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Journal articles on the topic 'Post Soviet Desire'
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1
Egorova, Mariya V., Nadezhda V. Korshunova, and Elizaveta Yu Egorova. "Post-Soviet Historiography about the Relationship between Catherine II and the French Enlighteners." Общество: философия, история, культура, no. 9 (September 20, 2023): 81–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.24158/fik.2023.9.12.
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The study scrutinizes the views of post-Soviet historians on the relationship between Catherine II and the French enlighteners. The most characteristic and common views are identified. It is deemed that the research-es of the post-soviet period had confirmed the views of the pre-revolutionary and soviet historians on the moti-vation of these relationships. On the part of the Empress, this is the fear of nascent public opinion; revenge on the French court; hypocrisy, a game; illusions of Catherine II; the desire to communicate with intelligent people. On the part of the French enlighteners: political illusions; interest in Russia; fear of revolution “from below”. Nevertheless, the historians of the post-Soviet period, apart to the above, had tried to explain these relation-ships by the Empress’s desire to find equal interlocutors for herself, since it was difficult for her to do this among her entourage in Russia. In their opinion, the desire for simple human communication encouraged Catherine II to seek correspondence partners in the society of French enlighteners.
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Uygun, Banu Nilgün. "Post-socialist scapes of economy and desire." Focaal 2004, no. 43 (2004): 27–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/092012904782311399.
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This essay explores the sexual-economic transactions between Turkish men and women from the former Soviet Union (FSU), focusing on Trabzon, a Turkish port town on the southeast coast of the Black Sea. I first provide background on 'the new migration' from the FSU to Turkey, paying particular attention to some of the political stakes in discussions of transnational sex work. I then explore these issues through the stories of two migrant women from the FSU who live in Trabzon. In these stories I highlight the ambiguity and complexity of sexual-economic transactions between local men and migrant women to show the inadequacy of the category 'sex work'. Finally, I turn to the demand side of the equation and consider the ideologies shaping the perceptions of local men. I situate them within the context of discourses of modernity in Turkey as they are reconfigured by Turkey's integration into global markets.
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Bugaeva, Lyubov D. "The Soviet Past on the Post-Soviet Screen." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Arts 12, no. 2 (2022): 243–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu15.2022.202.
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A popular and widespread theme in contemporary Russian cinema and television is the Soviet past reconstructed with various degrees of accuracy. This “documentary desire” aspires not only to access historical reality through visual representations of Soviet life in the 1960s, 1970s, or 1980s, but to use Soviet images as an instrument for emotional manipulation of the viewer by evoking or creating “memories” for those who do not have the Soviet experience. The article focuses on strategies, from the “visual document” to the “factory of memories,” that are used to present the Soviet past on the small and large screens. It is interesting to consider the purpose of recycling the Soviet theme. Addressing the past does not necessarily constitute nostalgia; it could be a glimpse into the future, or rather, a construction of the future through the past. The viewer, involved in the “make-believe” strategy, not only begins to believe that the events shown on screen took place in reality, but also that the source of information about those events is reliable. The cinematic “picture” either creates an image of the Soviet past or replaces the existing conception in the viewer’s mind. Interestingly though, the study of TV series about the Soviet past demonstrates that the rejection of the inevitability of the traumatic experience of tragic moments in Soviet history may paradoxically contribute to finding alternative solutions for social conflicts in the present and in the future, and this is what these TV series aspire to do.
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Baer, B. J. "RUSSIAN GAYS/WESTERN GAZE: Mapping (Homo)Sexual Desire in Post-Soviet Russia." GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 8, no. 4 (2002): 499–521. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10642684-8-4-499.
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Golubev, Alexey. "The Desirable Things of Ogoniok: The Material Face of a Soviet Illustrated Magazine from Stalin to Brezhnev." Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 43, no. 2 (2016): 152–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763324-04302003.
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This article examines the popular Soviet illustrated magazine Ogoniok as a site that provoked, negotiated, and exposed consumer desire in post-World War II USSR. It argues that Ogoniok was an important medium that produced and reflected cultural fantasies of material possessions in Soviet society. The article identifies and describes changes in the principles of visual representation of material objects in the magazine, and interprets them as an evidence of changes in the social form of the Soviet commodity. Finally, it analyzes the visual form of Soviet commodity and aims to understand the social relations that encapsulated Soviet commodity-value.
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Ershov, Vitalii F. "EUROPEAN UNION FINANCIAL POLICY IN THE POST-SOVIET SPACE AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 21ST CENTURY. EXPERIENCE AND PROSPECTS." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Eurasian studies. History. Political science. International relations, no. 3 (2020): 10–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2686-7648-2020-3-10-28.
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The paper deals with the formation of a modern style of financial relations between the European Union and post-Soviet states. The author explores the objectives and features of the implementation of two main components of the European financial policy in the post-Soviet space: investment in the development and commercial activities of private capital. The EU financial policy in the post-Soviet states advances in the context of pan-European humanitarian, geopolitical and energy concepts established at the beginning of the 21st century. Despite certain differences that exist in the approaches of the European Union to dialogue with groups of countries within the frameworks of the Eastern Partnership and the EU Strategy for Central Asia, a common line is seen here on investments in promoting the education, European values, legal standards of banking. At the same time, in relations between Europe and the post-Soviet countries there is a tendency towards the adoption of the principles of financial pragmatism and a desire for long-term investment ties. The expanding role of the European banks and investment companies in economic life in the post-Soviet space is in direct connection with the realization of the modernization potential in post-Soviet states.
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Komarovskiy, V. "Migration Flows Diversification – a Real Prospect or an Imitation of the Problem?" Russia and New States of Eurasia, no. 2 (2022): 146–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2073-4786-2022-2-146-164.
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The article deals with the problems of migration flows in the post-Soviet space. An attempt was made to answer the question of whether there is a reorientation of migration flows directed to Russia to other directions. The answer is that in general, in the foreseeable future, the Russian labor market will retain its fundamental role for the post-Soviet countries. The desire to diversify the directions of labor migration is a natural process, but in the current realities, the search for new markets for labor migration is not capable of creating real competition for Russia.
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Sharueva, Marina V. "AWARD SYSTEMS OF RUSSIA, POST-SOVIET COUNTRIES AND THEIR ASSOCIATIONS (LEGAL ASPECTS)." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Eurasian Studies. History. Political Science. International Relations, no. 3 (2024): 71–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2686-7648-2024-3-71-93.
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The article analyzes the legislative base of award systems in Russia and post-Soviet countries. The study of legislation allows us to conclude that during the years of independence in all post-Soviet countries a clear hierarchical model of state encouragement of distinguished citizens in all spheres of society has developed. The author states that the legal norms regulating that sphere are based on the constitutions of republics, decisions of their constitutional courts, national laws, acts of parliaments, decrees of heads of state, etc. An important feature of post-Soviet award systems is that in their legislative support one can find traditions and rules of the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union. Historically conditioned multi-layered legislative base of post-Soviet award systems has a number of characteristic shortcomings, to which the article pays special attention. For example, the author notes the eclecticism admitted by the authorities in the formation of national award systems and conditioned by the desire to preserve historical traditions. Also, the constant changes, amendments and additions to the existing laws, and the endless adoption of their new editions contribute to the growth of legal and logical contradictions in the award business. A special issue of multinational post-Soviet states, in particular, Russia, is the combination of incongruous or poorly matched symbols in the design of awards, which are ambiguously perceived by different ethno-national and confessional groups of the population
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Asgarli, Tural. "Russian Propaganda – A Tool for Rebuilding the Soviet Union?" Athenaeum Polskie Studia Politologiczne 83, no. 3 (2024): 81–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/athena.2024.83.05.
