Academic literature on the topic 'Power and hegemony'
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Journal articles on the topic "Power and hegemony"
1
Lo Bianco, Andrea, and Natalia Valdés del Toro. "The Hegemon’s Perspective, Part I. On the inner source and morphology of world power and hegemony." Relaciones Internacionales, no. 46 (February 28, 2021): 41–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.15366/relacionesinternacionales2021.46.003.
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Modernity unfolds through the unrelenting exploitation, appropriation, and dispossession of human and natural substance; through the radical devaluation of nature, both human and extra-human; on hierarchy, racism, patriarchy, all in service to capitalist accumulation. A grasp of what lies at the base of one of the most important world-historical mechanisms of power formation and systemic reproduction that has hitherto kept the capitalist world-system/ecology going, hegemony, can be relevant for the formulation of new strategies of contention and practices of anti-systemic movements against this perverse mode of life organization. Such a grasp, thus, can be regarded as part of the anti-systemic program towards a more just society and ecologically-devoted humanity. Understanding how a hegemon can form and produce power can be conducive to the comprehension of how to jam or confront such a world-systemic mechanism, which is pivotal for the unabated expansion and reproduction of capitalism. This investigation endeavors to shed some light on this agency of world-historical power and systemic re/production. More to the point, it will posit a methodological way of reading and understanding the inner source and morphology of the hegemonic power. This paper, however, represents the spadework for further research. As we shall see, the complexity of the argument imposed a provisional “ecological expurgation”. As a consequence, nature will be silenced in Part I. The reasons for such a painful expurgation will be clear once we delve into the articulation of analysis and narrative. Such methodological and conceptual weakness is to be overcome through further research in Part II. It shall posit a complete hegemon’s perspective, namely, a world-ecological perspective on the hegemonic power. Part I, hence, will explore part of the material relational complexity that spawns hegemony in reality. On the present groundwork indeed, an understanding of the hegemonic power through post-Cartesian, that is, a world-ecological lens, could be unfolded to the fullest, both methodologically and historically. Provisional and fictional separation calls for permanent and lifelike reconstitution —which is the final aim of the research—. Part I will not engage in a traditional analysis of hegemony as a projection of power towards and onto world space. By contrast, it will deal with how a hegemon succeeds in projecting such power; that is, how the hegemon manages to internally generate power enough to make masses and states throughout the world captive and legible to the hegemon’s project of world leadership and historical development. What is seldom acknowledged is that a hegemon, before projecting power outward, must develop an internal formula. Hence, through this (provisional) methodological frame it will be argued that it is not simply an overt power that defines a hegemon, but its infra-structural power. More to the point, in Part I will posit the hegemon as a regime of power accumulation wherein state, capital and society work hand in glove with a particular degree of coherence developed within the established, or legal, boundaries of its territorial sovereignty. The internal organization of power that originates from this “coherent work” breeds hegemony, that is, the capacity to project power towards and onto world space. Part I purports to provide a way to explain analytically the hegemon’s organization, control, and logistics in order to understand sociospatial capacity for infrastructural power — a mode for investigating the tangled whole of powers, relations and networks that makes and permeates the fabric of the hegemon itself -. I would here hint at the world-ecological reading of the hegemon. In short: the world-ecological perspective of the Hegemon thinks of hegemonic power not solely as infra-structural power but as infra-relational power —meaning the capacity to historically design first, and then organize the project of power, science and nature by activating operations to harness the relational forces between humans and nature (as well as within both and their own inextricable intertwining) in service of capitalist power—. The hegemon is thus an organization of human-and-extra-human space that extensively and intensively re/produces, organizes, mobilizes and maximizes human-and-extra-human wealth, knowledge and interaction better than any other organization in the modern world-ecology. In short: before projecting power outward, the hegemon must develop a socioecological formula. Thus, from a complete hegemon’s perspective, hegemony is firstly an inner actual world-ecological design of the world. This is the idea behind the methodological and historical investigation of world-ecology to be carried out. Part I maintains that hegemonic power is the product of a trialectic unity of state, capital and society in which multiple overlapping and intersecting spatial networks of power, and the attendant immanent relations, are viewed as constitutive of the working totality. A hegemon deploys the most coherent – efficient and effective – design and operationalization of infrastructural power. Complementary then, hegemonic infrastructural power is to be also seen as the specifically-organic product and conflation of extensive and intensive power – firstly, within its own legal space and borders. The hegemon is a regime of power accumulation that extensively and intensively re/produces, organizes, mobilizes, and maximizes wealth, knowledge and interaction better than any other organization in the modern world-system. Hence, compared to any other jurisdiction that vies with it, a hegemonic regime manages to generate and combine the highest organizational cooperation (put simply: cooperation among the largest number of people with and through the most expansive management of resources – extensive power) with the greatest organizational command (put simply: the highest level of commitment from participants and utilization of resources – intensive power). The investigation of networks and relations, (bundled by) extensive and intensive power, is, in short, the method being argued for. As a whole, this will allow us to see the socio-spatial dynamic of infrastructural power production and to account for (the coherence of) the hegemon’s structure – the hegemony’s source. Finally, this is to prepare the ground, on the one hand, for the factual analysis of the hegemons’ historical development, since it purports to provide a useful framework to investigate the hegemons’ historical organization as well as the manifold web of power relations contained within it. On the other, it provides, as a whole, the springboard through which to unfold the world-ecological perspective on the hegemon, both methodologically and historically.
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Morales Ruvalcaba, Daniel. "Ciclos políticos hegemónicos: implicaciones para la gobernanza internacional." Brazilian Journal of International Relations 7, no. 3 (November 12, 2018): 452–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2018.v7n3.03.p452.
