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Journal articles on the topic 'Postcommunisme – Russie'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 11 February 2022

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1

Pickup, Francine, and Anne White. "Livelihoods in Postcommunist Russia." Work, Employment and Society 17, no. 3 (2003): 419–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09500170030173001.

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Discussions of Russian social trends rarely look below the regional level. This article compares livelihoods within Sverdlovsk Region in the year 2000. In the capital city, Yekaterinburg, postcommunism had opened new opportunities for private sector employment and lucrative additional earnings, but chiefly to the benefit of men with higher education and good connections. By contrast, in Achit, the small administrative centre of an agricultural district, most people continued to work in the state sector and there was an acute money shortage. All respondents, including senior professional people

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2

Robinson, Neil. "Public opinion in postcommunist Russia." International Affairs 73, no. 3 (1997): 594–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2624323.

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3

Weigle, Marcia A. "Political Liberalism in Postcommunist Russia." Review of Politics 58, no. 3 (1996): 469–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500020155.

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This article examines the discussion among Russian scholars and activists concerning the principles of political liberalism in Soviet Russia during the Gorbachev era (1985–1991) and in independent Russia during the Yeltsin presidency (1991-present). After a review of the emergence of liberalism during the Gorbachev years, the analysis focuses on three models of political liberalism which have emerged in the context of Russian postcommunist state construction. Each competing model of liberalism—statist, rule of law, and social—offers a different vision of the principles of political liberalism

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4

Dawson, Jane. "Egalitarian Responses in Postcommunist Russia." International Studies Review 1, no. 3 (1999): 13–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1521-9488.00163.

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5

Morris, Jeremy. "Working-Class Resilience in Russia." Current History 115, no. 783 (2016): 264–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2016.115.783.264.

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6

Volkov, Vadim. "Les entreprises de violence dans la Russie postcommuniste." Politix 13, no. 49 (2000): 57–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/polix.2000.1074.

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7

Kirn, Gal. "Postcommunism as a Contradictory Combination of Competing Elements/Postcommunist film – Russia, Eastern Europe and World Culture, edited by Lars Kristensen." Studies in Eastern European Cinema 6, no. 1 (2015): 119–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/2040350x.2014.992139.

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8

Vale, Michel. "Religion and Politics in Postcommunist Russia." Russian Social Science Review 35, no. 5 (1994): 3–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/rss1061-142835053.

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9

White, Stephen, Ian McAllister, and Ol'ga Kryshtanovskaya. "Religion and politics in Postcommunist Russia∗." Religion, State and Society 22, no. 1 (1994): 73–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09637499408431625.

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10

Braguinsky, Serguey. "Postcommunist Oligarchs in Russia: Quantitative Analysis." Journal of Law and Economics 52, no. 2 (2009): 307–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/589656.

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11

McAllister, Ian, and Stephen White. "Voting ‘against all’ in postcommunist Russia." Europe-Asia Studies 60, no. 1 (2008): 67–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668130701760349.

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12

Wegren, Stephen K. "Democratization and Urban Bias in Postcommunist Russia." Comparative Politics 34, no. 4 (2002): 457. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4146948.

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13

White, Stephen, and Ian McAllister. "Orthodoxy and Political Behavior in Postcommunist Russia." Review of Religious Research 41, no. 3 (2000): 359. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3512035.

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14

White, Stephen, and Sarah Oates. "Politics and the Media in Postcommunist Russia." Politics 23, no. 1 (2003): 31–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00177.

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The evidence of a nationally representative survey conducted in April 2001 suggests that television is the medium of choice for most Russians. At least 92 per cent watch at least several times a week, with state channels more popular than those in commercial ownership. The media enjoy a high level of trust, and there is widespread agreement that they should adopt a stabilising role in society rather than simply report developments. Television is the main source of information when Russians make their electoral choices; there are accordingly considerable implications in the extent to which pro-

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15

White, Stephen, and Ian McAllister. "The politics of religion in Postcommunist Russia∗." Religion, State and Society 25, no. 3 (1997): 235–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09637499708431785.

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16

Nikolić, Milan. "Money Growth–Inflation Relationship in Postcommunist Russia." Journal of Comparative Economics 28, no. 1 (2000): 108–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/jcec.1999.1629.

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17

McAllister, Ian, and Stephen White. "Political Participation in Postcommunist Russia: Voting, Activism, and the Potential for Mass Protest." Political Studies 42, no. 4 (1994): 593–615. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1994.tb00300.x.

