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Morris, Katherine-Anne. "Oil, power, and global hegemony." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/97090.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study explores the impact of primary energy on the measurement of state power and hegemony. Through an examination of British and American hegemonies, the role of coal, oil and petroleum on the hegemonic cycle is assessed, and the argument is presented for the inclusion of energy as a primary element underpinning the state power base. Utilising the Hegemonic Stability Theory approach to the study of global hegemony, a framework for the assessment of the role of energy on international hegemony is constructed. The Hegemonic Stability Theory approach employed in this study is augmented through the incorporation of several complimentary theoretical approaches, in order to improve the theory’s applicability to multiple cases. Through an examination of the economic, financial, and military/naval ‘pillars’ of the respective hegemonic powers, the study determines that energy has had a marked impact on both British and American hegemonies. Technological developments, notably the steam engine, and the subsequent conversion of the Royal Navy, the cornerstone of British hegemony, from sail to steam, made coal vital to the British Empire. In contrast, the use of oil and petroleum during the United States hegemonic reign indicate that access to oil and petroleum not only benefitted the United States material power base, but has become vital to sustaining American hegemony. This study makes a plausible case for the inclusion of energy as a factor in the assessment of state power, and draws attention to the importance of ensuring energy security and maintaining technological leads.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie verhandeling ondersoek die impak wat grond-energie het as maatstaf op staatsmag en hegemonie. Na afleiding van ‘n gevalle studie van beide Britse en Amerikaanse hegemonies - die rol wat steenkool, olie en petroleum speel op die hegemoniese siklus – stel hierdie navorsingstuk voor dat grond-energie ingesluit moet word as ‘n kriterium van hoe staatsmag gemeet word. Hierdie tesis wend Hegemoniese Stabiliteitsteorie aan om internasionale hegemonie te ondersoek. ‘n Raamwerk om die belang van energie te meet in internasionale hegemonie word opgestel. Die Hegemoniese Stabiliteitsteorie aanslag word aangepas deur verskeie komplimentêre teoretiese benaderings te inkorporeer en sodoende die teorie meer toepaslik te maak op verskeie gevallestudies. Deur die ekonomiese, finansiële en militêle/vloot ‘pilare’ van die onderskeie hegemoniese magte te ondersoek, bevind hierdie verhandeling dat energie ‘n bepalende invloed gehad het op beide Britse en Amerikaanse hegemonies. Tegnologiese ontwikkelings, mees opmerklik die stoomenjin en die gevolglike oorgang van die Koninklike Vloot (die hoeksteun van Britse hegemonie) van seil- na stoomenjins, was die gevolg dat steenkool van uiterse belang geword het vir die Britse Ryk. In kontras word aangedui dat die gebruik van en toegang tot olie en petroleum tydens die hegemoniese bewind van die Verenigde State van Amerika nie net die materiële magsbasis bevoordeel het nie, maar asook bepalend geword het om Amerikaanse hegemonie te handhaaf. Hierdie verhandeling maak die aanneemlike voorstelling dat energie ingesluit moet word as ‘n faktor om staatsmag te meet, en dui die belang daarvan aan om tegnologiese vooruitgang te onderhou en sodoende energie sekuriteit te verseker.
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Levin, R. M. "Hegemony and crisis : Swazi royal power in transition." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.354921.
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McGee, Heather L. "US power dominance in the 21st century : a rationale for continued hegemony /." Maxwell AFB, Ala. : School of Advanced Air and Space Studies, 2008. https://www.afresearch.org/skins/rims/display.aspx?moduleid=be0e99f3-fc56-4ccb-8dfe-670c0822a153&mode=user&action=downloadpaper&objectid=ab1e9dd8-8613-4ac1-ab0b-a1ab5af7a463&rs=PublishedSearch.
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Prys, Miriam. "Regions, Power and Hegemony : India and South Africa Compared." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.504159.
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Saenko, Michael Mark. "Building hegemony : the evolution of power and violence in Morocco." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709035.
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Pourshahbadinzadeh, Alireza. "Hegemony and power structures in Salman Rushdie's The Satanic Verses." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för kultur och estetik, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-118507.
