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Journal articles on the topic 'Postcommunism'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 13 June 2025

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1

Ost, David. "The Consequences of Postcommunism." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 23, no. 1 (2009): 13–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325408326791.

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Following a long period in which labor in Eastern Europe had been marginalized, often with unionists' complicity, five conditions now favor revival: survival imperatives of the union bureaucracy, incorporation into the European Union, emerging international solidarity, a new generation of workers, and the end of postcommunism in the firm, or the dismissal of unessential workers. This article focuses on subjective factors: union officials' own misgivings about unions in the postcommunist era and their revived interest now that they no longer need to defend the unskilled. Yet three factors work against union revival: ideological (continued distrust of unions), organizational (plethora of small firms), and structural (location in the global economy). Labor is likely to remain weak, with a few stronger unions emerging that are more elitist, male, “producerist,” and less class oriented. Legacies continue to be the major problem, but in a twist, the problem today is the legacy not of communism but of postcommunism.

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2

Ganev, Venelin I. "The Dorian Gray effect: winners as state breakers in postcommunism." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 34, no. 1 (2001): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(00)00020-9.

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This paper examines the relations between postcommunist states and the powerful economic groups that dominated the early stages of postcommunist economic restructuring. The main argument is that the strategic actions of “winners” systematically undermine the capacity of state institutions and the organizational coherence of administrative agencies. Against the background of a detailed study of one particular story of “postcommunist success”, the rise of Multigroup in Bulgaria, I explore the concrete manifestations of “state weakness” in postcommunism, the nature of redistributive conflicts the former socialist societies, and the historical specificity of the processes undermining the organizational bases of governance in the former Soviet world.

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3

Szegedy-Maszák, Mihály. "Postmodernity and postcommunism." European Review 6, no. 1 (1998): 53–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700003008.

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Generalizing between postmodernity and postmodernism is of doubtful value. The shift from communism to postcommunism has led to a decline, or different significance, of postmodernism in Eastern Europe.

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4

Lánczi, András. "What is postcommunism?" Society and Economy 29, no. 1 (2007): 65–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/socec.29.2007.1.3.

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5

McFaul, Michael. "Transitions from Postcommunism." Journal of Democracy 16, no. 3 (2005): 5–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2005.0049.

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6

Bojcun, Marko. "Ukraine: Beyond postcommunism." Debatte: Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe 13, no. 1 (2005): 9–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09651560500129396.

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7

Rodden, John. "Postcommunism Meets McUniversity." Society 45, no. 6 (2008): 496–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12115-008-9153-x.

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8

Kopstein, Jeffrey S., and David A. Reilly. "Geographic Diffusion and the Transformation of the Postcommunist World." World Politics 53, no. 1 (2000): 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887100009369.

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Since the collapse of communism the states of postcommunist Europe and Asia have defined for themselves, and have had defined for them, two primary tasks: the construction of viable market economies and the establishment of working institutions of representative democracy. The variation in political and economic outcomes in the postcommunist space makes it, without question, the most diverse “region” in the world. What explains the variation? All of the big winners of postcommunism share the trait of being geographically close to the former border of the noncommunist world. Even controlling for cultural differences, historical legacies, and paths of extrication, the spatial effect remains consistent and strong across the universe of postcommunist cases. This suggests the spatially dependent nature of the diffusion of norms, resources, and institutions that are necessary to the construction of political democracies and market economies in the postcommunist era. The authors develop and adduce evidence for the spatial dependence hypothesis, test it against rival hypotheses, and illustrate the relationships at work through three theoretically important case studies.

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9

Hollander, Paul. "Cultural Formations of Postcommunism." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 33, no. 2 (2004): 219–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009430610403300251.

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10

Tismaneanu, Vladimir. "Postcommunism between hope and disenchantment." Journal of International Relations and Development 12, no. 4 (2009): 354–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/jird.2009.19.

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11

Geremek, Bronislaw. "Postcommunism and Democracy in Poland." Washington Quarterly 13, no. 3 (1990): 125–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01636609009445398.

