have been common. This, however, has changed as the new terrain has offered them new options prompting rethinking of identity and ethnicity concepts. Using qualitative and historical ethnographic data obtained in Musampakaruma from April to September 2017, this paper reports the historical and contemporary socio-political experiences of the people in the area advancing the multiple identity phenomena. Taking Musampakaruma as a case, the broad nation-state identity is re-engaged in the paper from the perspective of so-called marginalised groups showing that while landscape and socio-ethno-identities are determinants of ‘multi-personalities’, deep theorisation of identity and ethnicity is required in nation-state development because ethnicities are based on interactions resulting in negotiated identities.

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Makuwerere Dube, Langton. "Race, Entitlement, and Belonging: A Discursive Analysis of the Political Economy of Land in Zimbabwe." Journal of Black Studies 52, no. 1 (August 20, 2020): 24–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934720946448.

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The access, control, and ownership of land and the means of production is an enduring frontier of conflict in post colonial settler states. Whilst racially tinged, colonialism created “structures of feeling” that sanctioned epistemic violence and created an economy of entitlement and belonging that sustained imperial designs. Zimbabwe’s independence meant the redistribution and proprietorship of land became a central leitmotif of cadastral politics. The article explores the interplay of the contested tropes of race, entitlement, and indigeneity as they informed the highly polarized land redistribution discourse. The discussion takes stock of the dominant narratives of post-colonial state predations, patronage, populism, and megalomania in contradistinction to the various ways in which whiteness and its prejudices and stereotypes nurtured some hubris of entitlement and belonging that retrogressively not only perpetuated colonial settler values and identities but also entrenched racial distance and indifference. The polarized contestations on land redistribution discourse coalesce around concepts such as restitution, indigeneity, nativity, patriotism, race, and class. Therefore while critiquing state excesses that have masked the honorable intentions of land redistribution, the article underscores the complex ways in which white Zimbabweans contributed to the enduring crisis by obdurately fixating their energies on colonial settler entitlements, values, and identities.

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Tarusarira, Joram. "When Piety Is Not Enough: Religio-Political Organizations in Pursuit of Peace and Reconciliation in Zimbabwe." Religions 11, no. 5 (May 9, 2020): 235. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11050235.

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In post-independence Zimbabwe, religion has been associated with piety and acquiescence rather than radical confrontation. This has made it look preposterous for religious leaders to adopt seemingly radical and confrontational stances in pursuit of peace and reconciliation. Since the early 2000s, a new breed of religious leaders that deploy radical and confrontational strategies to pursue peace has emerged in Zimbabwe. Rather than restricting pathways to peace and reconciliation to nonconfrontational approaches such as empathy, pacifism, prayer, meditation, love, repentance, compassion, apology and forgiveness, these religious leaders have extended them to demonstrations, petitions and critically speaking out. Because these religious leaders do not restrict themselves to the methods and strategies of engagement and dialogue advocated by mainstream church leaders, mainstream church leaders and politicians condemn them as nonconformists that transcend their religious mandate. These religious leaders have redefined and reframed the meaning and method of pursuing peace and reconciliation in Zimbabwe and brought a new consciousness on the role of religious leaders in times of political violence and hostility. Through qualitative interviews with religious leaders from a network called Churches in Manicaland in Zimbabwe, which emerged at the height of political violence in the early 2000s, and locating the discussion within the discourse of peace and reconciliation, this article argues that the pursuit of peace and reconciliation by religious actors is not a predefined and linear, but rather a paradoxical and hermeneutical exercise which might involve seemingly contradictory approaches such as “hard” and “soft” strategies. Resultantly, religio-political nonconformism should not be perceived as a stubborn departure from creeds and conventions, but rather as a phenomenon that espouses potential to positively change socio-economic and political dynamics that advance peace and reconciliation.

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Panganayi, More, and Tendayi Marovah. "Soft-balancing: SADC Former Liberation Movements’ Responses to the Imposition of Sanctions on Zimbabwe 2002 -2015." Quest Journal of Management and Social Sciences 2, no. 1 (May 19, 2020): 116–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/qjmss.v2i1.29027.