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Salman Rushdie’s The Satanic Versesis one of the most controversial postcolonial novels, which among a plethora of themes seems to mainly focus on the notion of hegemonic power. The Satanic Verses can partly be read as a denunciation of the British hegemony in which social injustice, racial discrimination and violence, in its different forms, exerted upon marginalized and stigmatized people (such as non-European expatriates) are legitimized by the dominant group and understood as something conventional and normal by the subjugated people. Moreover, this novel encourages the readers to criticize religion as a political tool with the help of which the dominant group can make groups of people subservient to authority. This part of my essay is related to the criticism of hegemony as such. Employing Gramsci’s analysis of hegemony, this paper begins with an investigation of the relationship between the figure of a migrant, violence and cultural hegemony inRushdie’s Britain. In the second part, the link between dream scenes and the ways through which they contribute to the overall argument about hegemony is studied. Finally, the last part of this essay revolves around religious hegemony. Hence, what links all these three sections together is the concept of hegemony and the ways through which hegemonic power is achieved and implemented in this novel.
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Biegon, Rubrick. "Reconstituting hegemony: US power and the New Left in Latin America." Thesis, University of Kent, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.654100.
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In the first decade of the twenty-first century, and in stark contrast to the immediate postCold War period, Latin American politics was defined by the ascendency of leftist and centre-left forces. The emergence and consolidation of the 'New Latin Left', as this thesis terms these governments, signalled a profound challenge to the longstanding hegemony of . the United States in the Western hemisphere. In their foreign and domestic policies, the countries of the region began distancing themselves from Washington's geopolitical and economic agenda. This thesis examines the ways in which US foreign policy responded to the counter-hegemony manifested in the New Latin Left. Defining hegemony as an asymmetrical and dialectical relationship patterned by multiple and overlapping fOlIDS of power, it investigates US efforts to reconstitutJ its hegemonic position in the Americas. Building on Gramscian historical materialism, it Situates US hegemony alongside the political economy of the Post-Washington Consensus. The analysis utilises the taxonomy of power developed by Barnett and Duvall to examine the interplay of the different facets of US hegemony in Latin America, which, as the argument goes, are inextricably interlinked with on-going processes of neoliberalisation. Empirical chapters focus on: the coercive leverage of US compulsory power; as realised through. the Pentagon's resources and strategy in the region; the institutional power of the Organization of American States in relation to newly-created and Latin American-led mechanisms ofmuitilateral cooperation; the structural power of the US's multi-track free trade agenda; and the productive power expressed in the discursive construction of Latin American populisrri. By exploring the different facets of US power in the region, the thesis brings clarity to what remains an open and contested process of hegemonic reconstitution. In doing so, it contributes to critical International Relations/International Political Economy scholarship on US hegemony, US foreign policy and contemporary US-Latin American relations.
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Tempone, Victor. "O Brasil vai à guerra : a inserção brasileira em um conflito global." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2007. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=883.
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Esta dissertação tem por objetivo analisar, tanto da perspectiva externa como através de um olhar interno, a inserção do Brasil na II Guerra Mundial, enfatizando, todavia, a visão sistêmica. O substrato teórico utilizado é o da Teoria Crítica das Relações Internacionais, de Robert Cox e Andrew Linklater, cuja base se encontra no pensamento de Max Horkheimer e Antonio Gramsci. As questões levantadas no trabalho dizem respeito à verticalização do sistema de poder capitalista, isto é, à hierarquização do sistema internacional, às relações econômicas e políticas desiguais entre as grandes potências centrais e as nações periféricas, à construção da hegemonia continental norte-americana como um meio para atingir o poder global a partir de uma situação de guerra total, e à inserção compulsória dos Estados periféricos no esforço de guerra, consoante os interesses geopolíticos e geo-estratégicos das potências em conflito. A análise empreendida busca transcender os parâmetros da projeção de poder político, configurando que o conflito e a competição existentes no sistema internacional são resultantes da imbricação dos processos de acumulação de capital e de poder, que se realizam em conjunto e de forma concomitante. O Brasil, nestas circunstâncias, é analisado como um caso dentre outros possíveisThe objective of this essay aims to analyze, both from a foreign perspective as well as through an inner view, the entry of Brazil in World War II, emphasizing, anyway, the systemic vision. The theoretical base used is the Critical Theory of International Relations, from Robert Cox and Andrew Linklater, which roots are the thoughts of Max Horkheimer and Antonio Gramsci. The questions upheld in this essay are connected with the constructed hierarchy in the international system, with the unequal economical and political relations among the central powers and the countries at the system periphery, with the building of American continental hegemony as a mean to reach the global power through a total war conjuncture, and with the compulsory entry of dependent countries in the war effort, according to the geopolitical and geo-strategic interests of the great powers in conflict. The analysis made here intend to transpose the parameters of the projection of political power, showing that the conflict and the competition occurring in the international system are the result of the joint of the processes of capital and power accumulation, which happens together and at the same time. Brazil, in this circumstances, is studied as a case, among possible others
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Zeitoun, Mark. "Power and the Palestinian-Israeli water conflict : towards a framework of hydro-hegemony." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.433657.