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12

Krygier, Martin, and Adam Czarnota. "After Postcommunism: The Next Phase." Annual Review of Law and Social Science 2, no. 1 (2006): 299–340. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.lawsocsci.2.081805.105756.

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13

Lazarus, Neil. "Spectres haunting: Postcommunism and postcolonialism." Journal of Postcolonial Writing 48, no. 2 (2012): 117–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17449855.2012.658243.

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14

Bernhard, Michael, Venelin I. Ganev, Anna Grzymała-Busse, et al. "Weasel Words and the Analysis of “Postcommunist” Politics: A Symposium." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 34, no. 2 (2020): 283–325. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325419900244.

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A weasel word is a term used in academic or political discourse whose meaning is so imprecise or badly defined that it impedes the formulation of coherent thought on the subject to which it is applied, or leads to unsubstantiated conclusions. In this symposium we consider several key terms central to the study of postcommunist politics and discuss the extent to which they fall into this category. The terms discussed here include regime terminology, the notion of postcommunism, the geographic entity “Eurasia,” socialism, populism, and neoliberalism. While the authors come to different conclusions about the extent to which these terms are weasel words, they also provide pointers for how to deploy terms in ways that are consistent with the underlying concept and thus aid in the cumulation of knowledge about the region.

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15

Norkus, Zenonas. "Catching Up And Falling Behind: Four Puzzles After Two Decades Of Post-Communist Transformation." Comparative Economic Research. Central and Eastern Europe 18, no. 4 (2015): 63–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cer-2015-0029.

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After more than two decades since the exit from Communism, no former communist country has been completely successful in catching up with the technological frontier countries. However, they divide into two groups: those which decreased the GDP gap with frontier countries since 1989-1990, and those which failed to do so. One may ask: What were the decisive causal conditions for their progress or failure in convergence? Were they the early implementation of Washington consensus style market reforms; their neighbourhood with advanced affluent countries; peaceful transition; accession to the EU; endowment with natural resources; state sovereignty before postcommunism; or interactions between these factors (or others)? Because of the small N, statistical analysis is not an appropriate tool for testing these hypotheses. Hence this paper uses qualitative comparative analysis to identify four explanatory puzzles of the catching-up growth performance of the postcommunist countries.

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16

Lovell, David W. "Trust and the politics of postcommunism." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 34, no. 1 (2001): 27–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(00)00021-0.

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The citizens of postcommunist states have relatively low levels of trust in their basic political institutions. This paper argues that to consolidate the advances towards civil society and democracy particular attention must be paid to strengthening trust. Trust requires not just the institutional framework appropriate to democracy and the rule of law — already substantially in place — but also an appreciation of politics and civil society as spheres of continuing diversity, competition and conflict. The deficit of trust can be addressed by a leadership exemplary in its service to the public interest, and by an acceptance of the new, adversarial politics.

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17

el-Ojeili, Chamsy. "Book Review: Social Theory and Postcommunism." Thesis Eleven 88, no. 1 (2007): 141–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513606068787.

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18

Rose, Richard. "Postcommunism and the Problem of Trust." Journal of Democracy 5, no. 3 (1994): 18–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.1994.0042.

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19

Gross, Peter, and Vladimir Tismaneanu. "The End of Postcommunism in Romania." Journal of Democracy 16, no. 2 (2005): 146–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2005.0027.

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20

King, Charles. "Post-Postcommunism: Transition, Comparison, and the End of “Eastern Europe”." World Politics 53, no. 1 (2000): 143–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887100009400.