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This paper aims to shed light on the propaganda tool Russia has chosen to promote its imperial desire – the reconstruction of the Soviet Union. The research takes the Putin era, from the year 2000 to the present, as a timeframe. The data in this research was primarily a library-based study using primary research resources. The study uses a systemic method by approaching the post- Cold War era as a system impacted by Russia’s policies in the decision-making sphere. The primary research question: Is propaganda a tool for rebuilding the Soviet Union? The hypothesis: Russian propaganda serves as a strategic tool for fostering sentiments of unity and potential efforts to revive the appearance of the Soviet Union. A detailed description of the following questions helps provide tremendous insight into implementing the main question: What is Russia’s propaganda strategy? How does Russia’s disinformation and propaganda strategy operate in post-Soviet countries?
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Patico, Jennifer. "Kinship and Crisis: Embedded Economic Pressures and Gender Ideals in Postsocialist International Matchmaking." Slavic Review 69, no. 1 (2010): 16–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0037677900016685.
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The rise of the international matchmaking industry has been particularly rapid and noticeable in the former Soviet Union, where the end of the Cold War has intersected with daily socioeconomic pressures to make cross-cultural romance and marriage newly possible and newly desirable for some women of Russia, Ukraine, and other post-Soviet states. Less acknowledged than the role of economics in women's decision making, however, is the fact that postsocialist financial strains are not experienced in social vacuums but are mediated by ideals of gender and marriage, such that the search for a foreign spouse is unlikely to be experienced as a simple desire for increased material comfort. Instead, discourses of gender “crisis” in the home country inform the desires for transnational kinship for both women from the former Soviet Union and men from the United States. When both women's and men's narratives of “crisis” (and how transnational marriage might alleviate it) are taken into account, they significantly complicate our understandings of east-west relations of “commodification” and power.
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Вальковский, Антон, and Anton Valkovskiy. "«AVANGRAD»: VOLGOGRAD PERESTROIKA AND POST-SOVIET PERFORMANCE (1986–2005)." Servis Plus 10, no. 3 (2016): 93–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/21396.
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The article aims to reconstruct systematically the history of the Volgograd performance, trace the lineage and interferences, the role of the major art-festivals in the emergence of new generations of artists, as well as to disclose variability of procedural art-practices in Volgograd from 1986 to 2005. Summing up the performance review of the Volgograd two decades (mid-1980s to mid-2000s), the author notes that it was not a coher- ent movement or systematic process, and was not institutionalized due to the lack of a system of commercial galleries, inspiring artistic process in Moscow and St. Petersburg. A gradual attenuation of the Square as a social and cultural education and place of attraction for artists, localized in the heart of the city, caused a gradual centrifugal movement towards the outlying, uninhabited, abandoned spaces and places of pilgrimage (the graveyard of ships, Krasnoslobodskaya kosa, Moratnike), which was associated with their romanticize, aestheticization, by a certain opacity. However, throughout the period under review we can identify several General trends: the desire of artists to theatrical, carnival, spectacularity, as well as spontaneous and impro- vised action.
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DeYoung, Alan J. "The erosion of vospitaniye (social upbringing) in post-Soviet Kyrgyzstan: Voices from the schools." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 40, no. 2 (2007): 239–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2007.03.005.
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Independent Kyrgyzstan has inherited the Soviet school system, including vospitaniye as an essential part. Soviet social policy was driven by the belief that building communism partly depended upon the creation of the ‘‘Soviet man.’’ Such an individual would demonstrate unwavering commitment to aims of the October Revolution, and desire to undertake the technological and scientific training required to achieve collective purposes. The resulting social cohesion among like-minded individuals would thus reinforce the economic and political aims of the USSR. A primary institutional location for the creation of such individuals was the secondary school, formally organized to achieve two distinct but equally important goals: the transmission of formal knowledge (obrazovaniye) and the process of social upbringing (vospitaniye). This paper first considers the critical nature of vospitaniye as an aim of the USSR, an aim typically underestimated in the current discourse of reforming post-Soviet schools. It then suggests contemporary dilemmas voiced by practicing educators in several Kyrgyz schools who are still charged with social upbringing, but in a climate where the ideals and values upon which vospitaniye was initially created appear no longer viable.
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SHAKHNOVICH, MARIANNA M. "RETURN FROM OBLIVION: PUBLICATIONS ABOUT N.M. MATORIN (1898-1936) AND HIS SCIENTIFIC AND ORGANIZATIONAL ACTIVITIES." Study of Religion, no. 3 (2020): 112–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.22250/2072-8662.2020.3.112-119.
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The author analyzes the reasons for the hard return of Nikolay Matorin (1898-1936) creative works to Russian historiography of the post-Soviet period. She sees them not only in the withdrawal of Matorin’s works from libraries in the Stalin era, but also in the opinion of the modern academic community that he was only a “provincial propagandist of atheism”, a party nominee who was not engaged in research, who completely denied expeditionary collecting work, who sought to destroy ethnography and the science of religion, replacing it with a struggle with religious remnants. This opinion arose under the influence of some early post-Soviet publications, which appeared on the wave of an understandable desire to update Russian ethnography and this desire caused the denying of the right of Marxism to exist as a theoretical basis for research. The article is accompanied by the publication of three letters to the daughter of N. Matorin, written in the mid-1960s, shedding light on the appearance of the first publications about him.
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Skvirskaja, Vera. "Native Marriage “Soviet” and “Russian” Style." Sibirica 17, no. 2 (2018): 41–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/sib.2018.170204.
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Based on fieldwork in Nenets tundra encampments and multiethnic villages on the northern Yamal Peninsula, this article discusses people’s experiences and expectations of married life. Two types of marriage—”arranged” and “love marriage”—are used to illustrate how marriage brings to the fore the political economy of desire and local reflections on the good society. The article suggests that while Soviet ideology and post-Soviet neotraditionalist discourses have endorsed customary attitudes toward arranged Nenets marriage, love marriage including marriage with Russians often leads to a situation in which “love” or “alien romance” is tempered by “reason” rather than relying on a “modern” nuclear family ideal. It argues that tundra marriage, including arranged marriage, is commonly underwritten by subjectively understood chances of leading a good family life.
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Bozovic, Marijeta. "The Voices of Keti Chukhrov: Radical Poetics after the Soviet Union." Modern Language Quarterly 80, no. 4 (2019): 453–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00267929-7777819.
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Abstract The newest Russian poetic avant-garde wields highly aware appropriations and remediations in stark opposition to mainstream cultural phenomena, including nostalgia for the imperial and militant aestheticized politics of the Soviet Union. Efforts to think leftward beyond the state socialist past to a global egalitarian future challenge both Russian and “Western” narratives in our increasingly interconnected world. The Georgian-born Russian-language poet Keti Chukhrov, in particular, theorizes powerlessness in deeply local yet globally familiar ways. Despite the many voices rumbling through her work, Chukhrov’s theses are consistent: art must be communist; all desire, even faked, is political eros; and the post-Soviet subject is not even dead. Chukhrov embeds her politics in institutional critique, lends her labor to collectives and collaborations, and refracts her poetic voice into multitudes.
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Putina, Natalia. "Contribution of diasporas to the development of the states of origin (post-Soviet countries case)." Moldoscopie 1 (LXXXIV) (March 15, 2019): 71–80. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3366033.
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If former ethnic groups in the USSR were living under the slogan of one people, then the Soviet collapse brought about significant changes. The end of the twentieth century and the beginning of the 21st century were marked by the creation of an iconic ethnic painting. In other words, a compact society becomes suddenly divided into ethnic minorities, and Diasporas was created not necessarily as a condition of emigration. Gradually, migration procedures have been considerably simplified, which has particularly marked the creation of Diasporas in the post-Soviet space. The desire to look for a better way of life, but also access to education abroad has given the green light to migration flows. Thus, the diaspora communities from the 15 states that were formerly part of the USSR began to be formed. The article will analize the relationship between Diasporas belonging to the post-Soviet states and their homelands, in particular, Russian Federation, Belarus, Ucraine, and Caucasian ans States cases, and states policies related to diaspora engagement in motherland development
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Malysheva, D. B. "Problems of Regionalization in Post-Soviet Central Asia." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 13, no. 3 (2020): 140–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2020-13-3-8.