Full textAbstract:
El hegemón es un actor fundamental en la gobernanza internacional. No obstante, mientras que el comercio, poder y guerra han sido temas ampliamente abordados desde los estudios sobre hegemonía en las Relaciones Internacionales, se ha avanzado poco en análisis de las ideas que orientan el comportamiento del hegemón. La hipótesis aquí planteada es que las hegemonías recorren a lo largo de su existencia cinco fases (emergencia, despliegue, apogeo, declive y extinción) y, durante cada una de ellas, el Estado hegemónico asume ideologías específicas que orientan su comportamiento internacional, lo cual se traduce en la promoción de ciertas políticas internacionales, así como de alianzas y organizaciones internacionales con vocaciones específicas. Sin embargo, en la medida que evoluciona su poder nacional y el hegemón transita de una fase a otra, éste tiende a cambiar ideológicamente, abandonando ideas previas y asumiendo otras nuevas. Si bien dicha transición ideológica es pragmática -en función de las necesidades de su poder nacional- este cambio resulta discordante y criticable por otros actores del sistema. Este documento se compone de dos grandes partes: en la primera se establecen las cinco fases de un ciclo hegemónico y, luego, se exponen las ideologías que orientan el comportamiento del Estado hegemónico en ellas; la segunda parte se orienta a comprobar empíricamente las transiciones ideológicas durante las hegemonías neerlandesa, británica y estadounidense.
Abstract: The hegemon is a fundamental actor in international governance. However, while trade, power and war have been topics widely discussed from studies on hegemony in International Relations, little progress has been made in analyzing the ideas that guide the behavior of the hegemon. The hypothesis proposed here is that the hegemonies pass through five phases during their existence (emergence, deployment, apogee, decline and extinction) and, during each of them, the hegemonic State assumes specific ideologies that guide its international behavior. However, as the national power evolves, and the hegemon moves from one phase to another, it tends to change ideologically, abandoning previous ideas and assuming new ones. Although this ideological transition is pragmatic - depending on the power needs of the hegemon- this change results discordant and is criticized by other actors in the system. To demonstrate this, the following document is composed of two major parts: the first presents the five phases of a hegemonic cycle and, along with it, the ideologies that guide the behavior of the hegemonic State; the second part aims to empirically verify the ideological transitions during the hegemonies that have existed: the Dutch, the British and the American.
Keywords: Hegemony, hegemonic political cycles, ideology, national power, hegemonic interregnum.
Recebido em: Agosto/2018.
Aprovado em: Dezembro/2018.
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Nexon, Daniel H., and Iver B. Neumann. "Hegemonic-order theory: A field-theoretic account." European Journal of International Relations 24, no. 3 (July 4, 2017): 662–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066117716524.
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This article outlines a field-theoretic variation of hegemonic-order theory — one inspired primarily by the work of Pierre Bourdieu. We argue that hegemony derives from the possession of a plurality of meta-capital in world politics; hegemons exercise “a power over other species of power, and particularly over their rate of exchange.” Recasting conventional hegemonic-order theories along these lines carries with it at least three advantages: it helps bridge the differences between realist and neo-Gramscian approaches to hegemony; it provides scaffolding for exploring the workings of hegemony and hegemonic ordering across different scales; and it better addresses the fact that hegemonic powers are enabled and constrained by international order itself. After reviewing some of the major variants of hegemonic-order theory, we explore Bourdieu’s understanding of hegemony and cognate concepts. We then elaborate on our field-theoretic approach, with examples drawn from US foreign relations and the Roman Empire. Finally, we provide a longer illustrative sketch in the form of a discussion of Roman ordering and its longue durée influence on social, political, and cultural fields in world politics.
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HE, KAI. "The hegemon's choice between power and security: explaining US policy toward Asia after the Cold War." Review of International Studies 36, no. 04 (May 21, 2010): 1121–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210510000227.
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AbstractAfter the Cold War, US strategists have suggested four strategies for the hegemon: hegemonic dominion, selective engagement, offshore balancing, and multilateralism. Rather than debating which strategy is the best for the US at all times, this article focuses on examining which policy is more likely to be chosen by the hegemon – the US – under different strategic conditions. Through a neoclassical realist argument – the power-perception hegemonic model, I argue that US foreign policy depends on how US policymakers perceive US hegemonic status in the international system. Under rising and stable hegemony, selective engagement and hegemonic dominion are two possible power-maximisation strategies given the weak security constraints from the system. Under declining hegemony, offshore balancing and multilateralism are more likely to be chosen by US policymakers to pursue security because of a resumed security imperative from anarchy. US policy toward Asia after the Cold War is a case study to test the validity of the power-perception hegemonic model. I conclude that US policymakers should prepare for life after Pax-Americana, and early implementation of offshore balancing and multilateralism may facilitate the soft-landing of declining US hegemony.
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Raouf, Huda. "Iranian quest for regional hegemony: motivations, strategies and constrains." Review of Economics and Political Science 4, no. 3 (July 12, 2019): 242–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/reps-02-2019-0017.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to study and specify to what extent Iran will succeed in being a regional hegemon. The paper is devoted to clarification of the constitutive elements for regional hegemony. These elements will be related to an actor’s perception of its role and regional perception, and how these hegemons exert power, do these work for the public good in the region (provision) and how this regional power projects power and exerts power to influence others’ preferences and values without reference to violence (projection). For the Middle East, Iran emerged as a key player in most regional conflicts and it tried to increase its sphere of influence as a regional hegemon. Therefore the question here would be: To what extend could Iran succeed in being a regional hegemon and what are the circumstances that could enhance or constrain this Iranian ambition? So the aim of the paper is to look at three dimensions in general and see whether Iran makes a plausible candidate for regional hegemony. The paper outlines the essential traits of a regional hegemon, and the main elements that constitute a regional hegemony such as perception, provision and projection, and then analyze how Iran follows those elements by analyzing internal perceptions of the Iranian elite about Iranian regional role, regional acceptance, provision of public good, projection and finally impact of the relation with external great powers. Through analyzing its regional strategy in Syria and Iraq since 2003, the year of invasion of Iraq, since ever a political vacuum was created, that enabled Iran to extend its regional influence, after the fall of its historical regional rival, Saddam Hussein baathi regime. Design/methodology/approach The study adopts an analytical framework of analyzing a regional hegemony strategy which is approached by Miriam Prys in her study “Hegemony, domination, detachment: differences in regional powerhood” to study and analyze Iran’s regional behavior as one of regional power that is seeking regional hegemony. This analytical framework is one of the most significant analytical tools that interests in the study of the behavior of regional power and identify the constitutive dimensions for regional hegemony such as self-perception, regional perception, provision and power projection. Findings The study concludes that there are obstacles completely in front of achieving the Iranian quest to regional hegemony over the Middle East. These are the continuing US involvement in the Middle East and the consequent tense relationship between Iran and the USA. It is most unlikely that Iran will be hegemonic state over the Middle East as long as there are refusal and resistance from other regional states for Iranian regional role; as each of regional powers has tools to contain the influence of the other. The Iranian regional behavior that is sectarianism-based, whether to protect Shiite shrines and holy places or to protect Shiites in the region, such policies deepen the ideological and sectarian conflicts. It also has not provided an attractive cultural model for the peoples of the region. Research limitations/implications This paper enhances the deep analysis of the Middle East dynamics through the prospective of regional power. Also, the paper focuses on the analysis of the relation between great power and aspiring regional power and the impact on its strategies. Practical implications This study enhances the understanding of how Iranian decision-makers perceive their regional Iranian and the threats. Moreover, the tools that Iran uses its hard power and ideational one to create regional followers and change its allies’ normative and value systems to come in line with its national interests. Moreover, the study tries to measure the actual Iranian influence, its weakness and strength so that the Arab states and the West could behave in a fruitful way. Originality/value In the final analysis, the paper offers an insight into the regional behavior and the importance of external power in regional dynamics and to what extent the regional hegemon is applicable to Iran.