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Meyer, Marius. "An exploration of the role of soft power in hegemony: the USA and China." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2391.
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Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007.How much emphasis is afforded to the role of soft power has significant implications for the study of hegemony and predictions regarding the future of US hegemony and the rise of China as a hegemon. The fact that much mainstream work (particularly neorealism) continues to neglect the role of soft power in international relations is seen as a disturbing shortcoming. This study wishes to address this perceived shortcoming by exploring the role of ‘soft power’ as an integral non-material aspect of hegemony by focusing on the perspectives of selected authors (Cox, Nye, Waltz, Keohane), and applying them to the cases of the United States of America and China. It is contended that there is a need for a shift of emphasis in International Relations (IR)- away from the hard power centric analysis towards a ‘soft power’ analysis that focuses on ideas. This study further argues that recognising the importance of the role of ‘soft power’ will result in a more effective analysis and understanding of hegemony in the international system. This is not to disregard ‘hard power’ as an aspect of hegemony, but rather to emphasise ‘soft power’ as it is often neglected or underscored by scholars in their analysis of hegemony and power structures within international relations. The United States of America is a prime example of how ‘soft power’ can help a state to prevent decline through consensus and alliance formation. The Chinese on the other hand have become increasingly aware of the importance of soft power– whilst the US have recently neglected it as a sustaining capability for hegemony. Thus China is growing and nurturing its ‘soft power’ capabilities in order to create an image of a benevolent super power, whilst the US is increasingly being perceived as malevolent- which is not conducive to hegemony in the international system. It is argued that if the Chinese can attain ideological dominance within the global structure, they could become the new hegemon.
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Hilley, John Ward. "Contesting the vision : Mahathirism, the power bloc and the crisis of hegemony in Malaysia." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2000. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/960/.
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Oliveira, Pedro Cassiano Farias de. "Extensão rural e interesses patronais no Brasil: uma análise da Associação Brasileira de Crédito e Assistência Rural – ABCAR (1948-1974)." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFF, 2013. https://appdesenv.uff.br/riuff/handle/1/279.
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Oliveira, Pedro Cassiano-Dissert-2013.pdf: 2527771 bytes, checksum: ee4ed96a9717121ec313f44f94025a15 (MD5)Made available in DSpace on 2014-05-14T19:23:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Oliveira, Pedro Cassiano-Dissert-2013.pdf: 2527771 bytes, checksum: ee4ed96a9717121ec313f44f94025a15 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013
Nesta dissertação será analisada a trajetória da extensão rural no Brasil, no período de 1948 a 1974. O projeto de extensionismo surgiu, no Brasil, devido a uma iniciativa privada bem-sucedida firmada em 1948 entre a Associação Internacional Americana (AIA) — controlada por Nelson Rockefeller — e o governo do Estado de Minas. Logo em 1956 o extensionismo virou uma política nacional, com a criação da Associação Brasileira de Crédito e Assistência Rural-ABCAR. Durante essa trajetória, a extensão rural foi projetada como o veículo de propagação de técnicas agrícolas e sanitárias aos pequenos produtores. Ressalta-se, no trabalho, a relação entre a ABCAR e as agremiações do patronato rural brasileiro, sobretudo a Confederação Nacional da Agricultura (CNA) e a Sociedade Nacional de Agricultura (SNA). Nos anos 70, no que se convencionou chamar de “modernização” da agricultura, os objetivos da ABCAR também foram redirecionados para atender à nova demanda das frações da classe dominante agroindustrial. Uma nova orientação para o extensionismo consolidou-se na extinção da ABCAR em 1974. Portanto, a extensão rural no Brasil contribuiu para intensificar a desigualdade no campo ao longo de sua existência.
In this study, the trajectory of Brazil’s rural extension during 1948 and 1974 will be analyzed. The Brazilian extensionism project is due to a successful private enterprise that occurred in 1948 between Nelson Rockefeller’s American International Association (AIA) and the government of Minas Gerais State. Right in 1956, extensionism became national policy when the Brazilian Association of Rural Credit and Assistance (ABCAR) was created. During this trajectory, rural extension was projected as the vehicle for disseminating agricultural and sanitary techniques, whose target audience was the small-scale farmers. In this study, special emphasis is placed on the relationship between ABCAR and the Brazilian rural employer’s organization,, mainly the National Agriculture Confederation (CNA) and the National Agriculture Society (SNA). During the so-called “modernization” of the agriculture in the 1970s, the objectives of ABCAR were also adjusted to meet the new demand of the fractions of the dominant agroindustrial class. A new orientation to extensionism was consolidated in 1974, when ABCAR was abolished. Therefore, rural extension in Brazil contributed to increase inequality in the countryside during its existence.