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Different interpretations of the concept of “Central Asia” (CA) as well as mutual definitions of its geographical borders indicate the incompleteness in the process of forming Central Asia as a region. Regionalization as an effective form of upholding and promoting by Central Asian countries their national interests is distinguished in Central Asia by a multilevel characterization. It includes the desire of the republics to promote their national interests as sovereign states, then to develop their trade, economic and political interaction within the framework of integration processes, and to join various integration initiatives and supranational projects with a wide range of non‑regional participants. Central Asian states’ attempts to develop intra‑regional cooperation in the period from 1994 to 2005 ended in failure. Since 2017, the idea of a “new integration” has been gaining popularity in Central Asia, and it is considered to be a part of the construction within the framework of the Union of Central Asian States which is planned for creation. Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan claim for the role of “region‑forming” countries and two cores around which the development of hypothetical regional integration is possible. At the same time, the foreign policy of Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, their approaches to security problems have a kind of differences, while their regional neighbors are also differ from each other in their approaches to some economic and social issues; the resource base of Central Asian states is incomparable either. Therefore, there are many factors that hinder a regionalization as well as an integration. Among them are the centripetal aspirations of the Central Asian countries/ They prefer, instead of neighbors in the region, external partners and markets, international financial institutions and donor structures. There are objective obstacles that impede regionalization, including the fact that the five republics of the region reluctant to share the sovereignty acquired after the collapse of the USSR in favor of supranational structures, whether they operate on the scale of the post‑Soviet space or they are planned to be created within the region.
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Chekalenko, L., and M. Doroshko. "Structural Transformations of the Post-Soviet Space: Challenges for Ukraine." Problems of World History, no. 3 (May 16, 2017): 140–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2017-3-7.
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The causes of the collapse of the USSR and the creation of the CIS have been channelled, and one’s own point of view regarding these problems has been stated. The policy of Ukraine in the CIS, the struggle of our country for the democratization of the post-Soviet space is grounded. It is proved that the main component of the collapse of the USSR was a personal factor, a desire to take out of the shadows a huge property, which could not be done during the time of the communist system. Among the crisis phenomena of the post-Soviet space are identified as the main ones: the lack of security and appropriate security guarantees, the non-recognition and undefined state borders of the NIS, the severe economic competition of the NIS in third markets, the Kremlin’s dictate and blackmail, trade wars, raw materials dependence, lack of access to the sea and so on. The war that Russia is waging against Ukraine, as a “litmus test”, has revealed the strategic partners of our country in the post-Soviet space, as well as its hidden enemies. The authors characterize the cautious policy of Ukraine towards the CIS, which manifested itself throughout the years of organization’s existence, assess the current situation that has developed around Ukraine and the CIS.
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Tereshchuk, Vitaliy. "Political and Institutional Characteristics of the Entry of the CEE Region into Regional Media Systems During the Bipolar and Post-Bipolar Periods." Politeja 15, no. 6(57) (2019): 215–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.15.2018.57.12.
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In the newly shaped post‑WWI Europe the CEE region was an integral part of the pan‑European media system. The iron curtain that split Europe into two parts in the bipolar period, inevitably led to the emergence of two separate media systems, i.e. the Western European one and the one driven by the USSR (and existing predominantly in Eastern‑European states). These systems were institutionalized by the establishment of separate broadcasting alliances and corresponding TV programme exchange networks. At the same time, in the context of the Cold War, the CEE region was a key target of Western broadcasting with the aim to counter Soviet propaganda and political influence. This factor reinforced by the willingness of the CEE countries to preserve their European identity caused the socialist media system (as well as other Soviet integration projects) to remain artificial and to be rejected in the region. It was clearly confirmed at the beginning of the post‑bipolar period, when, after the collapse of the socialist camp and the USSR, the Soviet‑driven International Radio and Television Organization ceased to exist, and the CEE countries integrated into the European Broadcasting Union, unleashing their desire to “return to Europe”. At the same time, in the context of a policy aimed at preserving control over the post‑Soviet space, Russia makes efforts which could be regarded as an attempt to restore (preserve) the common media space in the post‑Soviet territories. In the paper the CEE region is regarded in the broadest way, including all states which were in socialist bloc, and appropriate former European Soviet republics.
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Baranova, Ekaterina S., and Mark N. Rudman. "POLITICAL AND LEGAL ASPECTS OF DEVELOPMENT INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION WITHIN THE EURASIAN SPACE." Vestnik BIST (Bashkir Institute of Social Technologies), no. 2(59) (June 29, 2023): 140–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.47598/2078-9025-2023-2-59-140-146.
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The article examines the ideological, geopolitical and international legal factors of Eurasian cooperation and reasons for the low pace of its development. As a leading barrier to the deepening of trade and economic integration of the post-Soviet countries, the desire of the post-Soviet states to prevent the restriction of national sovereignty and infringement of national economic interests is highlighted. The purpose of the study is to identify political and legal problems of deepening Eurasian cooperation and ways to eliminate them. The history of relations between Russia and Kazakhstan through the creation of a single trade and economic space is used as an empirical base that allows us to fully reveal the content of interaction between the leaders of Eurasian integration and barriers to its development. Methods: formallegal, historical-legal and comparative-legal.
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Baranova, Ekaterina S., and Mark N. Rudman. "POLITICAL AND LEGAL ASPECTS OF DEVELOPMENT INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION WITHIN THE EURASIAN SPACE." Vestnik BIST (Bashkir Institute of Social Technologies), no. 2(59) (June 29, 2023): 141–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.47598/2078-9025-2023-2-59-141-147.
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The article examines the ideological, geopolitical and international legal factors of Eurasian cooperation and reasons for the low pace of its development. As a leading barrier to the deepening of trade and economic integration of the post-Soviet countries, the desire of the post-Soviet states to prevent the restriction of national sovereignty and infringement of national economic interests is highlighted. The purpose of the study is to identify political and legal problems of deepening Eurasian cooperation and ways to eliminate them. The history of relations between Russia and Kazakhstan through the creation of a single trade and economic space is used as an empirical base that allows us to fully reveal the content of interaction between the leaders of Eurasian integration and barriers to its development. Methods: formallegal, historical-legal and comparative-legal.
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Popov, Aleksey, and Oleg Romanko. "“Myths Making”: Western View of Soviet/Russian Historical Memory (Book Review: Davis, V. Myth Making in the Soviet Union and Modern Russia: Remembering World War Two in Brezhnev’s Hero City [Text] / V. Davis. – London : I.B. Taurus, 2018. – 351 p.)." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 1 (February 2020): 120–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2020.1.10.
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Introduction. The publication is a review of the monograph of British researcher V. Davis, dedicated to the Soviet and Post-Soviet memory of the Great Patriotic War in the hero city of Novorossiysk. Methods and materials. Based on a significant set of published materials and oral interviews, the author characterizes discourse, memorials, and practices related to the genesis and subsequent development of the “myth about Malaya Zemlya”. From the methodological point of view, the peer-reviewed monograph is written from the position of the popular direction of memory studies in the West and is characterized by interdisciplinarity, increased attention to the analysis of memorial discourse, visual representations and social practices, while completely ignoring the complex of archival sources on the research topic. Analysis and Results. The main conclusion of the author is that through its association with L.I. Brezhnev’s biography during his reign, the “malozemelniy myth” became an important part of not only local but also national historical memory. Generally, the reviewed book is a valuable contribution to the study of the collective memory of the Great Patriotic War of the Soviet and Post-Soviet period, and the debatable nature of its individual provisions can serve as an incentive for the emergence of new studies. The main disadvantage of the book in terms of its scientific significance is the author’s desire to impose on the reader non-obvious political conclusions about the total mythology of the Soviet/Post-Soviet memory of the Great Patriotic War, as well as the permanent militarism of public consciousness in the USSR/Russia.
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Pylypiuk, Kateryna. "The evolution of US political propaganda in the context of geopolitical confrontation of the post-bipolar era." Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, no. 8 (December 28, 2020): 86–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2020.8.86-101.