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Paulino, Luís Antonio. "Hegemonia ou Governança Global Compartilhada. O que a China pensa?" Brazilian Journal of International Relations 7, no. 3 (November 12, 2018): 581–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2018.v7n3.07.p581.
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Frente à experiência histórica do Ocidente, na qual o ciclo de hegemonia, competição, guerra e nova hegemonia tem se repetido desde que o Tratado de Vestfália, em 1648, criou o atual sistema de estados-nação independentes, a ascensão recente da China à condição de grande potência e o concomitante declínio do “soft power” e do “hard power” dos Estados Unidos tem levado muitos a prever um inevitável confronto entre os dois países na disputa pela hegemonia mundial. Mesmo nos Estados Unidos, a preocupação de que a China possa vir a tomar seu lugar como potência hegemônica global tem gerado reações fortes, com a China sendo apresentada para a opinião pública como o inimigo a ser contido e derrotado. Os chineses, por seu turno, alegam que a lógica poder-hegemonia está baseada na experiência histórica dos países ocidentais e que a mesma não se aplica ao caso da China. Afirmam que não é da natureza da China buscar a hegemonia, que a China pode alcançar o desenvolvimento sem buscar a hegemonia e que a busca da hegemonia seria um convite para sua própria destruição. Para os chineses, o atual sistema de governança global pelo Ocidente está em desacordo com o atual balanço de poder mundial e, por isso, advogam um novo modelo de governança compartilhada entre o Ocidente e o Oriente.
Abstract: In the face of Western historical experience in which the cycle of hegemony, competition, war and new hegemony has been repeated since the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648 created the present system of independent nation-states, China's recent rise to the condition of great power and the concomitant decline of soft power and hard power in the United States has led many to foresee an inevitable confrontation between the two countries in the struggle for world hegemony. Even in the United States, concern that China may take its place as a global hegemonic power has generated strong reactions, with China being presented to public opinion as the enemy to be restrained and defeated. The Chinese, for their part, claim that the logic of power-hegemony is based on the historical experience of Western countries and that it does not apply to the case of China. They assert that it is not China's nature to seek hegemony, that China can achieve development without seeking hegemony and that the pursuit of hegemony would be an invitation to its own destruction. For the Chinese, the current system of global governance by the West is at odds with the current balance of world power and therefore advocate a new model of shared governance between the West and the East.
Key-words: China, United States, Hegemony.
Recebido em: Agosto/2018.
Aprovado em: Outubro/2018.
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Dore, Rosemary, and Herbert Glauco de Souza. "GRAMSCI NUNCA MENCIONOU O CONCEITO DE CONTRA-HEGEMONIA." Cadernos de Pesquisa 25, no. 3 (October 11, 2018): 243. http://dx.doi.org/10.18764/2178-2229.v25n3p243-260.
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Antonio Gramsci formulou o conceito de hegemonia e Raymond Williams o de contra-hegemonia, pois considerava o primeiro lacunar. Seria mesmo? Essa pergunta orienta a abordagem aqui realizada, por meio da qual objetiva-se mostrar que o conceito de hegemonia de Gramsci explica a configuração do Estado, depois da segunda metade do século XIX, e novas estratégias de luta social. Em momento algum, Gramsci refere-se à ideia de contra-hegemonia, mesmo analisando situações que Williams interpretaria como contra-hegemônicas. O conceito de contra-hegemonia ganhou enorme difusão em âmbito internacional, em vários campos do conhecimento, de modo que se chegou a afirmar que foi produzido por Gramsci. O exame do tema utilizou como metodologia uma revisão bibliográfica de textos clássicos e de comentadores, possibilitando concluir que a ideia de contra-hegemonia é de Raymond Williams e demonstrar o não entendimento do conceito de hegemonia. O acréscimo ao corpus teórico gramsciano da categoria de contra-hegemonia manifesta também retrocesso e contradição. Retrocesso porque tal ideia se insere no contexto de guerra de movimento, da “fórmula de 1848” e aplica-se à conjuntura europeia da primeira metade do século XIX, analisada por Gramsci, quando o Estado era sinônimo de sociedade política e a sociedade civil era incipiente. Então, não havia espaço para os grupos subalternos se organizarem e influírem sobre a política estatal. Contradição porque hegemonia e contra-hegemonia se excluem mutuamente, pois, enquanto a luta pela hegemonia apenas se configura em um contexto de desenvolvimento da sociedade civil, a ideia de contra-hegemonia remete ao contexto de guerra de movimento, ao Estado-força, em que predomina a sociedade política, a coerção.GRAMSCI NEVER MENTIONED THE CONCEPT OF COUNTER-HEGEMONYAbstract: Antonio Gramsci formulated the concept of hegemony and Raymond Williams the counter-hegemony, considering the first incomplete. Was it really? This question guides the approach taken here. It is shown that Gramsci's concept of hegemony explains the configuration of the state after the second half of the nineteenth century and new strategies of social struggle. At no time, Gramsci refers to the idea of counter-hegemony, even analyzing situations that Williams would interpret as counter-hegemonic. The concept of counter-hegemony gained enormous diffusion in an international scope, in several fields of knowledge, coming to claim that it was produced by Gramsci. The examination of theme used as a methodology a bibliographical revision of classic texts and commentators, allowing to conclude that the idea of counter hegemony is of Raymond Williams and demonstrates the non-understanding