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A decade after the end of European and Eurasian communism the once acrimonious debates between “area studies” and “the discipline” have largely subsided. Access to archives, survey data, and political elites has allowed east European countries to be treated as normal arenas of research. Recent work by both younger and established scholars has made serious contributions not only to the understanding of postcommunism but also to broader research questions about the political economy of reform, federalism, transitional justice, and nationalism and interethnic relations. The key issue for students of postcommunism is explaining the highly variable paths that east European and Eurasian states have taken since 1989. Compared with the relative homogeneity of outcomes in earlier transitions in southern Europe and Latin America—extrication from previous regimes followed by long periods of consolidation—the record in the east looks profoundly more varied: a handful of successful transitions and easy consolidations, several incomplete transitions, a few transitions followed by reversion to authoritarian politics, even some transitions that never really began at all. The works under review point scholars toward the study of the institutional legacies of state socialism: the “subversive institutions” of the communist state, the institutional dimensions of ethnic solidarity and mobilization, and the emerging patterns of interinstitutional bargaining in the first years of postcommunism.

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21

Luke, T. "Postcommunism in the USSR: The McGulag Archipelago." Telos 1990, no. 84 (1990): 33–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3817/0690084033.

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22

Prozorov, Sergei. "Russian postcommunism and the end of history." Studies in East European Thought 60, no. 3 (2008): 207–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11212-008-9054-y.

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23

Zudin, Aleksei Iu. "Oligarchy as a Political Problem of Russian Postcommunism." Sociological Research 39, no. 3 (2000): 27–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/sor1061-0154390327.

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24

Chen, Cheng, and Rudra Sil. "Stretching Postcommunism: Diversity, Context, and Comparative Historical Analysis." Post-Soviet Affairs 23, no. 4 (2007): 275–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.2747/1060-586x.23.4.275.

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25

Zudin, Aleksei Iu. "Oligarchy as a Political Problem of Russian Postcommunism." Russian Social Science Review 41, no. 6 (2000): 4–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/rss1061-142841064.

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26

White, Stephen, and Ian Mcallister. "The CPSU and Its Members: Between Communism and Postcommunism." British Journal of Political Science 26, no. 1 (1996): 105–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400007432.

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Once dominant and unchallenged throughout the USSR, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union rapidly lost authority in the last two years of Soviet rule. Banned by Russian presidential decree after the failure of the attempted coup of August 1991, it was re-established in February 1993 and soon became the largest of the postcommunist parties. A 1992 survey of current and former party members as well as other Russians found that members were characterized by a relatively high degree of activism. They were disproportionately male, more affluent than non-members, and better provided with consumer goods. Younger respondents and religious believers were more likely to have left the party than their older colleagues. Those who still regarded themselves as party members were the most likely to oppose economic reform and support the collectivist principles of the communist era, particularly if they were activists; but the differences between members and non-members were not substantial, and both were found to hold generally pessimistic views on the postcommunist system. These findings suggest that, although former members will continue to be influential, CPSU membership is by itself likely to play a limited part in shaping the political direction of postcommunist Russia.

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27

Roeder, Philip G. "The Revolution of 1989: Postcommunism and the Social Sciences." Slavic Review 58, no. 4 (1999): 743–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2697197.

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From Prague to Ulan Bator, the decade since 1989 has witnessed a revolution both deep and broad. It was simultaneously a national revolution that created new nation-states, a political revolution that sundered the most fully institutionalized authoritarian regimes of the twentieth century, and an economic revolution that replaced administered systems of production and distribution with markets. Separate national, democratic, and capitalist revolutions that had rocked western European countries in the eighteenth, nineteenth, and early twentieth centuries swept almost in an instant across nine countries that quickly became twenty-eight.

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28

Kolářová, Kateřina. "Mediating Syndromes of Postcommunism: Disability, Sex, Race, and Labor." JCMS: Journal of Cinema and Media Studies 58, no. 4 (2019): 156–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cj.2019.0046.

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29

Satterwhite, James H., and Philip Longworth. "The Making of Eastern Europe: From Prehistory to Postcommunism." Slavic and East European Journal 42, no. 3 (1998): 578. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/309718.

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30

Stevens, John N. "Embedded Politics: Industrial Networks and Institutional Change in Postcommunism." Comparative Economic Studies 48, no. 4 (2006): 711–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.ces.8100155.