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The article analyzes the evolution of the propaganda of the United States of America after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The end of the Cold War marked the beginning of a new era. For America, it was an opportunity to establish itself as the only superpower of that time. Realizing the full force of informational and psychological influence, the United States began to build a policy that would focus on psychological operations without the use of physical weapons and force. In addition, the claim to the title of a single superpower and the desire to reduce the influence of the Russian Federation on the countries of the post-Soviet space forced to bear the burden of an state which participate in resolving any conflicts that may arise.
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Gorshenin, Aleksandr Vladimirovich. "The biography and scientific work of the Soviet microbiologist Z.V. Yermolyeva: historiographic characteristics of post-Soviet publications." Samara Journal of Science 9, no. 4 (2020): 268–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv202094210.
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This paper provides a brief analysis of works that consider the main stages of the scientific biography of the famous Soviet scientist-microbiologist, academician of medicine Zinaida Vissarionovna Yermolyeva (18981974). Among the most famous achievements of the scientist are the receipt of the first Soviet penicillin and the prevention of the cholera epidemic in Stalingrad during the Great Patriotic War. Her scientific interests had a fairly wide range: from cholera and antibiotics to lysozyme, interferon and other biologically active substances. Speaking about Z.V. Yermolyeva, the famous Soviet microbiologist and epidemiologist, academician N.F. Gamaleya noted that she as a researcher is characterized by a desire to work in the area that is currently the most urgent for socialist health care. Indeed, getting acquainted with the biography of this amazing woman scientist, it becomes clear why she switched from one research direction into another this was her ability to quickly respond to the needs of the country and the challenges of the time. Given a great importance to the figure of Z.V. Yermolyeva in the history of Russian science, it seems relevant to establish a degree of study of this problem. The author of this paper has already carried out a brief analysis of the historiography of the works in the Soviet period on the history of Zinaida Yermolyevas scientific activities; therefore this paper is its logical continuation.
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Light, Matthew, and Eugene Slonimerov. "How gun control policies evolve: Gun culture, ‘gunscapes’ and political contingency in post-Soviet Georgia." Theoretical Criminology 24, no. 4 (2019): 590–611. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1362480618822832.
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We analyse the influence of gun culture and exogenous political events on gun regulation in post-Soviet Georgia. While neighbouring states retain restrictive Soviet-era gun laws, in Georgia, state failure, armed conflict and proliferation of weapons during the 1990s all impelled recent governments towards moderate gun policies, including liberal rules on handgun ownership, strict rules on gun carriage and a national gun registry. We conceptualize gun policy as the product of relatively durable institutional legacies and underlying social attitudes—in this case, a distinctive post-communist ‘gunscape’—which constrain future policy development; and specific political conjunctures, which provide opportunities for limited policy experimentation. While Georgian gun owners desire weapons for self-defence, sport and the affirmation of masculinity, they do not seek to defy the state or replace its role in collective security, leading to a moderate ‘harm reduction’ approach to regulation that may be applicable in other post-conflict societies.
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Lunkin, R. N., and S. V. Melnik. "Interreligious Dialogue: the Actual Meaning, Typology and Features of the Post-Soviet Space." Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue, no. 2 (May 31, 2024): 52–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.53658/rw2024-4-2(12)-52-65.
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The article presents the authors’ thoughts on the reasons for the growing role of the religious factor in modern international relations, and the risks associated with the politicization of religions. It is concluded that religious diversity and at the same time the commonality of basic values directly correlate with the emerging multipolarity of the modern world. It is noted that against the backdrop of the crisis of the Western liberal order and neoliberal ideology, religion and its institutions have become symbols of new fundamentalism, that is, an ideology that calls for a return to the foundations of faith and one’s worldview and culture. The growing role of religion as an institution of civil society and the need to make this institution stronger, to integrate it into civil society and into the system of patriotic education are noted. A classification of types of interreligious dialogue (polemical, cognitive, peacemaking, partnership) and levels of interreligious dialogue (high, medium, low) is presented. The specifics of interreligious dialogue in the post-Soviet space and the features of post-Soviet religious and political identity, the new attitude of political authorities to the institutions of faith are determined: the desire to integrate them into the social structure of society and into social policy. A brief description of interreligious dialogue in the USSR and in the post-Soviet period is given. The prospects for the development of ethno-confessional relations in the post-Soviet space are considered. Recommendations are given for the development of interreligious dialogue at the present stage.
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Romanko, Oleg, and Ekaterina Prosolova. "Memory of Betraition: The Image of a Collaborationist in Post-War Soviet Cinema." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 1 (March 2023): 240–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2023.1.22.
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Introduction. Researchers have studied manifestations of collaborationism of Soviet citizens during the Great Patriotic War quite well, however, the problem of the perception of collaborators in the postwar period needs additional coverage. Of particular interest is the reflection of this topic in art cinema, which was one of the most important means of propaganda. Methods and materials. The basis of the study was a systematic approach. Historical-genetic and historical-comparative methods were applied, in addition, content analysis was used to identify characteristic characters, images, ideas in films. The study was carried out on the basis of published materials, as well as archival files, which make it possible to compare the motivation of collaborators during the Great Patriotic War with its representation in Soviet cinema. Analysis. The study of the evolution of the coverage of the Great Patriotic War and related events in cinema made it possible to identify the main genre and stylistic devices used to demonstrate the place and role of collaborators. Through the analysis of the motivation of collaborators based on the protocols of their interrogations and investigative cases, as well as the consideration of their behavior in feature films, the functions of this topic in the Soviet propaganda discourse were determined. Results. The study of the methods and forms of demonstration of collaborationism showed this problem was reflected in Soviet cinema throughout the entire post-war period. Cooperation with the Germans was explained by several reasons: nationalist motives, hatred of the Soviet regime, cowardice or a desire to save one’s own life, or pathological manifestations up to mental illness. Authors’ contribution. O.V. Romanko proposed the concept of the article, supervised the research, studied the sources and historiography of the problem, and edited the final text of the paper. E.V. Prosolova carried out analytical work on the analysis of sources, systematization and classification of the image of a collaborator in Soviet cinema, designed the text of the article.
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Guangxiang, Zhang, and Su Ning. "Soviet Women and the Great Patriotic War (1941–1945): Towards a Historiographical Debate." Quaestio Rossica 13, no. 2 (2025): 436–58. https://doi.org/10.15826/qr.2025.2.976.
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The role of Soviet women in achieving the victory of the Soviet Union in the Great Patriotic War against Nazi Germany and its allies is a topic with a long historiographical tradition. In the latest studies carried out by both Russian historians (including late Soviet ones) and historians from other countries, this topic is considered in the mainstream of several major trends. One of them is related to the issues of economic history. Along with teenagers and elderly people, women became the most important labor resource during the war, massively replacing men of working age who went to the front. Their participation in the staffing of all sectors of the Soviet state economy is an unprecedented example of the implementation of one of the models of the mobilization economy caused by the war. But this gives rise to another trend: due to what, by what methods was it possible to carry out a mass mobilization of female labor? The classical version of Soviet historiography unambiguously characterized this process as a labor feat based on a high and nationwide sense of patriotism. Some post-Soviet and many Western historians see it primarily as a result of Soviet propaganda and state coercion. Finally, the position of women in production during the Great Patriotic War, their working and living conditions are considered in the context of the “new social history”, i. e. the history of everyday life, gender history, etc. Based on statistical indicators, this article summarizes the empirical material proving that Soviet women, in fact, for the first time in the world, turned out to be a determining force in meeting the needs of the military economy. Their labor achievements, material support for the front through the Defense Fund, and the donor movement were mainly the result of a sincere and selfless desire. It was caused by hatred of the enemy and the desire to support the fighting men, which, among other things, reconciled them with the strict labor legislation and difficult working and living conditions inevitable in the conditions of total war.
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Taras, Raymond, and Marshal Zeringue. "Grand strategy in a post-bipolar world: interpreting the final Soviet response." Review of International Studies 18, no. 4 (1992): 355–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500118935.