of the concept of hegemony. The addition to the Gramscian theoretical corpus of the category of counter-hegemony also manifests retrogression and contradiction. Retrogression because such an idea fits into the context of war of movement, the "formula of 1848". It applies to the European context of the first half of the nineteenth century, analyzed by Gramsci, when the state was synonymous with political society and civil society was incipient. So there was no political condition for subaltern classes to organize themselves and influence state policy. Contradiction because hegemony and counter-hegemony mutually exclude each other. While the struggle for hegemony only takes place in a context of civil society development, the idea of counter-hegemony refers to the context of war of movement, characterized by the prevalence of coercion, in which political society (which rules through force) predominates.Keywords: Antonio Gramsci. Raymond Williams. Power. Hegemony. Counter-hegemony.GRAMSCI NUNCA MENCIONÓ EL CONCEPTO DE CONTRAHEGEMONÍAResumen: Antonio Gramsci formuló el concepto de hegemonía y Raymond Williams el de contra hegemonía, pues consideraba el primer incompleto. ¿Sería mismo? Esta pregunta guía el enfoque aquí adoptado, por medio del cual se objetiva mostrar que el concepto de hegemonía de Gramsci explica la configuración del Estado, después de la segunda mitad del siglo XIX, y las nuevas estrategias de la lucha social, sino que, en ningún momento, Gramsci se refiere a la idea de contra hegemonía, incluso analizando situaciones que Williams interpretaría como contra hegemónicas. El concepto de contra hegemonía ganó enorme difusión en el ámbito internacional, en varios campos del conocimiento, llegando a afirmarse que fue producido por Gramsci. El examen del tema utilizó como metodología una revisión bibliográfica de textos clásicos y de comentaristas, posibilitando concluir que la idea de contra hegemonía es de Raymond Williams y demuestra el no entendimiento del concepto de hegemonía. El acrecimiento al corpus teórico gramsciano de la categoría contra hegemonía manifiesta también retroceso y contradicción. Retroceso porque tal idea se inserta en el contexto de guerra de movimiento, de la "fórmula de 1848". Se aplica a la coyuntura europea de la primera mitad del siglo XIX, analizada por Gramsci, cuando el Estado era sinónimo de sociedad política y la sociedad civil era incipiente. Entonces no había espacio para los grupos subalternos se organizar y influir sobre la política estatal. Contradicción porque hegemonía y contra hegemonía se excluyen mutuamente, pues la lucha por la hegemonía sólo se configura en un contexto de desarrollo de la sociedad civil, la idea de contra hegemonía se remite al contexto de guerra de movimiento, al Estado-fuerza, en que predomina la sociedad política, la coerción.Palabras clave: Antonio Gramsci. Raymond Williams. Poder. Hegemonía. Contra hegemonía.
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Zeitoun, Mark, and J. A. Allan. "Applying hegemony and power theory to transboundary water analysis." Water Policy 10, S2 (November 1, 2008): 3–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wp.2008.203.
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This paper introduces the basic concepts of hydro-hegemony which are employed in the analysis of the contributors of this special issue. It emphasises the roles of hegemony, power and political–economy processes in shaping international transboundary water relations. Central to the analysis is Lukes’ concept of the three dimensions of power and Gramscian notions of hegemony (see S. Lukes, Power: A Radical View, 2005). Hegemony depends on the skilful use of hard and soft forms of power, between formally equal parties such as nation states. Hydro-hegemony is hegemony active in international transboundary water settings, the analytical framework for which is laid out in detail by Zeitoun and Warner in Water Policy vol 8 (2006, 435–460). The challenges of conceptualising the complex nexus of international water relations are also addressed. A recurring theme is that both power and political economy processes are especially effective when they operate invisibly. The approach furthermore sets the frame for exploration of improvement of the options of hegemon riparians and non-hegemon riparians alike for more principled transboundary water governance.
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Zwischenberger, Cornelia. "The policy maker in conference interpreting and its hegemonic power." Culture and Society 5, no. 2 (November 28, 2016): 200–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ts.5.2.03zwi.
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This paper sets out to explore the concept of hegemony in the field of conference interpreting practice. It presents the International Association of Conference Interpreters (AIIC) as the hegemon in conference interpreting and examines its power as a policy maker. The paper associates this type of investigation with the sociological turn in conference interpreting research. It takes two large-scale surveys by Feldweg (1996) and Zwischenberger (2013) as its starting point, based on the self-representations of conference interpreter members of AIIC. The examples taken from these two surveys reveal a consistent degree of consensus and highlight the hegemonic power exerted by AIIC. This study’s main focus is on appropriating the hegemony concept for conference interpreting and thereby showing that AIIC governs the entire field of conference interpreting practice. AIIC’s power as a policy maker is based on a large degree of consent, although its hegemonic power is not uncontested.
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Rein, Marlen. "Power Asymmetry in the Mekong River Basin: The Impact of Hydro-Hegemony on Sharing Transboundary Water." Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies 8, no. 1 (December 20, 2017): 127–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/vjeas-2016-0005.