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Background: This paper addresses a popular dichotomous African nationalist and independentist approaches to foreign policy mainly characterised by soft balancing and quiet diplomacy. This dichotomous approach has been dominated by the need to maintain independence from resurgent neo-colonial claws by promoting African agenda. The African nationalist and independentist prism are used to interrogate the misconceptions created by the resurgence of meetings of former liberation movements in Southern Africa. Objective: This paper aims to proffer alternative political survival tools that can be adopted by the weak global south states against resurgent neo-colonialism. Methods: Using the work of Machiavelli on international anarchy complemented by the soft balancing as a real-power politics theory, the paper offers alternative lenses to interpretation of impact of sanctions and subsequent strategic alliances formed after 2002 in Southern Africa. Findings: Depending on the dominant realist paradigm to analyse sanctions imposed on Zimbabwe, the paper confirms the anarchic nature of international society and that the formation of alliances was not an ad hoc reaction. Conclusions: Arguing that the world is anarchic and there is no international arbiter, the paper recommends soft balancing as a political survival strategy. Implications: This paper can be useful to concerned authorities of Zimbabwe in planning appropriate policies post sanction. For that purpose this study can serve as reference.

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Seda, Owen, and Nehemiah Chivandikwa. "CIVIL SOCIETY, RELIGION AND APPLIED THEATRE IN A KAIROTIC MOMENT - PRELIMINARY REFLECTIONS ON A PROJECT ON POLITICAL VIOLENCE & TORTURE IN ZIMBABWE: 2001 – 2002." Commonwealth Youth and Development 14, no. 2 (March 28, 2017): 81–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/1727-7140/1806.

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This article is a critical reflection on possibilities for social transformation and democratisation that can be possibly realised through collaborations between young people in civil society, African traditional religion and the Christian movement in contemporary contexts. In this context the focus on young people as key agents of change is informed by the frequent observation that young people are often the major perpetrators (and victims) of political violence and yet the least beneficiaries from the political spoils. The article analyses a project in the use of applied theatre to address political violence and torture that was conducted by the University of Zimbabwe's Department of Theatre Arts and Amani Trust some time between October 2001 and March 2002. The article uses that project to investigate and to illustrate some of the opportunities that can be harnessed by religious arms of civil society to strengthen peace in disadvantaged rural communities, such as we find in contemporary Zimbabwe, and which often bear the brunt of social unrest in times of political uncertainty. The study approaches time as a social construct that determines human agency and decision-making in order to adopt the biblical concept of ‘kairos’ or the ‘kairotic’ moment. The ‘kairotic’ moment referred to in this paper is the period between 1999 and 2008 when the Zimbabwean polity faced one of its severest national crises following protracted political contestation. This resulted in unprecedented levels of political intolerance, and state-sanctioned violence and torture in the country’s post-independence history. This level of political violence was perhaps second only to the infamous Gukurahundi massacres, which took place in the Midlands and Matebeleland provinces during the mid-1980s. We also view the kairotic moment as a critical moment for making a fundamental decision. It is full of both promise and danger, so much so that whether the moment ‘reaps’ hope or danger depends on how the moment is seized. We ask: Did civil society seize the moment to reap hope? In other words, we analyse whether various arms of Zimbabwean civil society took advantage of the ‘pregnant’ or kairotic moment to liberate itself. The authors adopt existing discourses on civil society and liberation theology to argue that whenever the time is ripe for meaningful intervention, there in fact exist immense opportunities for different branches of civil society domiciled in both traditional African and modern Christian religions to harness applied theatre in the service of peace and democratisation in the face of political adversity and uncertainty.

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Patterson, Rubin, and James Bozeman. "Enhancing Science and Technology in the SADC Region: Roles of the Secretariat and Member States." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 1, no. 1 (2002): 70–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156915002100419763.