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The collapse of communism in Russia and the process of democratization raise questions about political participation in the postcommunist era. Using Russian survey data collected in early 1992, we analyse the nature of political participation and the potential for mass political action. The results show that while voting and activism are similar to the established democracies, abstention and withdrawal are associated with political disaffection from the regime. The potential for mass political action is based on economic dissatisfaction. The strong link between the likelihood of protest and ec

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18

Easter, Gerald M. "Preference for Presidentialism: Postcommunist Regime Change in Russia and the NIS." World Politics 49, no. 2 (1997): 184–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.1997.0002.

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The recent wave of democratic transitions has stimulated scholarly interest in a previously undeveloped area of study: comparative presidentialism. Comparative presidentialism seeks to define variant types of presidentialism that have emerged from transition processes, to identify the conditions that shape institutional choice and to understand more clearly the causal relationship between institutional choice and democratic regime outcomes. Using the postcommunist transitions, this paper contributes to the emerging comparative presidentialism literature by suggesting a revision to the argument

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19

Remington, Thomas F. "Prospects for a Democratic Left in Postcommunist Russia." Journal of Policy History 15, no. 1 (2003): 130–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2003.0008.

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Parties of the democratic left have fared surprisingly poorly in postcommunist Russia. The reasons for this have to do with the legacy of the communist state, particularly the weakness of organized social associations outside the state and the continuing strength of patrimonial and corporatist patterns of state-society relations, together with constitutional and electoral institutions in the post-1993 system that undermine incentives for a system of competitive national political parties.

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20

WHITE, STEPHEN. "Public opinion and political science in postcommunist Russia." European Journal of Political Research 27, no. 4 (1995): 507–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1995.tb00482.x.

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21

McAllister, Ian, and Stephen White. "Nostalgia for the Demise of the ussr in Belarus, Russia and Ukraine." Russian Politics 1, no. 2 (2016): 113–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24518921-00102001.

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A quarter of a century after the collapse of the Soviet Union, its demise still has ramifications for public opinion across the postcommunist world. Using surveys conducted in Belarus, Russia and Ukraine, we show that nostalgia for communism is both widespread and persistent. Across all three countries, nostalgia is concentrated among the old and less well-off and, not surprisingly, among those with Communist Party connections. Social networks and travel to other countries is relatively unimportant in shaping views of the communist past. However, despite these widespread feelings of nostalgia,

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22

Nichols, Thomas M. "The Logic of Russian Presidentialism: Institutions and Democracy in Postcommunism." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 1301 (January 1, 1998): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.1998.73.

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This study began as an investigation into the proverbial "dog that didn't bark," that failure of intuition which often opens the most interesting avenues of inquiry. In this case, the silent dog was an authoritarian Russian Federation: from 1991 onward, there was widespread expectation that it would be only a matter of time before Russia fell back into old habits, and that the experiment with democracy would be little more than an odd footnote in an otherwise unbroken record of autocracy. I am forced to admit that I was part of this chorus of pessimism, and in late 1993-despite the fact that I

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23

Zaslavskaia, Tat'iana I. "On the Social Mechanism of Postcommunist Transformation in Russia." Sociological Research 42, no. 6 (2003): 69–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/sor1061-0154420669.

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24

Benardo, Leonard, and Walter D. Connor. "Tattered Banners: Labor, Conflict, and Corporatism in Postcommunist Russia." Political Science Quarterly 112, no. 4 (1997): 724. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2657724.

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25

ZASLAVSKAIA, TAT'IANA I. "On the Social Mechanism of Postcommunist Transformation in Russia." Russian Social Science Review 45, no. 1 (2004): 4–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10611428.2003.11065141.

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26

Kryshtanovskaya, Olga, and Stephen White. "Generations and the conversion of power in Postcommunist Russia." Perspectives on European Politics and Society 3, no. 2 (2002): 229–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15705850208438835.

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27

Borocz, Jozsef, Walter D. Connor, and Mark Lupher. "Tattered Banners: Labor, Conflict, and Corporatism in Postcommunist Russia." Contemporary Sociology 27, no. 1 (1998): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2654706.

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28

McAllister, Ian, and Stephen White. "Democracy, Political Parties and Party Formation in Postcommunist Russia." Party Politics 1, no. 1 (1995): 49–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068895001001003.

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29

McFaul, Michael. "State Power, Institutional Change, and the Politics of Privatization in Russia." World Politics 47, no. 2 (1995): 210–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887100016087.