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All great powers have a grand strategy—including great powers on the verge of collapse. Each power develops its code of national security ends and means differently. Among the myriad factors which explain particular grand strategies, the most important consideration is the distribution of power capabilities in the international system. Regardless of each state's desire to operate independently—to be master of its own grand strategy—the structure of world politics offers little latitude to do so. As in the case of decision-making processes in organizations and bureaucracies, the international system imposes its own constraints and incentives on the security goals of individual states. Primarily addressing the international environment, however, systems theory ‘provides criteria for differentiating between stable and unstable political configurations.’ The first objective of this essay is to explore the role of structure as an indirect influence on the behaviour of its constituent actors, in this case, states. ‘The effects [of structure] are produced in two ways: through socialization of the actors and through competition among them.’
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Kaganovsky, Lilya. "How the Soviet Man Was (Un)Made." Slavic Review 63, no. 3 (2004): 577–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1520345.
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Drawing on contemporary critical theory as well as postmodern post-Soviet literature and film, Lilya Kaganovsky discusses the ways Stalinist socialist realist fiction, and in particular, Nikolai Ostrovskii's How the Steel WasTempered, articulates the “dominant fiction” of Stalinism: that is, the relationship between heroism, male subjectivity, power, and bodily integrity. Positing two models of exemplary masculinity (the healthy and virile Stalinist subject on the one hand, and the wounded, mutilated, blind, and paralyzed, but nonetheless, celebrated male subject on the other) this essay seeks to understand what purpose bodily mutilation serves in Stalinist texts. By examining Pavka Korchagin's insatiable desire to keep returning to the “ranks” of the party despite the toll each return takes on his body, Kaganovsky points to the mechanisms of power and pleasure at work in socialist realist texts that, in turn, reflect the cultural fantasy of Stalinism— the (un)making of the New Soviet Man.
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Rusina, Yulia A. "“THE PARTY’S COMMANDS OR THE HEART’S DESIRE…”: SEVERAL PAGES FROM THE HISTORY OF THE SVERDLOVSK BRANCH OF THE UNION OF SOVIET WRITERS (1946)." Ural Historical Journal 71, no. 2 (2021): 169–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.30759/1728-9718-2021-2(71)-169-176.
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The article considers the traces of external influences on the works of Soviet (including Ural) writers in the first post-war year, which marked the end of the so-called first thaw period (1943–1946), a brief spiritual upsurge in the society recovering from the global catastrophe. In this article, the term external influence refers to the ideological pressure coming from the literary critics, colleagues, and other similar phenomena of Soviet culture expressed in ideological discourse. Addressing historical materials that preserved such evidence makes it possible to see the goals of the authorities aiming to control creative processes and, to a certain extent, intellectual and moral level of the authorities themselves as well. The protocols of general and party meetings of the Sverdlovsk branch of the Union of Soviet Writers for 1946 used in this study can be attributed to this kind of documentary sources. Theoretically, the analysis builds on E. A. Dobrenko’s ideas about “formation of the Soviet writer” and on the concept of “ideal type of social realism writer” proposed by T. A. Kruglova, as well as on the understanding of socialist realism as a method of structuring a literary work within the framework of socialist ideology. It was impossible to ignore the impact that the resolution of the Central Committee of the Communist Party on the journals “Zvezda” and “Leningrad” (August 14, 1946) had made on the Soviet writers. It provoked numerous discussions on “insufficiently high ideological level” of fiction in the regional branches of the Union of Soviet Writers, and restricted the course of national literature that impeded its development for years. Much attention is paid to the discussion of the unpublished short story “Meeting” (1946) by the Ural writer Nina Popova that took place in the Sverdlovsk regional organization of the Union of Soviet Writers and at the Moscow regional seminar of prose writers, as well as to the analysis of the text of the story.
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Reid, Susan E. "Cold War in the Kitchen: Gender and the De-Stalinization of Consumer Taste in the Soviet Union under Khrushchev." Slavic Review 61, no. 2 (2002): 211–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2697116.
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Consumption, a key issue in the study of post-Soviet culture, was already a central concern during the Cold War. In the late 1950s and early 1960s, the Khrushchev regime staked its legitimacy at home, and its credibility abroad, on its ability to provide its population with consumer goods and a decent standard of living. Despite promising "abundance for all" as the precondition for the imminent transition to communism, the regime could not afford to leave abundance undefined. In this article, Susan E. Reid examines the way discourses of consumption, fashion, and the ideal Soviet home sought to remake consumers’ conceptions of culturedness, good taste, and comfort in rational, modern terms that took into account the regime’s ideological commitment and economic capacity. Such efforts to shape and regulate desire were directed above all at women. Reid proposes that the study of consumption provides insights into the ways in which post-Stalinist regimes manipulated and regulated people through regimes of personal conduct, taste, and consumption habits, as opposed to coercion. Indeed, the management of consumption was as significant for the Soviet system's longevity as for its ultimate collapse.
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Malakhov, Vladimir S., Nina A. Bagdasarova, Gulnara K. Ibraeva, and Saodat K. Olimova. "Transformations of the Political Imaginary in Post-Soviet Central Asia: The Cases of Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan." Sociology of power 35, no. 1 (2023): 160–89. https://doi.org/10.22394/2074-0492-2023-1-160-189.
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The paper examines the structure and dynamics of the political imaginary of the two countries of post-Soviet Central Asia Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. As the authors show, Russia has a special place in this structure. For a long time, many ordinary citizens of these states did not perceive Russia as a foreign state on an equal footing with others. This perception was due to a number of factors, the most important of which was Soviet institutional and psychological inertia. At the institutional level, Soviet inertia was expressed primarily in the transparency of the borders between Russia and the Central Asian countries. On a psychological level, it manifested itself in nostalgia for the Soviet past. It was the overlapping of soviet nostalgia with the understanding of the importance of migration to Russia for the material well-being of households that gave rise to a high level of loyalty to Moscow. Recently, however, the Russian Federation has started to gradually become a foreign state among others in the eyes of ordinary residents of Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. In the minds of people, Russia still has a specific status, but this specificity is increasingly seen in a global context; in this context, other actors along with Moscow matter (Beijing and Washington, as well as Istanbul and Tehran). The process of turning Russia into an ordinary "abroad" was going on before, but it accelerated sharply after February 24, 2022. The authors identify signs of distancing from Russia both at the level of the ruling elites and at the level of civil society. Among these signs are, in particular, the desire of governments to demonstrate a multi-vector foreign policy, a change in the public rhetoric of top officials, as well as manifestations of anti-Russian sentiment in the public sphere of Kyrgyzstan.
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Danilov, Alexander N. "The Meanings of Life and Value Priorities of the Post-Soviet Society in the Republic of Belarus." Russian Journal of Philosophical Sciences 63, no. 10 (2020): 25–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.30727/0235-1188-2020-63-10-25-37.
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The article discusses the meanings of life and value priorities of the post- Soviet society. The author argues that, at present, there are symptoms of a global ideological crisis in the world, that the West does not have its own vision of where and how to move on and has no understanding of the future. Unfortunately, most of the post-Soviet countries do not have such vision as well. In these conditions, there are mistrust, confusion, paradoxical manifestation of human consciousness. The main meanings that determine our life-world are: the desire of citizens for social justice and social security, the desire to figure out and understand the basic values of modern society, how honestly and equally the authorities act toward their fellow citizens, and to what extent they reflect their interests. The meanings of life, which are the answers to the challenges of the time, are embodied in the cultural code of each nation, state. The growth points of new values, which will become the basis for the future sustainable development of a new civilization, have yet to be discovered in the systemic transformative changes of the culture. In this process, the emergence of a new system of values that governs human life is inevitable. However, modern technology brings new troubles to humans. It has provided wide opportunities for informational violence and public consciousness manipulation. Nowadays, the scenario that is implemented in Western consumer societies claims to be the dominant scenario. Meanwhile, today there is no country in the world that is a role model, there is no ideal that others would like to borrow. Most post-Soviet states failed to advance their societies to more decent levels of economic development, to meet the challenges of the modern information age, and to provide the population with new high living standards. Therefore, in conditions of growing confrontation, we should realistically understand the world and be ready to implement changes that will ensure sustainable development of the state and society without losing our national identity.