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AbstractIncreased economic integration throughout the world, the growing dominance of foreign affiliate production over international exports, the routinization of innovation, and amplified knowledge-intensiveness of FDI collectively characterize the new global economic environment in which SADC nations are attempting to develop and compete. This paper provides a detailed summary of the global economic context and one of its leading engines, namely, science and technology (S&T). Analysis of Africa's post-independence S&T travails and successes constitutes the second section of the paper. Various factors that have collectively arrested S&T growth are discussed. The third and largest section is the analysis of commonalities and particularities of S&T needs and activities by the SADC secretariat and member states. Focused analytical reports on the status of S&T development efforts in Botswana and Zimbabwe comprise the final section. Based on the contextual threats and opportunities discussed above, the paper concludes with two concrete recommendations: integrating and adopting the elements suggested in the paper for a long-term S&T development model, and pursuing state-sponsored or quasi-state-sponsored reverse engineering campaigns.

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Nkala, Bernard, and Gordon Liu. "DELINEATINGACCESS TO SPECIALTY HEALTHCARE IN ZIMBABWE A CROSS-SECTIONAL STUDY TO INFORMEVIDENCE-BASED PUBLIC HEALTH POLICY AND PRACTICE." International Journal of Advanced Research 9, no. 02 (February 28, 2021): 373–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/12458.

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The study investigated the determinants of access and utilization of specialty healthcare services in the case of public referral hospitals in Zimbabwe using the period post-independence in 1980s to 2018. This becomes an exciting period for the study as it presents the rise and fall of ZimbabweÃ¢Â€Â™s healthcare system. Although there are many specialists offering specialty healthcare, the study limited its focus on specialty care physicians operating at public health facilities. The study objectives were to identify the socio-economic and health behavioural determinants that could influence access to and utilization of specialty healthcare amongst different groupings in Zimbabwe. The study specifically examined the influence of household income, insurance, health information/ education, distance to the nearest health centre, waiting time and dual practice as a variable of interest on access to specialty care. The study utilized cross-sectional household data collected through a survey from April to October 2019. Out of the 40 selected districts from a cluster of 63 existing administrative health districts, 1000 households were randomly selected using one stage cluster sampling (probability sampling design). The study used the Logistic regression model to identify the determinants of access to and utilisation of specialty healthcare based on 653 households that had reported sickness of a member within the last twelve months before the survey. The study tested the hypotheses that dual practice does not affect the supply capacity at public hospitals hence does not reduce access and utilisation of specialty healthcare household income does not increase the demand for specialized healthcare services and that the distance to the nearest health facility does not reduce the probability of seeking of specialty healthcare services. The Logistic regression results revealed that distance to the nearest health care facility, household income, health insurance coverage, presence of dual practice and waiting time all had a significant statistical relationship with access and utilization (demand) for specialty healthcare at public health institutions. However, the study found out that health information had negative effect though an insignificant variable. Distance to the nearest health facility and waiting time was found to negatively affect access (demand) to specialty healthcare whereas household income, dual practice and insurance coverage were found to positively influence access and utilization of specialty healthcare at public health institutions. The study established that, as there is an increase in income and insurance coverage, access and utilization of specialty care also increased. More households in Zimbabwe (71%) are not medically insured. The study found that the provision of specialty healthcare services is too centralized thereby patients are compelled to travel long distancesto metropolitan facilities where specialty health services are more concentrated. The study further established that dual practice affects the supply capacity in public hospitals. The constraining arrangement of management and teaching services at main teaching hospitals affects the supply of specialty services. Households tend to wait longer to consult specialists at public hospitals due to poorly regulated dual practice that induces long waiting times. Given the study findings, the study recommends health policy planners to adopt a balanced centralized and decentralized modelon access to specialty care, differentiating higher and lower tier specialty care facilities to address the geographic accessibility and availability dimensions and revisiting management of training and structuring of specialty teaching services. Other major recommendations of the study include the review of supply-side policies used to enhance access to specialty healthcare services. The policies may target at implementing a public sector Ã¢Â€Â˜National Health Insurance FundÃ¢Â€Â™, driven by the government of Zimbabwe offering realistic, acceptable and affordable premiums for vulnerable groups and expanding the scope of participation in developing the policy regulating dual practice. The study also recommends the creation of Special Economic Zones (SEZ) for Specialty health riding on the existing Government framework on SEZs. The adoption of Strategic Specialty care Partnerships (SSCPs) can enhance access and institutional capacities in dealing with the expensive response to Non Communicable Diseases, which are the main drivers for households to seek specialty care. Zimbabwe through its national health authority needs to Ã¢Â€Â˜Reframe the Health AgendaÃ¢Â€Â™ on specialty care thus initiate a national health action plan that will continue to drive to evidence-based health policy and practice.