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Abstract Does the allocation of transboundary water strengthen cooperation among states or cause international conflicts? This is a question that is highly disputed among several scholars, whereas the arguments of both sides seem equally rational. An analogous dissent can be seen in the research area of the Mekong River. For that reason, it is rational to avoid engaging in this everlasting disagreement and rather look at the problematic question from another viewpoint. This article deals with the Mekong case from a relatively new angle by combining the concepts of power, hydro-hegemony, and coexistence of conflict and cooperation as proposed by the London Water Research Group for analysing the impacts of hydro-hegemony on water allocation. This approach enables us to observe that the power asymmetry deriving from four types of power (geographic, material, bargaining, and ideational power) gives China the position of the hydro-hegemon that is followed by five weaker non-hegemons in the following order: Laos, Thailand, Myanmar, Vietnam, and Cambodia. Despite the great number of collaborative groups, the non-hegemons have not been able to resist the hydro-hegemony of China effectively, as the unity of non-hegemons is mostly hampered by different national interests. Therefore, the bilateral relations of China with the other riparian states individually-especially with Laos and Cambodia-have been stronger than on the multilateral basis with the Mekong River Commission.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Power and hegemony"
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Morris, Katherine-Anne. "Oil, power, and global hegemony." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/97090.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study explores the impact of primary energy on the measurement of state power and hegemony. Through an examination of British and American hegemonies, the role of coal, oil and petroleum on the hegemonic cycle is assessed, and the argument is presented for the inclusion of energy as a primary element underpinning the state power base. Utilising the Hegemonic Stability Theory approach to the study of global hegemony, a framework for the assessment of the role of energy on international hegemony is constructed. The Hegemonic Stability Theory approach employed in this study is augmented through the incorporation of several complimentary theoretical approaches, in order to improve the theory’s applicability to multiple cases. Through an examination of the economic, financial, and military/naval ‘pillars’ of the respective hegemonic powers, the study determines that energy has had a marked impact on both British and American hegemonies. Technological developments, notably the steam engine, and the subsequent conversion of the Royal Navy, the cornerstone of British hegemony, from sail to steam, made coal vital to the British Empire. In contrast, the use of oil and petroleum during the United States hegemonic reign indicate that access to oil and petroleum not only benefitted the United States material power base, but has become vital to sustaining American hegemony. This study makes a plausible case for the inclusion of energy as a factor in the assessment of state power, and draws attention to the importance of ensuring energy security and maintaining technological leads.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie verhandeling ondersoek die impak wat grond-energie het as maatstaf op staatsmag en hegemonie. Na afleiding van ‘n gevalle studie van beide Britse en Amerikaanse hegemonies - die rol wat steenkool, olie en petroleum speel op die hegemoniese siklus – stel hierdie navorsingstuk voor dat grond-energie ingesluit moet word as ‘n kriterium van hoe staatsmag gemeet word. Hierdie tesis wend Hegemoniese Stabiliteitsteorie aan om internasionale hegemonie te ondersoek. ‘n Raamwerk om die belang van energie te meet in internasionale hegemonie word opgestel. Die Hegemoniese Stabiliteitsteorie aanslag word aangepas deur verskeie komplimentêre teoretiese benaderings te inkorporeer en sodoende die teorie meer toepaslik te maak op verskeie gevallestudies. Deur die ekonomiese, finansiële en militêle/vloot ‘pilare’ van die onderskeie hegemoniese magte te ondersoek, bevind hierdie verhandeling dat energie ‘n bepalende invloed gehad het op beide Britse en Amerikaanse hegemonies. Tegnologiese ontwikkelings, mees opmerklik die stoomenjin en die gevolglike oorgang van die Koninklike Vloot (die hoeksteun van Britse hegemonie) van seil- na stoomenjins, was die gevolg dat steenkool van uiterse belang geword het vir die Britse Ryk. In kontras word aangedui dat die gebruik van en toegang tot olie en petroleum tydens die hegemoniese bewind van die Verenigde State van Amerika nie net die materiële magsbasis bevoordeel het nie, maar asook bepalend geword het om Amerikaanse hegemonie te handhaaf. Hierdie verhandeling maak die aanneemlike voorstelling dat energie ingesluit moet word as ‘n faktor om staatsmag te meet, en dui die belang daarvan aan om tegnologiese vooruitgang te onderhou en sodoende energie sekuriteit te verseker.
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Levin, R. M. "Hegemony and crisis : Swazi royal power in transition." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.354921.
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McGee, Heather L. "US power dominance in the 21st century : a rationale for continued hegemony /." Maxwell AFB, Ala. : School of Advanced Air and Space Studies, 2008. https://www.afresearch.org/skins/rims/display.aspx?moduleid=be0e99f3-fc56-4ccb-8dfe-670c0822a153&mode=user&action=downloadpaper&objectid=ab1e9dd8-8613-4ac1-ab0b-a1ab5af7a463&rs=PublishedSearch.
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Prys, Miriam. "Regions, Power and Hegemony : India and South Africa Compared." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.504159.
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Saenko, Michael Mark. "Building hegemony : the evolution of power and violence in Morocco." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709035.
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Pourshahbadinzadeh, Alireza. "Hegemony and power structures in Salman Rushdie's The Satanic Verses." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för kultur och estetik, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-118507.
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Salman Rushdie’s The Satanic Versesis one of the most controversial postcolonial novels, which among a plethora of themes seems to mainly focus on the notion of hegemonic power. The Satanic Verses can partly be read as a denunciation of the British hegemony in which social injustice, racial discrimination and violence, in its different forms, exerted upon marginalized and stigmatized people (such as non-European expatriates) are legitimized by the dominant group and understood as something conventional and normal by the subjugated people. Moreover, this novel encourages the readers to criticize religion as a political tool with the help of which the dominant group can make groups of people subservient to authority. This part of my essay is related to the criticism of hegemony as such. Employing Gramsci’s analysis of hegemony, this paper begins with an investigation of the relationship between the figure of a migrant, violence and cultural hegemony inRushdie’s Britain. In the second part, the link between dream scenes and the ways through which they contribute to the overall argument about hegemony is studied. Finally, the last part of this essay revolves around religious hegemony. Hence, what links all these three sections together is the concept of hegemony and the ways through which hegemonic power is achieved and implemented in this novel.
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Biegon, Rubrick. "Reconstituting hegemony: US power and the New Left in Latin America." Thesis, University of Kent, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.654100.