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This article reviews recent events in Russia and demonstrates that future progress in developing private property rights will require not only sound economic policies but also more robust state institutions capable of carrying out economic transformation. In January 1992 Russia's first postcommunist government launched a comprehensive economic program to transform the Soviet command system into a market economy. Privatization constituted one of the key components of this program. Two years later, however, privatization in Russia had failed to create real private property rights. By the summer

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30

NORRIS, STEPHEN M. "The Old Ladies of Postcommunism: Gennadii Sidorov'sStarukhiand the Fate of Russia." Russian Review 67, no. 4 (2008): 580–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9434.2008.00501.x.

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31

Nikolayenko, Olena. "Life Cycle, Generational and Period Effects on Protest Potential in Yeltsin's Russia." Canadian Journal of Political Science 41, no. 2 (2008): 437–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423908080463.

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Abstract. Regime change in Eastern Europe affords an excellent opportunity for investigating linkages between age and politics in times of social turmoil. Using data from three waves of the World Values Survey, this paper explores life cycle, generational and period effects on protest potential in Yeltsin's Russia. The study finds that an individual's position in the life cycle is the strongest predictor of protest potential in the post-communist state. Furthermore, the analysis suggests that citizens socialized during periods of relative socioeconomic stability exhibit the highest protest pot

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32

Tolz, Vera. "Conflicting “Homeland Myths” and Nation-State Building in Postcommunist Russia." Slavic Review 57, no. 2 (1998): 267–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2501851.

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The second disintegration of the empire this century has reopened the debate over Russian state and nation building with direct implications both for Russia's reform process and for its relations with other newly independent states. In December 1991, the Russian Federation was transformed into an independent state as a historically formed regional entity, not as a nation state. Scholars argue that the Russian empire was built “at the cost of Russia's own sense of nationhood.” In the past, the efforts spent conquering and ruling vast territories and diverse populations diverted the Russian peop

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33

Bard, Julia. "Jewish identity in postcommunist Russia and Ukraine: an uncertain ethnicity." Ethnic and Racial Studies 37, no. 5 (2013): 855–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2013.847195.

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34

Prizel, Ilya. "Populism As a Political Force in Postcommunist Russia and Ukraine." East European Politics & Societies 15, no. 1 (2001): 54–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/088832501766276533.

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35

Prizel, Ilya. "Populism as a Political Force in Postcommunist Russia and Ukraine." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 15, no. 1 (2000): 54–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325401015001005.

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36

Khiterer, Victoria. "Jewish identities in postcommunist Russia and Ukraine: an uncertain ethnicity." East European Jewish Affairs 47, no. 2-3 (2017): 312–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501674.2017.1384292.

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37

Stoner, Kathryn. "Whither Russia? Autocracy Is Here for Now, but Is It Here to Stay?" Perspectives on Politics 10, no. 4 (2012): 969–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592712002733.

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Judging from some of the titles of recent books on Russia—for example, Richard Sakwa's The Crisis of Russian Democracy, Gulnaz Sharafutdinova's Political Consequences of Crony Capitalism inside Russia, and Tom Remington's The Politics of Inequality in Russia—all is not well 20 years after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Corruption abounds, and state institutions are weak where they should be strong or strong where they should be weak. Under Vladimir Putin, democracy has deteriorated since the heady early days of the 1990s, and the negative externalities of Russia's rocky economic transition—

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38

Moser, Robert G. "Electoral Systems and the Number of Parties in Postcommunist States." World Politics 51, no. 3 (1999): 359–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887100009114.

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Scholars studying electoral systems have consistently found that single-member plurality elections tend to constrain the number of parties operating in a polity to a much greater extent than multimember proportional representation systems. This article tests this hypothesis in the post-communist context by examining the effects of proportional representation and single-member district elections on the number of parties in five postcommunist states. It is shown that some postcommunist states, most notably Poland and Hungary, have followed the standard pattern of party consolidation over time in

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39

White, Stephen, and Ian Mcallister. "The CPSU and Its Members: Between Communism and Postcommunism." British Journal of Political Science 26, no. 1 (1996): 105–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400007432.

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Once dominant and unchallenged throughout the USSR, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union rapidly lost authority in the last two years of Soviet rule. Banned by Russian presidential decree after the failure of the attempted coup of August 1991, it was re-established in February 1993 and soon became the largest of the postcommunist parties. A 1992 survey of current and former party members as well as other Russians found that members were characterized by a relatively high degree of activism. They were disproportionately male, more affluent than non-members, and better provided with consumer

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40

Remington, Thomas F. "The Evolution of Executive-Legislative Relations in Russia since 1993." Slavic Review 59, no. 3 (2008): 499–520. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2697343.