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Alexander, Jocelyn. "Dissident perspectives on Zimbabwe's post-Independence war." Africa 68, no. 2 (April 1998): 151–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161277.

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A much neglected perspective on Zimbabwe's post-independence war is that held by its insurgents, the so-called dissidents. The experience of dissidents has been little explored, in part because of the difficulty of doing so until recently but also because scholars and journalists have analysed post-1980 violence primarily in terms of the political interests of either ZAPU or ZANU-PF, Zimbabwe's dominant nationalist parties, or the South African state. No account has sought to explore the motives, goals and organisation of the dissidents themselves; the how-and-whys of the turn to war have remained obscure. Though dissidents' views are often as partisan as those of their detractors, focusing on the perspectives of the dissidents allows a substantial reinterpretation of the war and its aftermath. From the dissidents' point of view, post-Unity politics is bitterly disappointing: they say Unity is meaningful only for the national leaders. Unity has not overcome the political tribalism of the 1980s nor has it brought an end to economic hardship. Though the dissidents' perspective on Zimbabwe's post-independence war is unique in many ways, the stress on the unresolved wrongs of the 1980s—continued developmental neglect, the lack of restitution or even recognition for losses and suffering, the failures to make peace with the High God of Njelele and the spirits—finds a much wider resonance within Matabeleland as a whole.

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Dodo, Obediah. "Inter-religious conflicts: a review of Zimbabwe’s religious landscape, post-independence." Ilorin Journal of Religious Studies 7, no. 2 (May 28, 2018): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ijrs.v7i2.4.

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Makaudze, Godwin. "What Ado About Culture? Chirikure’s Exposition of Past Shona Practices and Values in Selected Zimbabwean Post-independence Poems." Current Writing: Text and Reception in Southern Africa 32, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 74–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1013929x.2020.1743034.

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Charamba, T., and Davie E. Mutasa. "Folk-story telling among the Shona and Freire's framework of banking versus dialogical methods of education – In search of innovation and social cohesion in post-independence Zimbabwe's education." South African Journal of African Languages 38, no. 2 (May 4, 2018): 189–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02572117.2018.1463711.

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Nhongo, Raphael, and Baba Primrose Tshotsho. "The Problematics of Language-in-Education Policies in Post-Independence in Zimbabwe." Journal of Asian and African Studies, September 30, 2020, 002190962096252. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909620962529.

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Language policies that are designed in African countries fail to solve communication problems because they are only there to fight the hegemony of English instead of addressing real linguistic problems. The paper analyses the language-in-education policies that were put in place after independence in Zimbabwe. A qualitative approach is used to analyse documents that include the Education Act of 1987, the Nziramasanga Commission, Ministry of Primary and Secondary Education circulars and the Constitution of Zimbabwe. It is argued in this paper that there is a need for the country to come up with policies that are in sync with the linguistic realities that acknowledge the coexistence of languages.

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Nyambi, Oliver. "Writing back to colonialism, again: The novel The Chimurenga Protocol and the ‘new’ resistance literary culture in post-2000 Zimbabwe." Literator 36, no. 1 (March 20, 2015). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v36i1.1125.