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In the first decade of the twenty-first century, and in stark contrast to the immediate postCold War period, Latin American politics was defined by the ascendency of leftist and centre-left forces. The emergence and consolidation of the 'New Latin Left', as this thesis terms these governments, signalled a profound challenge to the longstanding hegemony of . the United States in the Western hemisphere. In their foreign and domestic policies, the countries of the region began distancing themselves from Washington's geopolitical and economic agenda. This thesis examines the ways in which US foreign policy responded to the counter-hegemony manifested in the New Latin Left. Defining hegemony as an asymmetrical and dialectical relationship patterned by multiple and overlapping fOlIDS of power, it investigates US efforts to reconstitutJ its hegemonic position in the Americas. Building on Gramscian historical materialism, it Situates US hegemony alongside the political economy of the Post-Washington Consensus. The analysis utilises the taxonomy of power developed by Barnett and Duvall to examine the interplay of the different facets of US hegemony in Latin America, which, as the argument goes, are inextricably interlinked with on-going processes of neoliberalisation. Empirical chapters focus on: the coercive leverage of US compulsory power; as realised through. the Pentagon's resources and strategy in the region; the institutional power of the Organization of American States in relation to newly-created and Latin American-led mechanisms ofmuitilateral cooperation; the structural power of the US's multi-track free trade agenda; and the productive power expressed in the discursive construction of Latin American populisrri. By exploring the different facets of US power in the region, the thesis brings clarity to what remains an open and contested process of hegemonic reconstitution. In doing so, it contributes to critical International Relations/International Political Economy scholarship on US hegemony, US foreign policy and contemporary US-Latin American relations.
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Tempone, Victor. "O Brasil vai à guerra : a inserção brasileira em um conflito global." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2007. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=883.
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Esta dissertação tem por objetivo analisar, tanto da perspectiva externa como através de um olhar interno, a inserção do Brasil na II Guerra Mundial, enfatizando, todavia, a visão sistêmica. O substrato teórico utilizado é o da Teoria Crítica das Relações Internacionais, de Robert Cox e Andrew Linklater, cuja base se encontra no pensamento de Max Horkheimer e Antonio Gramsci. As questões levantadas no trabalho dizem respeito à verticalização do sistema de poder capitalista, isto é, à hierarquização do sistema internacional, às relações econômicas e políticas desiguais entre as grandes potências centrais e as nações periféricas, à construção da hegemonia continental norte-americana como um meio para atingir o poder global a partir de uma situação de guerra total, e à inserção compulsória dos Estados periféricos no esforço de guerra, consoante os interesses geopolíticos e geo-estratégicos das potências em conflito. A análise empreendida busca transcender os parâmetros da projeção de poder político, configurando que o conflito e a competição existentes no sistema internacional são resultantes da imbricação dos processos de acumulação de capital e de poder, que se realizam em conjunto e de forma concomitante. O Brasil, nestas circunstâncias, é analisado como um caso dentre outros possíveisThe objective of this essay aims to analyze, both from a foreign perspective as well as through an inner view, the entry of Brazil in World War II, emphasizing, anyway, the systemic vision. The theoretical base used is the Critical Theory of International Relations, from Robert Cox and Andrew Linklater, which roots are the thoughts of Max Horkheimer and Antonio Gramsci. The questions upheld in this essay are connected with the constructed hierarchy in the international system, with the unequal economical and political relations among the central powers and the countries at the system periphery, with the building of American continental hegemony as a mean to reach the global power through a total war conjuncture, and with the compulsory entry of dependent countries in the war effort, according to the geopolitical and geo-strategic interests of the great powers in conflict. The analysis made here intend to transpose the parameters of the projection of political power, showing that the conflict and the competition occurring in the international system are the result of the joint of the processes of capital and power accumulation, which happens together and at the same time. Brazil, in this circumstances, is studied as a case, among possible others
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Zeitoun, Mark. "Power and the Palestinian-Israeli water conflict : towards a framework of hydro-hegemony." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.433657.
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Meyer, Marius. "An exploration of the role of soft power in hegemony: the USA and China." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2391.
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Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007.How much emphasis is afforded to the role of soft power has significant implications for the study of hegemony and predictions regarding the future of US hegemony and the rise of China as a hegemon. The fact that much mainstream work (particularly neorealism) continues to neglect the role of soft power in international relations is seen as a disturbing shortcoming. This study wishes to address this perceived shortcoming by exploring the role of ‘soft power’ as an integral non-material aspect of hegemony by focusing on the perspectives of selected authors (Cox, Nye, Waltz, Keohane), and applying them to the cases of the United States of America and China. It is contended that there is a need for a shift of emphasis in International Relations (IR)- away from the hard power centric analysis towards a ‘soft power’ analysis that focuses on ideas. This study further argues that recognising the importance of the role of ‘soft power’ will result in a more effective analysis and understanding of hegemony in the international system. This is not to disregard ‘hard power’ as an aspect of hegemony, but rather to emphasise ‘soft power’ as it is often neglected or underscored by scholars in their analysis of hegemony and power structures within international relations. The United States of America is a prime example of how ‘soft power’ can help a state to prevent decline through consensus and alliance formation. The Chinese on the other hand have become increasingly aware of the importance of soft power– whilst the US have recently neglected it as a sustaining capability for hegemony. Thus China is growing and nurturing its ‘soft power’ capabilities in order to create an image of a benevolent super power, whilst the US is increasingly being perceived as malevolent- which is not conducive to hegemony in the international system. It is argued that if the Chinese can attain ideological dominance within the global structure, they could become the new hegemon.
Books on the topic "Power and hegemony"
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Nwankwo, Arthur Agwuncha. Terminus: Power, hegemony & endgame doctrine. Enugu, Nigeria: Fourth Dimension Pub., 1998.
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Derek, Malcolm, Benegal Shyam 1934-, Sur Ansu, Ācārya Anila, and Nandan (Organization : Calcutta, India), eds. World cinema, power, politics, and hegemony. Kolkata: Nandan, 2005.
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Knutsen, Torbjørn L. Hegemony in the modern international system. Oslo: International Peace Research Institute, 1987.
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Hollow hegemony: Rethinking global politics, power and resistance. London: Pluto Press, 2009.
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Managing American hegemony: Essays on power in a time of dominance. Stanford, Calif: Hoover Institution Press, 2008.
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Hegemony and power: Consensus and coercion in contemporary politics. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2007.
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Gadzey, Anthony Tuo-Kofi. The political economy of power: Hegemony and economic liberalism. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1994.
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Guha, Ranajit. Dominance without hegemony: History and power in colonial India. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997.
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Follies of power: America's unipolar fantasy. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Power and hegemony"
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Vickers, Rhiannon. "State Power, Labour and the Marshall Plan in Britain." In Manipulating Hegemony, 132–39. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333981818_9.