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31

Desai, Raj M. "Embedded Politics: Industrial Networks and Institutional Change in Postcommunism." Economic Systems 27, no. 4 (2003): 415–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ecosys.2004.01.001.

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32

Velickovic, Vedrana. "Belated alliances? Tracing the intersections between postcolonialism and postcommunism." Journal of Postcolonial Writing 48, no. 2 (2012): 164–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17449855.2012.658247.

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33

Bunce, Valerie. "Should Transitologists Be Grounded?" Slavic Review 54, no. 1 (1995): 111–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2501122.

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The collapse of state socialism in eastern Europe has led to a proliferation of studies analyzing aspects of democratization throughout the region. Central to many of these studies (particularly those by nonspecialists) is an assumption that postcommunism is but a variation on a larger theme, that is, recent transitions from authoritarian to democratic rule.

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34

Kirn, Gal. "Postcommunism as a Contradictory Combination of Competing Elements/Postcommunist film – Russia, Eastern Europe and World Culture, edited by Lars Kristensen." Studies in Eastern European Cinema 6, no. 1 (2015): 119–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/2040350x.2014.992139.

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35

Nichols, Thomas M. "The Logic of Russian Presidentialism: Institutions and Democracy in Postcommunism." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 1301 (January 1, 1998): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.1998.73.

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This study began as an investigation into the proverbial "dog that didn't bark," that failure of intuition which often opens the most interesting avenues of inquiry. In this case, the silent dog was an authoritarian Russian Federation: from 1991 onward, there was widespread expectation that it would be only a matter of time before Russia fell back into old habits, and that the experiment with democracy would be little more than an odd footnote in an otherwise unbroken record of autocracy. I am forced to admit that I was part of this chorus of pessimism, and in late 1993-despite the fact that I felt Y eltsin was right to crush the attempted coup of Ruslan Khasbulatov and Aleksandr Rutskoi-I expected little more than that Russia would then descend into some kind of muddled and mild authoritarianism.

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36

Lukasik, Gregory A. "Book review: Postcommunism from within: Social justice, mobilization, and hegemony." International Journal of Comparative Sociology 55, no. 2 (2014): 180–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020715214537733.

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37

Pehe, Veronika. "Writing Postcommunism: Towards a Literature of the East European Ruins." Central Europe 14, no. 1 (2016): 83–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14790963.2016.1235418.

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38

Kennedy, Michael D., and Naomi Galtz. "From Marxism to Postcommunism: Socialist Desires and East European Rejections." Annual Review of Sociology 22, no. 1 (1996): 437–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.soc.22.1.437.

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39

Boettke, Peter. "Rethinking Ourselves: Negotiating Values in the Political Economy of Postcommunism." Rethinking Marxism 10, no. 2 (1998): 85–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08935699808685529.

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40

Hidas, György. "Psychoanalysis in Hungary in the Era of communism and postcommunism." Psychoanalytic Inquiry 17, no. 4 (1997): 486–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07351699709534143.

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41

Hanson, S. E. "Development, Dependency, and Devolution: The Anomalous Political Economy of Communist and Postcommunist Societies." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 16, no. 3 (1998): 225–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c160225.

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The problem of situating economic transitions from communism to postcommunism within more general theories of comparative political economy has received surprisingly little scholarly attention. In this paper the author argues that the reason for the lack of integration between these two literatures is that the dynamics of the formation and decline of the Stalinist socioeconomic system remain basically anomalous for each of the three dominant theoretical frameworks in the field of political economy: the modernization approach, the world-systems approach, and the rational choice approach. Moreover, none of these paradigms by itself appears to account satisfactorily for the diverse economic trends in postcommunist societies. Modernization theory is apparently consistent with economic ‘development’ in the most successful areas within the Leninist and post-Leninist world; world-systems theory appears to fit the type of ‘dependency’ emerging in places such as Central Asia and the Caucasus; rational choice analysis elucidates the continuing ‘devolution’ of Leninist state structures in places where rent-seeking bureaucrats still directly or indirectly control most of the national wealth—but no single approach explains the overall pattern of mixed results. It is concluded that making sense of the puzzling emergence, destruction, and aftermath of the Stalinist economic model requires the integration of ideological modes of coordinating collective action into a more comprehensive political economy paradigm.