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Some contemporary Zimbabwean literature demonstrates a discernible resistance thread. These literary works create fictional life-worlds in which the ambivalence of colonial land and economic injustices are exposed as potentially mutating and threatening the independent nation. In this way, such works validate ‘nationalist’ corrective measures through inserting a narrative that implicitly refers back to past colonial imbalances. In the choreographed discourses of national sovereignty that characterise the Third Chimurenga – epitomised by Mugabe’s book Inside the Third Chimurenga – there are perceived dangers from infiltrating forces which pose a threat to the nation’s sovereignty. Britain’s refusal to fund land reform in Zimbabwe is viewed as an implicit declaration of that country’s intention to derail the Zimbabwean people’s movement towards total independence and the ‘fast track land reform’ of the Third Chimurenga. The anti-Britain campaign is inextricably linked to the land question. The cultural sphere (especially its literary, theatrical and musical dimensions) in Zimbabwe’s recent past has been faced with the political urgency of (re)defining the land question. Literary texts such as Nyaradzo Mtizira’s novel The Chimurenga Protocol, theatre performances such as Christopher Mlalazi’s ‘Election Day’ and musical compositions by the war veteran singer Dickson Chingaira are some of the artistic productions that reveal conflicting perspectives on the land and its significance in the people’s search for selfdetermination and national identity. Using the example of Nyaradzo Mtizira’s novel The Chimurenga Protocol, this article argues that whilst many Zimbabwean writers published in the post-2000 period have attempted to imagine ‘alternative’ national identities, the text’s anti-West thematic and aesthetic texture resonates with the state’s post-2000 ideological grand narratives of the nation and can therefore be read as the newest form of resistance literature in Zimbabwe’s postcolonial literary oeuvre.

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Hapanyengwi-Chemhuru, Oswell, and Edward Shizha. "Unhu/Ubuntu and Education for Reconciliation in Zimbabwe." Journal of Contemporary Issues in Education 7, no. 2 (May 22, 2013). http://dx.doi.org/10.20355/c5xw2d.

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The paper examines the concept, strengths and shortcomings, role and implementation of the reconciliation policy as Zimbabwe emerged from periods of conflict crisis soon after independence in the 1980s, and the current crisis in the 2000s and how the policy can be introduced in schools through ‘education for reconciliation’. The authors argue that education can be used to cultivate reconciliation and national healing in the evidently ‘wounded’ people of Zimbabwe who bear scars of colonial times and war, and the post-independence conflicts. Reconciliation through education for “diversity” and tolerance makes a compelling argument in so far as we understand how education shapes culture and cultivates values among a people. Education for reconciliation is perceived as a philosophy that promotes respect for human life and human dignity. The paper concludes that education is an instrument for the inculcation and promotion of the epistemic and ontological principles enshrined in the African philosophy of Ubuntu/unhu.

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Kaziboni, Tabeth. "The Impact of Gender Education on the Attitudes of Post-independence Women in Zimbabwe." Zimbabwe Journal of Educational Research 14, no. 2 (January 17, 2005). http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/zjer.v14i2.26011.

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Mberengwa, I. "Human – environment relations in Zimbabwe: the case of land – pre colonial, colonial, and post – independence periods." Journal of Business and Administrative Studies 2, no. 1 (February 10, 2011). http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/jbas.v2i1.63519.

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Chigwata, Tinashe C., and Sylvester Marumahoko. "Intergovernmental planning and budgeting in Zimbabwe: learning the lessons of the past." Commonwealth Journal of Local Governance, June 19, 2018, 172–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/cjlg.v0i20.6140.

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In Zimbabwe, the Prime Minister’s Directives on Decentralisation and Development of 1984 and 1985, together with the Provincial Council and Administration Act 1985, constitute the foundation for post-independence attempts to ensure effective governance. The Directives provided for the establishment of hierarchical structures and mechanisms to coordinate government activities, including development planning at various levels of government. This paper asks whether these structures and mechanisms have been effective in promoting ‘sound’ intergovernmental planning and budgeting, and whether they are still relevant given that in 2013 Zimbabwe adopted a new Constitution with greater promises, visions and demands than its predecessor, the Lancaster House Constitution. The paper argues that the adoption of a new Constitution provides a valuable opportunity to reform the intergovernmental planning and budgeting process, which to date has proved ineffective in fostering integrated and coherent effective governance.

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Mamvura, Zvinashe. "‘Is Mugabe Also Among the National Deities and Kings?’: Place Renaming and the Appropriation of African Chieftainship Ideals and Spirituality in Mugabe’s Zimbabwe." Journal of Asian and African Studies, February 10, 2021, 002190962199279. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909621992794.