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Kheimets, Nina G., and Alek D. Epstein. "Confronting the languages of statehood." Language Problems and Language Planning 25, no. 2 (2001): 121–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.25.2.02khe.
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This paper reviews sociological analysis of the transformation of the link between language and identity among Soviet Jewish immigrants in Israel, focusing on their common desire for Russian language maintenance after their immigration to the State of Israel. The authors argue that although the immigrants acquire Hebrew quite fast, which improves their occupational perspectives and enriches their social life, the former Soviet Jewish intelligentsia’s perception of the dominant Israeli policy of language shift to Hebrew is extremely negative: in their view it resembles the Soviet policy of language shift to Russian. However, because of the success of Soviet language policy in suppressing Yiddish and Hebrew, the contemporary cultural world of Russian Jews has been mediated mostly in Russian. Furthermore, the self-identification of today’s post-Soviet Jewish intelligentsia combines the Jewish (mostly Yiddish) legacy and the heritage of Russian culture, which has been created partly by Jewish writers. Therefore, Russian Jews tend to consider Russian a more important channel than Hebrew for conveying their cultural values. The Soviet Jewish intelligentsia in Israel is striving to retain a multilingual identity: while they do appreciate Hebrew and the cultural values it conveys, they share a strong feeling that their own cultural-linguistic identity is of great value to them.
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MURGINSKI, Petar. "The Survival of NATO in the Post-Cold War Era: A Comparative Analysis of Neorealist and Constructivist Theories." BULLETIN OF "CAROL I" NATIONAL DEFENCE UNIVERSITY 12, no. 1 (2023): 53–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/2284-9378-23-05.
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This scholarly article examines the continued existence of NATO after the end of the Cold War. Despite the disappearance of its primary adversary, the Soviet Union, NATO has continued to exist. The conventional neorealist explanation for the alliance’s longevity, which states that NATO was established as a counterbalance to the Soviet Union and thus should have been dissolved upon its collapse, is challenged by the constructivist perspective. Constructivism argues that NATO persists as a result of the desire of liberal democracies to cooperate for the sake of peace and the influence of member states’ collective identities. However, this constructivist explanation is criticized for being predicated on a specific understanding of NATO and for neglecting the crucial role of the United States in sustaining the alliance. This study contends that offensive neorealism, which takes into account the role of the United States in a value-neutral way, offers the most comprehensive explanation for NATO’s persistence after 1991.
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Hołubko, Wiktor. "THE OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT IN THE CONTEXT OF THE TRANSFORMATION OF STATE SYSTEMS OF POST-SOVIET COUNTRIES." Roczniki Administracji i Prawa 3, no. XX (2020): 19–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.4218.
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After the collapse of the USSR in August 1991 and the emergence of new sovereign states on its territory, they all formed the office of the president within a few years. It became very attractive to them for a number of reasons: it was able to guarantee political stability in the face of radical transformations of their systems, to facilitate the transition from authoritarianism to democracy, and to legitimize the political and legal status of the former Soviet ruling elites. During the years of independence, the presidency has taken various forms. A large part of post-Soviet states chose the presidential form of government in some places with signs of authoritarianism, which was reflected in the desire to constantly strengthen the role of this office. Few states have chosen a mixed form of government in which the office of the president is largely influenced by the balance of domestic political forces. The phenomenon of its excessive personification plays an important role in determining the influence of the president on the functioning of public authorities in post-Soviet countries. The least popular is the parliamentary form of government, in which the office of the president is left with very limited powers.
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Path, Kosal. "China's Economic Sanctions against Vietnam, 1975–1978." China Quarterly 212 (December 2012): 1040–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741012001245.
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AbstractThis article carries a two-fold argument. First, Beijing's economic sanctions against Vietnam during the period 1975–1978 were mainly motivated by its desire to punish Vietnam for an anti-China policy that smacked of ingratitude for the latter's past assistance, fuelled further by Hanoi's closer relations with Moscow. They were also designed to extract Hanoi's accommodation of China's demand for territorial boundary concessions and to halt the persecution of ethnic Chinese residents in Vietnam. Second, the resultant meltdown of Sino-Vietnamese relations, as well as the making of the Soviet-Vietnamese alliance between 1975 and 1978, was gradual and contentious rather than swift and decisive as most existing studies contend. Hanoi's reluctance to forge a formal military alliance with the faraway Soviet Union against China was largely driven by the importance of China's remaining aid and economic potential to Vietnam's post-war economic reconstruction and the uncertainty of the Soviet commitment to aid Vietnam.
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Menkouski, V. "Pax sovietica - the unique world of the Soviet state." Bulletin of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Historical Sciences. Philosophy. Religion Series 140, no. 3 (2022): 59–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-7255-2022-140-3-59-73.
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The article analyzes the formation of the image of the USSR as a unique phenomenon in Russian and world history in the political, cultural, and media practices of the Soviet Union and the Russian Federation. The research uses the methodology of historical memory studies, i.e., the study of historical consciousness, collective memory, and historical memory. The methodology used made it possible to analyze two stages of the formation of the «image of the USSR» - the Soviet (self) representation of the 1930s and the Russian (re)design of the 1990s - 2020s. When considering both stages, attention was paid primarily to the desire to characterize the Soviet phenomenon as a unique phenomenon of world history, the most progressive version of the existence of man, society, and the state. «Soviet civilization» in the case of the 1930s was interpreted as the optimal model for all mankind, in the case of the 1990s - 2020s as an integral component not only of modern Russian society but also of the widely understood «Russian world». The author concludes that the image formed in the 1930s is mainly used in modern Russian memory policy. There is a noticeable tendency to replace the concept of «Soviet» with the concept of «Russian», even though Russia was not the Soviet Union, just as the Soviet Union was not Russia. The next aspect is related to the dynamism of the Soviet model. The socio-economic and political system has evolved both because of the plans of the ruling elites and because of the influence of society on the elites. Global development trends and geopolitical competition also had an undoubted influence. «Soviet civilization» is very difficult to fit into the dichotomy of «socialism - capitalism» because of the vagueness and controversy of both concepts. Russian nostalgia for the USSR is a special case of post-communist (post-socialist) nostalgia idealizing the image of a bygone social order. However, the Soviet past in the Russian interpretation turned out to be a more «useful past» than it appears in historical and mythological variations of other countries.
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Elahi, Muhammad Manzoor, Ahmed Raza Khan, and Aatir Rizvi. "Examining US Strategic Interests in South Asia: A Decade-Long Study of Triangular Relations (US-Pakistan-India) in the Post-Cold War Era." Spring 2023 3, no. 2 (2023): 828–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.54183/jssr.v3i2.323.
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This study is devoted primarily to the security priorities of the US towards South Asia in the post-Soviet decade of the 1990s. Indeed, the world witnessed the end of Cold war with the demise of Communist USSR. The United States, therefore, nourished more enthusiastically its inherent desire of a ‘New World Order’. For this purpose, South Asia again became a ‘land of desire’ for Washington to consolidate its preponderance in the strategically vital region of Asia. The research, therefore, delves into a decade long post-cold war security environment of South Asia by analyzing the US policies towards India and Pakistan. The study uses a qualitative methodology that includes a systematic review of existing literature and primary sources, including official documents and statements to identify the important factors that have influenced US strategic partnerships in South Asia and concludes that contemporary Indo-US strategic partnership has its roots since the end of cold war.
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Kuglerova, Maria Valentinovna. "“Ay, But Droma Pkhirdyom”: The Gypsy and the Road (Self-Identity in Soviet and Post-Soviet Gypsy Literature in the Russian Cultural and Political Context)." Colloquia Humanistica, no. 3 (December 31, 2014): 57–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/ch.2014.004.