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Casier, Tom. "Unravelling power and hegemony." In Hegemony and World Order, 48–64. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003037231-3.
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Cowie, Sarah E. "Paternalism, Resistance, and Hegemony." In The Plurality of Power, 57–76. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4419-8306-0_4.
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Brown, Stuart S. "Conclusion: Maintaining Hegemony." In The Future of US Global Power, 229–41. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137023162_11.
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Aronowitz, Stanley. "Science and Technology as Hegemony." In Science as Power, 3–34. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19636-4_1.
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Akchurina, Viktoria. "On the Power of Improvisation." In Hegemony and World Order, 224–39. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003037231-14.
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Sloan, Elinor. "Hybrid War and Hegemonic Power." In Hegemony and World Order, 101–17. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003037231-6.
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Madeira, Mary Anne. "Hegemony and its discontents." In Power Relations and Comparative Regionalism, 69–102. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003166719-4.
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Vike, Halvard. "Cultural Models, Power, and Hegemony." In A Companion to Cognitive Anthropology, 376–92. Oxford, UK: Wiley-Blackwell, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781444394931.ch20.
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Buser, Andreas. "Hegemony, Power and International Law." In Emerging Powers, Global Justice and International Economic Law, 47–138. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-63639-5_3.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Power and hegemony"
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Duarte, Paulo. "Changes in the World Power: The United States within the New Balance of Power." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01182.
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This article aims to analyse the behaviour of the United States as a world power. The working hypothesis is that the only superpower has become, nowadays, impotent, affected by a relative decline. However, this should be understood as something natural, since it has never happened that any society would permanently remain ahead of the others. We assume here that the use of the qualitative method, through the hermeneutic analysis is, certainly, the basic methodology used for this investigation. We will try to conclude that notwithstanding their relative decline, the USA will tend to remain, in the short and medium term, the only world superpower. It is recommended that further investigation must assign a special attention to China’s emergence and its consequences on the balance of world power, in particular with regard to the durability of American hegemony.
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Haryono, Cosmas Gatot. "The Night Market as A Contra Hegemony of Seller Against The Power of Capitalism and The Government." In Proceedings of the 1st Annual Internatioal Conference on Social Sciences and Humanities (AICOSH 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/aicosh-19.2019.52.
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Marhadi, Akhmad. "Hegemony and Power Relation of Punggawain Manipulating the Goverment Regulation towards Bajo Ethnics Fishermen at North Tiworo District of West Muna Regency." In Proceedings of the First International Seminar on Languare, Literature, Culture and Education, ISLLCE, 15-16 November 2019, Kendari, Indonesia. EAI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.15-11-2019.2296232.
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Muryantini, Sri, Istiana Rahatmawati, and Laila Hanifah. "The Shifting Of Masculinity Practice In The Global Political Constellation." In LPPM UPN "VETERAN" Yogyakarta International Conference Series 2020. RSF Press & RESEARCH SYNERGY FOUNDATION, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31098/pss.v1i1.87.
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Political masculinity is portrayed in ways that are full of aggression through the gun, war and the military. After World War II subsided and entered a new chapter of the Cold War, inter-physical wars began to be replaced by ideological wars between the west and east poles, communists and liberalists. Eventhough physical warfare has subsided, various countries still highlight the masculine character to show its extension through hegemony that leads to soft power. This study conducted information searches through literature studies and group discussion forums about global political masculinity which were then extracted in the form of qualitative descriptive research. The goal of this research is to determine the shift in the practice of masculinity in the global political constellation. The results showed that there has been a shift in the practice of masculinity in several countries due to several factors, one of the most significant is globalization. Globalization requires countries to open up and lessen arrogance in order to maintain national stability and its existance also strengthen bargaining position in the global political constellation all at once.
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Gallastegui Gonzalez, Samuel. "Aplicación de ideas del utopismo clásico a la creación de una matriz política global que permita el desacuerdo, la pluralidad y la diversidad organizativa." In IV Congreso Internacional Estética y Política: Poéticas del desacuerdo para una democracia plural. València: Editorial Universitat Politècnica de València, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/cep4.2019.10335.
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Esta propuesta de investigación parte del problema que genera la hegemonía del mecanismo capitalista sobre las diversidad de matrices políticas, constriñendo su poder y efectividad ante los problemas sociales y ecológicos globales. La pregunta que nos hacemos es ¿Cómo podrían los poderes políticos dar una respuesta eficaz a dichos problemas?Planteamos como hipótesis que es posible invertir la figura y dar forma a una matriz política con unos principios éticos políticos y comunes, pero que permita diferentes modelos y mecanismos de organización social y económica. Y que, para ello, podemos aplicar algunas de las ideas del utopismo clásico. La siguiente metodología empleada consiste en analizar los textos y analizar las ideas políticas que permitirían la creación de una matriz política y las que no. Como resultado nos hemos encontrado con la dificultad inicial de que que los modelos clásicos aparecen como perfectos y homogéneos, lo cual está en contra de la propia diversidad humana y del objetivo que se pretende conseguir. Sin embargo, hemos descubierto en dichos modelos utópicos ideas constructivas que admiten la diversidad, la pluralidad y el desacuerdo. Entre otros se estudian los siguientes conceptos: prevalencia de la racionalidad, esencialidad jurídica, organización modular, origen común de la propiedad y trascendencia abierta. Posteriormente se desarrollan dichos conceptos dentro del contexto político actual. Bibliografía fundamentalLaclau, E. & Mouffe, C. (2001). Hegemony and socialist strategy. New York, NY: Verso.Moro, T., Campanella, T., Bacon, F. (2012). Utopías del Renacimiento. Madrid: Fondo de Cultura Económica
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Filipe Narciso, Carla Alexandra. "Neoliberal hegemony and the territorial re-configuration of public space in Mexico City." In 24th ISUF 2017 - City and Territory in the Globalization Age. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/isuf2017.2017.6348.