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This article examines the elite construction of cultural landscapes in Harare. Since assuming the reins of power in the Zimbabwe African Nation Union (ZANU) in 1977, Robert Mugabe invented a political culture that conflated him with spirit mediums whom the nationalist movement had elevated to national deities and dead kings. Mugabe continued to cultivate this political culture in the post-colonial era using different discourses of self-presentation. The place-renaming exercise that the Mugabe regime implemented immediately after independence was part of Mugabe’s self-legitimating efforts. This article establishes that the place-renaming system in Harare projected Mugabe as a divine king.

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Matsimbe, Zefanias. "Ndlovu-Gatsheni, Sabelo J. (ed), Mugabeism? History, Politics, and Power in Zimbabwe. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015, 319pp." Strategic Review for Southern Africa 38, no. 2 (December 22, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.35293/srsa.v38i2.259.

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This is an 'all in one' kind of book about the history, politics, and economy of Zimbabwe from the liberation struggle on. The book is about Robert Mugabe and his Mugabeism, or what Mugabe 'says' he is and what he Strategic Review for Southern Africa, Vol 38, No 2 Book Reviews 174 'exactly is'. It responds to the lack of biographies on Mugabe who is the oldest and the longest serving post-independence African statesman, the man whose life has been dominated by secrecy, rumours and gossip. The book consists of several essays written by scholars from different disciplines, trying to make sense of Mugabe by exploring the various, contested meanings of the Mugabe phenomenon, his thinking, his feeling and his modus operandi. With convincing arguments, the book shows how the life of Mugabe is intrinsically linked to the history of Zimbabwe and ZANU-PF. The book reveals the great secret of how Mugabe has survived internal and external challenges and pressures.

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Muruviwa, Addmore T., Nono G. Tshabalala, and Tapiwa G. Muruviwa. "THE POLITICAL INDEPENDENCE, ABUSES OF POWER AND THE POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC PREDICAMENT OF POST-COLONIAL AFRICAN STATES. THE DILEMMA OF POST-INDEPENDENT ZIMBABWE." PONTE International Scientific Researches Journal 77, no. 3 (2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.21506/j.ponte.2021.3.3.

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Nyandoro, Mark, and Terence T. Muzorewa. "Transition from growth point policy to liberal urban development in Zimbabwe: The emergence of Ruwa Town, 1980–1991." Journal for Transdisciplinary Research in Southern Africa 13, no. 1 (October 16, 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/td.v13i1.426.

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This article traces the transition from growth point policy to liberal development in the emergence of Ruwa Town in Zimbabwe from independence in 1980 to 1990/1991 when the town was declared an urban area under the administration of the Ruwa Local Board. In this period, there was a dire need for urban infrastructure (catalysed by a boom in urban population) in what was originally a commercial farming area. The article also analyses the role of private– public sector partnerships in promoting urban development. It contends that the establishment of Ruwa Growth Point and the town is closely associated with the rise of Private Land Developer Companies (PLDCs) in Zimbabwe. It further argues that all post-colonial established towns in Zimbabwe emerged out of the Government’s direct investment initiated under the growth centre policy. However, the development of Ruwa was not influenced by the Government, but by a transition from the State-led growth point policy to a liberal urban development approach, which involved public–private partnerships in infrastructural development and facilitation of public amenities. The economic liberalisation process adopted by the country in the early 1990s weakened the growth point policy and gave private actors leverage to enter the urban land market, which was originally monopolised by the Government. The failure of the Government-led growth point policy and the local authorities’ incapability to finance infrastructure development to improve service delivery forced the Ruwa Local Board to seek partnerships with PLDCs. The post-colonial State’s acquiescence to draw on the services provided by PLDCs demonstrates that the companies were effective instruments in ensuring the success of the liberal urban development strategy

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Ncube, Richman, and Selaelo T. Kgatla. "‘The farm that became a great problem’: Epworth Mission Station and the manifestation of mission in crisis in post-independence Zimbabwe." HTS Teologiese Studies / Theological Studies 77, no. 2 (June 29, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/hts.v77i2.6326.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Post-independence Zimbabwe'

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