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“Ay, But Droma Pkhirdyom”: The Gypsy and the Road(Self-Identity in Soviet and Post-Soviet Gypsy Literature in the Russian Cultural and Political Context)The Gypsies have always been a peculiar minority in Russia. On one hand, the Russians admired Gypsies’ vagrancy and desire for freedom. The Gypsies were a kind of an alter-ego of the Russians’ – as they wished to be, but dared not. On the other hand, the Gypsies even in relatively liberal czarist times were treated as the second-rate people, not mentioning the soviet deportations. The Gypsy wandering was especially irritating, so the authorities always tried to settle them down. From the Gypsies’ side the attitude (the strict opposition Gadjo/Roma and at the same time the phenomenon of the “choral” settled Gypsies who connected Russian and Gypsy cultures) was ambiguous, too. It shows the main feature of Gypsy identity – the desire for wandering, the dependence – but only on the road, and the dual attitude to this feature from the side of the Russian majority. This feature and the ambiguous attitude towards it one can define as the crucial feature of the Soviet and Post-Soviet Gypsy literature. By 1938 (before the supporting of the national minorities stopped) in Soviet Gypsy literature existed two main directions in the narration: the narration about the evil capitalistic past (the exploitation of the “choral” Gypsies, who were devoid of the road by Russians – M.Iljinsko’s stories) and the depicting of the brave Soviet reality – when the Gypsies are happy to work and to be settled in the kolkhozes (M.Bezludzko’s poems). This image of the new Soviet Gypsy is rooted in the image of the vagrancy (through its’ denial for Soviet epoch and its’ glorification for czarist times), as the detailed analysis of the texts shows. „Ay, But Droma Pkhirdyom”: Cygan i droga (Tożsamość własna w radzieckiej i postradzieckiej literaturze cygańskiej w rosyjskim kontekście kulturowym i politycznym)Cyganie zawsze byli szczególną mniejszością w Rosji. Z jednej strony Rosjanie podziwiali bezdomność Cyganów i ich pragnienie wolności. Cyganie stanowili swego rodzaju alter ego Rosjan: byli tacy, jakimi ci ostatni być chcieli, ale nie ośmielali się. Z drugiej zaś nawet w stosunkowo liberalnych czasach caratu traktowano ich jako ludzi drugiej kategorii, nie wspominając o sowieckich deportacjach. Wędrowny Cygan denerwował szczególnie, tak więc władze zawsze starały się ich osiedlać. Postawy Cyganów także były dwuznaczne (ścisła opozycja Gadziowie/Romi i jednocześnie zjawisko „chorału” osiadłych Cyganów, łączącego kultury rosyjską i cygańską). Ujawnia to główną cechę tożsamości cygańskiej: pragnienie ruchliwości, zależność – ale tylko w drodze, co zderzało się z dwoistą postawą rosyjskiej większości. Ową cechę jak też dwuznaczną postawę wobec niej można uznać za zasadniczy rys radzieckiej i postradzieckiej literatury cygańskiej. Około 1938 roku (zanim skończyło się wspieranie mniejszości narodowych) w radzieckiej literaturze cygańskiej występowały dwie główne linie narracyjne: narracja o złej kapitalistycznej przeszłości (wykorzystywanie „chorałowych” Cyganów, którzy zostali wyprowadzeni z drogi przez Rosjan: M. Iljinsko) oraz opisywanie wspaniałej rzeczywistości radzieckiej – kiedy to szczęśliwi Cyganie pracują i osiedlani są w kołchozach (M. Bezludzko). Taki obraz nowego radzieckiego Cygana ma źródła w obrazie bezdomności (ze względu na negowanie epoki radzieckiej i gloryfikację czasów carskich), co pokazuje szczegółowa analiza tekstów.
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Khudaiberdieva, Nurbibi Kh. "Influence of Turkey on the policy of neutrality and foreign policy of Turkmenistan (1995–2016)." Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no. 2 (April 30, 2020): 51–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2020-2-51-58.
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The paper analyzes the attitude of Turkey to the policy of neutrality of Turkmenistan in the period from 1995 to 2016. Based on the geopolitical situation in the Central Asian region in the post-Soviet period, the author identifies the reasons for Turkmenistan’s adoption of a neutral status. Among the reasons for this decision by the Turkmen leadership are the deterioration of the situation in the region, the desire of the great powers and regional leaders to strengthen their positions in Central Asia, including in the energy sector, Turkey’s active position in the post-Soviet period aimed at developing political, energy, and humanitarian contacts, and the desire of The Niyazov regime to limit external influence on the country’s internal and foreign policy. The author noted the influence of the status of neutrality on the implementation of Turkmenistan’s foreign policy and the attitude of Turkey to this process. In the development of Turkmenistan’s neutrality policy in 1995–2016, two stages can be conditionally distinguished: the first is 1995–2006 when the policy of neutrality bordering on isolationism, which seriously limited Turkey’s contacts with Turkmenistan; the second is 2007–2016 when the expansion of cooperation between Turkmenistan and Turkey, including in the security sphere. In the 2007–2016 Turkey sought to expand its geopolitical influence over Turkmenistan by maintaining its neutrality, which led to the formation of a close political and economic dialogue between Ankara and Ashgabat.
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Streikus, Arūnas. "Soviet Anti-Catholic Church Activities (1953–1967)." Genocidas ir rezistencija 1, no. 1 (2025): 122–59. https://doi.org/10.61903/gr.1997.106.
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One of the most important components of the historical process resulting from the Soviet totalitarian regime in Lithuania was the relationship between the totalitarian government and religion, and in this case its institutional expression, the Catholic Church. The ideological basis of the Soviet totalitarian regime was its communist ideology, which treated religion negatively and had a profound impact not only on the social fabric but also on the life of every individual. Moreover, the Catholic Church in post–war Lithuania remained the only legal institution whose internal life was not completely controlled by the totalitarian regime, which allowed the idea of personal and national freedom to flourish. Thus, without a thorough assessment of these relations, it is impossible to have a good understanding of the Soviet period of Lithuanian history. Unfortunately, the situation of the Catholic Church in the Soviet totalitarian system has not yet received sufficient attention from Lithuanian scholars. More attention in historiography and scientific journalism was given only to the situation of the Church in the first post–war years and in the 1970s and 1980s. In the first case, this was due to the desire to reveal the Catholic Church’s links with the armed partisan resistance movement and the tragic nature of this period, while in the second case it was due to the better availability of sources and the Church’s prominent place in the dissenting alliance. However, the period 1953–1967 is important because it was then that the relationship between the totalitarian authorities and religion had revealed itself in its purest form since the Soviet government’s anti–Church policy could no longer be based on the Church’s links with the secular opposition underground.
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Bogatova, Olga A., and Guzel I. Makarova. "Problematization of the development of non-capital cities in the works of Soviet and post-Soviet researchers." VESTNIK INSTITUTA SOTZIOLOGII 12, no. 4 (2021): 125–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/vis.2021.12.4.755.
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The article is dedicated to a critical analysis of the theoretical and methodological developments of Soviet and Russian scientists in the field of urbanism and sociology of the city. The relevance of this work is seen in the fact that today the desire of a significant part of Russian citizens (especially young people) to move to Moscow, St. Petersburg and a number of large cities - centres of the subjects of the Russian Federation leads to a weakening of the spatial framework of the country. This makes it important to study the topic in the context of urbanisation processes in general. The purpose of the article is to reveal the features of the approaches of domestic scientists to the problems of the city, and non-capital cities in particular, as well as their general dynamics in the late Soviet, post-Soviet and modern periods. In the 1970s–1980s urbanisation processes in the USSR were subordinated to production (the leading theme was “city and labor”); the settlement strategy continued, the advantages and contradictions of new cities were noted, the importance of including small towns in the agglomeration was emphasised. The foundations of urban social planning were developed, the ideology of "developed socialism" contributed to the formation of the problematics of the urban way of life and communities. During the Perestroika period, many of the principles of urban development were formulated in opposition to the Soviet ones. The city was understood as a self-developing system, the individual was declared the measure of urban processes. The settlement system, that determines the most acute problems of new cities, was critically assessed. Differentiation of the capital and non-capital cities of Russia, serious contradictions in the development of small towns, and the weakening of agglomerations were noted. The focus was made on maintaining the large and largest urban centres. In the 2000s, extreme criticism of Soviet urbanisation was overcome, strategic urban planning, the idea of preserving the network of small and medium-sized cities, and the development of agglomerations as the basis for the country's spatial development were promoted. The direction of research of intercity and intracity stratification in the context of problems of spatial inequality, urban activism and urban social environment was being developed. The authors come to the conclusion that Russia has accumulated a wealth of experience in studying urbanisation processes. This suggests that in the future it will be possible to successfully combine the use of cities as reference points for the country's integration with the planning ideas developed during the Soviet period and models for the formation of a comfortable urban space, based on the activities of local communities.