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Boris El'tsin's abrupt departure from the presidency on New Year's Eve 1999 began a new phase in Russia's postcommunist political development. With the presidency no longer occupied by the author of the constitution, the question arises whether his successor will consider himself more bound by the constitutional arrangements in place since 1993, or less. Rather than to speculate on Vladimir Putin's political personality, this paper will instead examine the record of president-parliament relations since 1993 for indications concerning whether Russia's institutions have begun to settle into thos

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41

Rukavishnikov, Vladimir O. "Sociological Aspects of the Modernization of Russia and Other Postcommunist Societies." Sociological Research 34, no. 6 (1995): 66–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/sor1061-0154340666.

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42

Rukavishnikov, Vladimir O. "Sociological Aspects of the Modernization of Russia and Other Postcommunist Societies." Russian Social Science Review 37, no. 2 (1996): 37–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/rss1061-1428370237.

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43

Zverevich, Victor. "Developing the Library Network in Postcommunist Russia: Trends, Issues, and Perspectives." Library Trends 63, no. 2 (2014): 144–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lib.2014.0039.

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44

Bunce, Valerie. "The Prospects for a Color Revolution in Russia." Daedalus 146, no. 2 (2017): 19–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00431.

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From 1998 to 2005, six elections took place in postcommunist Europe and Eurasia that led to the defeat of authoritarian incumbents or their anointed successors, the empowerment of opposition forces, and, thereafter, the introduction of democratic reforms. Because Putin's regime closely resembles those regimes that were successfully challenged by these dramatic changes in politics, Russia is a logical candidate for such a “color revolution,” as these electoral turnovers have been termed. Moreover, the color revolutions have demonstrated an ability to spread among countries, including several th

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45

Bahry, Donna, and Polina Kozyreva. "Family Socialization, Trust and Change: Evidence from Russia." Comparative Sociology 17, no. 3-4 (2018): 261–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341460.

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AbstractSocial science debates about sources of generalized trust have prompted growing attention to how children develop faith in others. Much of the evidence, however, has come from relatively stable and prosperous societies. How might children’s trust differ in societies that have experienced rapid and destabilizing transitions, as in postcommunist states? Using new evidence on Russia from three waves of a survey between 2006 and 2014, the authors show that children’s trust is relatively low, reflecting low trust among parents, children’s sense of economic insecurity, and their doubts about

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46

Richard. "Political Culture in Post-Communist Russia: Formlessness and Recreation in a Traumatic Transition. By James Alexander. New York: St. Martin's Press, 2000. 267p. $65.00." American Political Science Review 96, no. 1 (2002): 223–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402214331.

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Of all the “traumatic transitions” in the postcommunist world, the Russian one ranks as one of the most tortuous and painful. Why is this? Does the problem lie in the institutional structure created in the early postcommunist years, or do the roots lie deeper, in Russia's innate authoritarianism and cult of strong leadership? Employing the concept of political culture, this is the question that Alexander seeks to answer. He approaches the idea in an unusual way, however, by focusing rather more broadly on the concept of “culture” and its potential for change rather than any narrowly defined no

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47

Robertson, Graeme B. "Managing Society: Protest, Civil Society, and Regime in Putin's Russia." Slavic Review 68, no. 3 (2009): 528–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0037677900019719.

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Postcommunist Russia has become a paradigmatic case of contemporary authoritarianism in which elections coexist with autocratic rule. In this paper, Graeme B. Robertson argues that it is vital for the stability of such hybrid regimes for incumbents to maintain an image of political invincibility. This means intensively managing challenges both during elections and in the streets. To do this, Vladimir Putin's regime has built on the Soviet repertoire of channeling and inhibiting protest, creating a new system for licensing civil society and crafting ersatz social movements that rally support fo

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48

Zhuravskaya, Ekaterina. "Whither Russia? A Review of Andrei Shleifer's A Normal Country." Journal of Economic Literature 45, no. 1 (2007): 127–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jel.45.1.127.

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In this review, the author reflects on the heated debates around views about Russia's postcommunist transition expressed in essays collected in new Andrei Shleifer's book, A Normal Country: Russia after Communism (Harvard University Press, 2005), which were initially published at different times during transition. She focuses on the three questions that have been in the center of the debate among academics and policymakers: What should the sequencing and the speed of reforms be? Should a country have political centralization for fiscal decentralization to be efficient? Is Russia normal? The au

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49

Laurie Essig. "Sexuality and Gender in Postcommunist Eastern Europe and Russia (review)." Journal of the History of Sexuality 17, no. 3 (2008): 486–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sex.0.0029.

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50

Horne, Sharon. "A Review of: “Sexuality and Gender in Postcommunist Eastern Europe and Russia”." Journal of Sex & Marital Therapy 32, no. 2 (2006): 193–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00926230500443647.

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