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Sustainability, ecological modernization, citizen participation, public space and rights are concepts that have acquired great importance in international political discourses and that have figured in indicators, guidelines, programs and policies, at national level, giving rise to a urban planning from administrative units or “zoning”, which instead of showing the different structures, forms and functions of cities as a whole, what has generated is a fragmentation of urban space. In a certain way, the implosion of these themes shows the success of capitalism in a period of neoliberal hegemony, since it becomes a smokescreen to hide the class differences superimposed on global discourses of modernization and development, as well as the transformation of natural resources in products, the capitalization of nature and the transformation of politics into management. The text seeks to reflect on the territorial configuration of public space in the light of emerging urban policies and programs in a neoliberal geopolitical context based on two axes of analysis: in the first analyze the neoliberal imposition models on how to construct public space and in the second will analyze the institutional bases, programs and policies of intervention highlighting their objectives, limitations and contradictions that help to understand the material and immaterial forms that the public space adopts at different scales in Mexico City through of the socio-territorial relations that are constructed in a process of mutual reciprocity. References Brenner, N.; Peck, J.; Theodore, N. (2009).Urbanismo neoliberal: La ciudad y el imperio de los mercados. SUR Corporación de Estudios Sociales y Educación, Temas sociales, n.66. Capel, H. (2002). La morfología de las ciudades. I. Sociedad, cultura y paisaje urbano (Ediciones del Serbal, Barcelona). Harvey, D. (2007) Espacios del capital. Hacia una geografía crítica (Akal, Madrid). Narciso, C.; Ramírez, B. (2016). Discursos, política y poder: el espacio público en cuestión. Territorios 35, Bogotá, pp.37-57. Pradilla, E. (2009) Los territorios del neoliberalismo en América Latina (Universidad Autónoma de México/Miguel Ángel Porrúa, México).
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Pekcan, Cemre. "The Importance of Cultural Diplomacy in Breaking the Perception of “China Threat”." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01658.
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Cultural diplomacy, which is accepted as a sub-branch of public diplomacy, is described as ‘the exchange of ideas, information, art, and other aspects of culture among nations and their peoples in order to foster mutual understanding’ by Milton C. Cummings. Although this term has been used in international relations for centuries, its acceptance as a theory is a relatively new concept. Cultural diplomacy, as a component of both public diplomacy and also Joseph Nye’s ‘soft power’, includes movies, music, dance, exhibitions, various education and exchange programs, literature and cultural programs.
In today’s world, China, a super power with its growing economy, started to feature its soft power, public and cultural diplomacy to break the perception of ‘China threat’ theory which shortly claims that the rising power would eventually challenge the hegemon power and war will be inevitable. The aim of this study is to put forward Chinese efforts in promoting cultural diplomacy to break the perception of ‘China threat’ theory by analyzing the elements of China’s cultural diplomacy, which are basically; Confucius Institutes, marketing Chinese cultural products, series of cultural programs and foreign aid.
As the outcomes of the research, it is seen that against ‘China Threat’ theory, China clearly keeps emphasizing its peaceful development and wants to improve its image especially after 1989 Tinananmen Crackdown. Hence, as the most important elements of China’s cultural diplomacy; Confucius Institutes have been established throughout the world, Chinese cultural products are being marketed and Chinese foreign policy is becoming more transparent.
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Alperen, Ümit, and Ahmet Günay. "Trade Expectations Theory and China’s Rising: Towards a Peaceful Future?" In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.00907.
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Since mid-1990, it has been discussed that China’s economic rise would affect political space. There are some worries that the “rejuvenation” of China as economic, politic, geo-strategic power could challenge to the current international system. Hence this rising has been called “China threat theory” and it could cause a conflict in international system. According to realist school, China’s peaceful rise is almost impossible, so China will threat to the current international system and clash with hegemonic power. They also provide some empirical evidence from history. On the other hand, Liberals expresses that trade provides valuable benefits to any particular states. So, China as a dependent state should avoid from war or conflict, since peaceful trading gives it all the benefits of close ties without any of the costs and risks of war. This paper attempts to examine ‘China’s peaceful rise’ based on interdependence and trade expectations theory within the context of international political economy. To analyze whether China threat or not to the world, we have to know the relationship between economic and politics. Trade expectations theory could explain the rise of China with establishes bridge between incompetence of realist and liberal theories. According to trade expectations theory, the rise of China will be peaceful because of China’s expectations as economically are positive. For this reason, China as a rational actor chooses win-win without risk instead of win-lose or lose-lose. If China’s expectations turn into negative in future, its policies could change from cooperation to conflict.
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Macedo Calejo, Marta, and Graça Magalhães. "Design as a Critical Research." In Systems & Design: Beyond Processes and Thinking. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/ifdp.2016.3263.
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Historically the imaginary and the hegemonic thinking, in the Western North globe has been marked by the epistemology and capitalists archetypes. Notwithstanding the design as a practice and discipline seem shielded on a simplistic discourse of functional / communicative efficiency, wandering through multiple aestheticism apparently neutral in relation to the symbolic but in fact they never are because what really happens is that the aesthetic appearance of the generated forms will always be a review of the powers ruling. We start from understanding that the act of creating an aesthetic artefact will also be a movement of inscription in a discursive platform (that precedes it) thus being itself an narrative act and representing a positioning in relation to certain symbolic reality. On the presented reflection Design is seen as a discipline and / or an instrument of action, whose operational relevance tends to question and simultaneously rehearsing a response to not just the question why but also for what? Apparently Design is a content mediator, but also, it is structure, body and idea. We think design praxis as discipline and enrolment tool for critical thought and social transformation. For guiding research in this text, we propose the following question: Can Design form an engagement with the symbolic for them in order to be an active part in the production of critical thinking in the place where it belongs? Methodologically our argument will be present in two different moments: 1. first, exploratory nature where we rescue the draw issues in the practice of design and 2. second, analytical nature concerning the subject issues (graphic and / or utility ) of design and how it incorporates formal rites, political events and social practices of contemporary everyday life. We consider the praxis of design as a discipline and critical thinking enrolment tool as agents of social transformation. With this study we seek to contribute to design’s phenomenology by studying the artefacts of configuration as well as the possible messages they convey and what impact they may have on the social network.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/IFDP.2016.3263
Reports on the topic "Power and hegemony"
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Levine, David K., and Salvatore Modica. Conflict, Evolution, Hegemony, and the Power of the State. Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.20955/wp.2013.023.
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Levine, David, and Salvatore Modica. Conflict, Evolution, Hegemony, and the Power of the State. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, July 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w19221.
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