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Mzhelskii, V. M. "Proto-constructivism in Novosibirsk architecture in 1917-1927." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo arkhitekturno-stroitel'nogo universiteta. JOURNAL of Construction and Architecture 24, no. 3 (2022): 78–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.31675/1607-1859-2022-24-3-78-91.
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Purpose: The analysis of the architecture of the first post-revolutionary decade, processes and origins of the new style constructivism. The paper highlights the architecture of this period. Design/methodology/approach: Interesting factual material on proto-constructivism and its main problems. Comparison of different viewpoints on the processes in Novosibirsk architecture and the analysis based on the data collected. Research findings: This style is preceded by rather an interesting stage of creative research, which needs a special study. At that time, a significant number of public and administrative buildings were built in Novosibirsk, which was associated with its transformation to the administrative center of the Siberian Krai. It was an important period in the history of the Soviet architecture, when a search for a new creative method, architectural principles was carried out in the capital and regions, although researchers paid less attention to it than to constructivism. Architecture of post-revolutionary decade is characterized by a multi-vector nature and a pronounced desire for rationalism and functionalism, while still retaining the styles of the previous era associated with the struggle of various directions; new stylistic search for the post-revolutionary period. Practical implications: The obtained results contribute to the study of origins of the Soviet avantgarde architecture and can be used in further research and training manuals in the field. Originality/value: The analysis of the different viewpoints on the reasons for the Soviet avant-garde architecture development; comparison with the facts; identification of differences between the viewpoints, which is important for further study of this topic.
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Look, Emily. "How Do Post-Soviet Citizens View Democracy? Democratic Knowledge and Support in Russia, Ukraine and Belarus." Russian Politics 5, no. 4 (2020): 401–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/24518921-00504002.
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Abstract Recent concerns around the declining support for democracy worldwide add urgency to the question of why ordinary citizens desire a democratic system. An emerging theory is democratic knowledge, which argues that knowing more about the rights and liberties provided by a democratic system leads citizens to want democracy as a result. This paper tests this theory in Russia, Ukraine and Belarus, where conventional wisdom suggests that citizens will be less familiar with the features of a democratic system. Using the World Values Survey, it finds that democratic knowledge is a stronger predictor of democratic support than modernization, political learning or political socialization. Moreover, this effect is strongest amongst Ukrainians who grew up in the post-Soviet period, indicating that democratic knowledge is a powerful antidote to the disillusionment that flawed or limited democratization may bring.
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Fedorko, Viktor. "Transformation of transport-geographic space of Central Asian countries in the Post-Soviet era." Pskov region studies journal, no. 46 (2021): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.37490/s221979310014232-8.
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The structural and morphological restructuring of the transport-geographic systems of the countries of Central Asia has become a reflection of the radical transformation of the geopolitical space of the region in the post-Soviet era. From the very beginning of a new period of development in the countries of the region, the disintegration of a single (end-to-end) road transport framework that developed during the Soviet period was consistently taking place. This was due to the desire of the countries of the region to minimize their own transport dependence on neighbors, while simultaneously enhancing transport-logistics advantages to exert geopolitical pressure on neighboring states. Under the influence of the corresponding geostrategic landmarks, the countries of the region have consistently built a new configuration of transport-logistics systems during the post-Soviet period. The article examines the changes in the geography of the main road transport communications of Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan that have occurred over the past three decades. It was revealed that the most morphologically transformed transport systems of Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, characterized by relatively favorable geomorphological conditions for transport construction and more significant economic opportunities. In the predominantly mountainous terrain of Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan, which also have a significantly more modest investment potential, the transformation of the transport-geographic space has occurred to a less pronounced degree. Special attention is paid to the prospects for the reintegration of transport systems of the Central Asian countries, which emerged after 2016, in connection with the profound changes in Uzbekistan's foreign policy towards the border countries of Central Asia, initiated and consistently implemented by the new leadership of the republic, headed by President Shavkat Mirziyoyev.
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Latov, Yury. "From «Revolution» to «Transformations» and «Changes»? Development of Discourses of Analysis Qualitative Social Change." Sociologicheskaja nauka i social'naja praktika 9, no. 1 (2021): 7–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/snsp.2021.9.1.7869.
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The popular condemnation of «revolutionaryism» in post-Soviet Russia is seen as contradicting the global trends in scientific analysis of the role of revolutions in the development of society, according to which it is the revolutionary institutional changes that are most important for social progress. These ideas were first comprehensively expressed by the founders of Marxism, and in the twentieth century. in Western sociological thought «completed», on the one hand, with the theories of the scientific and technological revolution, on the other hand, with the concepts of the sociology of revolution. The desire of Russian social scientists to overcome the legacy of Soviet «forced Marxism» led to a conscious alienation from the post-Marxist sociology of revolution. In Russian scientific discourse in the 1990s–2000s. there was a displacement of the discussion of revolutionary changes by using less specific concepts of «social transformation» and «change», and in the 2010s. it joined with the government’s policy of a fundamental rejection of any revolutionary changes. As a result, Russian sociologists lose the ability to distinguish between revolutionary and evolutionary shifts in the development of Russian society, focusing mainly on their traumatic nature.
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Roberts, Graham H. "Queering the stitch: Fashion, masculinity and the postsocialist subject." Critical Studies in Men???s Fashion 6, no. 1 (2019): 59–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/csmf_00005_1.
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In my article, I analyse some of the ways in which Gosha Rubchinskiy, Demna Gvasalia and Lotta Volkova might be said to ‘queer’ masculinity. I draw parallels between their work and the modernist, utopian, Constructivist project of Soviet fashion designers of the 1920s such as Varvara Stepanova and Lyubov’ Popova. Most importantly, both groups of artists share a desire to organize their fashion practice within a broader ideological project. At the heart of their respective projects is a fundamental challenge to conventional notions of gender in fashion, and in the fashion industry. In both cases, the ‘queering’ of gender norms, distinctions and hierarchies, both on and off the catwalk, is designed to produce a radical transformation of the relationship between the fashioned object and the fashionable, consuming subject. As far as today’s post-Soviet fashion designers are concerned, by the way in which they either queer masculinity or perform their own, queer brand of masculinity, they produce a new, utopian subject. Far from being the antithesis of the Constructivist project, then, this post-socialist utopian body can be seen as constituting perhaps its most spectacular realization to date.
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Latov, Yuri. "Paradoxes of the Russian Popadanets` Science Fiction." Sotsiologicheskie issledovaniya, no. 4 (2023): 117–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013216250025451-9.
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The author supports proposed by R.N. Abramov interpretation of the Russian science fiction development in the genre of alternative history as a reflection of the mass consciousness dynamics of Russians, but attempts, taking into account bibliometric data, to significantly clarify it. The development of this genre should be seen in the context of the evolving historical mentality of "post-Soviet" Russians, which turned out to be characterized by a commitment to virtual versions of historical events. This finds expression in the mass popularity of not only pseudo-scientific literature on the topics of Russian history (for example, so called “new chronology”), but also frankly fantastic “popadanets`s” alternative history. The perception of many periods of Russian history as a trauma that one would like to get rid of by rewriting or “replaying” real events is, to a large extent, a projection onto the past of the critical attitude of many Russians to the post-Soviet present. The decisive motive in this case is a desire for revenge - to change the results of historical events that were unsuccessful for Russia (first of all, military defeats).