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42

Balázs, Imre József. "Hungarian Stories of the Regime Change: Voices and Perspectives." Porównania 27, no. 2 (2020): 127–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/por.2020.2.7.

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Regime change narratives in Hungarian literature gained a new type of consistency around 2010, after two decades of postcommunism. The article analyses narrative strategies of novels written about the regime change, showing their tendency towards a microhistorical approach. The discussed novels include works by such minority authors as Ádám Bodor, Andrea Tompa, Sándor Zsigmond Papp, Zsolt Láng, who represent in their novels the dramatic regime change that took place in Romania in 1989.

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43

Massey, Garth, and Stjepan G. Mestrovic. "The Balkanization of the West: The Confluence of Postmodernism and Postcommunism." Contemporary Sociology 25, no. 1 (1996): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2076969.

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44

Partos, Gabriel. "The Balkanization of the West: the confluence of postmodernism and postcommunism." International Affairs 71, no. 1 (1995): 172–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2624068.

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45

Fukuyama, Francis, and Stjepan G. Mestrovic. "The Balkanization of the West: The Confluence of Postmodernism and Postcommunism." Foreign Affairs 74, no. 2 (1995): 143. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20047053.

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46

NORRIS, STEPHEN M. "The Old Ladies of Postcommunism: Gennadii Sidorov'sStarukhiand the Fate of Russia." Russian Review 67, no. 4 (2008): 580–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9434.2008.00501.x.

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47

Pickup, Francine, and Anne White. "Livelihoods in Postcommunist Russia." Work, Employment and Society 17, no. 3 (2003): 419–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09500170030173001.

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Discussions of Russian social trends rarely look below the regional level. This article compares livelihoods within Sverdlovsk Region in the year 2000. In the capital city, Yekaterinburg, postcommunism had opened new opportunities for private sector employment and lucrative additional earnings, but chiefly to the benefit of men with higher education and good connections. By contrast, in Achit, the small administrative centre of an agricultural district, most people continued to work in the state sector and there was an acute money shortage. All respondents, including senior professional people, grew their own vegetables. Livelihood strategies were more clearly `survival strategies' in Achit than in Yekaterinburg, where, by contrast, they could in some cases be classed as `accumulation strategies'. Among the Achit sample, livelihood strategies were less clearly gendered than in Yekaterinburg, and it was possible for women to succeed in business. Nonetheless, livelihood strategies in both locations had certain common features, depending heavily on activities other than primary employment, and relying on extended families and networks of friends and work colleagues.

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48

Smith, Adrian. "Territorial Inequality, Regional Productivity, and Industrial Change in Postcommunism: Regional Transformations in Slovakia." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 35, no. 6 (2003): 1111–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a35242.

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49

Pisciotta, Barbara. "The Center-Periphery Cleavage Revisited: East and Central Europe from Postcommunism to Euroscepticism." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 22, no. 2 (2016): 193–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2016.1169063.

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50

Conkan, Marius. "Transgressive Spaces in Contemporary Romanian Poetry: A Geocritical Approach." Caietele Echinox 38 (June 30, 2020): 138–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/cechinox.2020.38.11.

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Transgressivity is a major geocritical principle that is fundamental for the morphology of global spaces. Following this theoretical frame, my paper will map out the images and states of transgressivity that arise in contemporary Romanian poetry. How does poetry create transgressive spaces in the context of a post-communist society? Which are the poetic cartographies involved in the process of cognitive, affective and heterotopic mapping of Romanian postCommunism? Finally, how does poetry become a territory of freedom that subverts a given socio-political geography? These are the starting points of my geocritical approach on transgressivity which can be characteristic to the “chronotopography” of post-communist spaces and their poetic representations.

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