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Cao, Xiongwei. "The Dollar Hegemony and the U.S.-China Monetary Disputes." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2012. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/5150.
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This thesis analyzes the current disputes between the United States and China over the exchange rate of the Chinese currency renminbi using an International Political Economy (IPE) analysis. Monetary relations are not mere economic affairs, but bear geopolitical implications. Money is power. Money is politics. The pursuit of monetary power is an important part of great power politics. Based on this assertion, the thesis studies past cases of monetary power struggles between the United States and the Great Britain, the Soviet Union, Japan, and the European Union (EU), respectively. The thesis then investigates the dollar's status as the dominant international reserve currency in the current international monetary system, as well as the power that this unique status can generate and provide. The dollar's monetary hegemony has become the main characteristic of the current international monetary system and an important power source for continued U.S. hegemony. The dollar's hegemony and the asymmetrical interdependency between the dollar and the renminbi are the source and the key basis for the recent U.S.-China monetary disagreements. The U.S.-China monetary disputes reflect not only each country's respective domestic interests and perceived benefits, but also the monetary power struggle between the two biggest global economies. Predictions are also entertained for the future monetary relations between the two countries, as well as the geopolitical implications that this relationship may have for the U.S.-China bilateral relationship in coming decades.ID: 031001327; System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.; Mode of access: World Wide Web.; Title from PDF title page (viewed April 8, 2013).; Thesis (M.A.)--University of Central Florida, 2012.; Includes bibliographical references (p. 118-126).
M.A.
Masters
Political Science
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Political Science; International Studies
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Kocak, Yunus Emre. "Power And Decline In The British And American Hegemonies: A Wallersteinian Analysis." Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12607960/index.pdf.
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The concept of hegemony has been an important subject in the 1970s as the US hegemonic position has entered into a decline period. This study aims to underline that the ongoing decline of US hegemony shares substantial analogies with the decline of British hegemony in the late 19th century. As the hegemonic economy enters into contraction period, it starts to experience financial expansion. Today, the US hegemony is in the midst of such an orientation toward the financialization. The study analyzes the historical changes within both hegemonic cases by direct references to the world-system theory and construct a comparative perspective in production, commerce and finance domains respectively to support these arguments.
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Emmers, Ralf Jan Diederik. "The role of the balance-of-power factor within regimes for co-operative security : a study of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF)." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2001. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1627/.
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The central purpose of this dissertation is to study the role and relevance of the balance of power factor within regimes for cooperative security with special reference to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). The balance of power concept is systematically applied to an examination of their history and modalities. This thesis addresses one core question: to what extent may the balance of power, defined in political terms, play a part in such associative security arrangements and in the calculations of the participants? Attention is therefore given to the balance of power factor and its co-existence with an associative dimension part of cooperative security regimes. The dissertation assesses the role of the balance of power as a disposition to promote countervailing arrangements to deny hegemony within and beyond cooperative security even if devoid of direct military content. The establishment of ASEAN and the ARF are analysed within a balance of power perspective. Both institutions were formed with the denial of hegemony in mind but not in a conventional sense. In addition, the balance of power remained a factor in their later developments. Its ongoing relevance is examined by discussing Brunei's motives to join the Association, ASEAN's response to the Third Indochina Conflict, the workings of the Forum, and the Association's involvement in the South China Sea dispute.
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Huckaby, M. Francyne. "Challenging hegemony in education: specific parrhesiastic scholars, care of the self, and relations of power." Diss., Texas A&M University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/4799.
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This dissertation explores how five specific intellectuals challenge hegemony in education and society, and express uncomfortable truths about hegemony faced by local communities in their academic practices. Their actions of free speech in regards to dangerous truths are similar to those of the ancient Greek parrhesiastes. This word, parrhesiastes, was used to describe the male citizen in ancient Greece, who had and used his rights to free speech or parrhesia. The activity of speaking freely, parrhesiazesthai, however, is not without its risks. Such speech is dangerous to the status quo, as well as the parrhesiastes. The activity is engaged despite the consequences and the parrhesiastes faces dangers and risks. It is argued that the five scholars who participated in this study are specific parrhesiastic scholars. They are specific intellectuals in their relations with academia, communities, and movements; and parrhesiastes in their actions to assure their rights to and exercise of freedom. While the ancient parrhesiastes served a critical and pedagogical role in transforming citizens to serve the best interests of the city, the specific parrhesiastic scholar, in the case of these five scholars, argues for changes in society for the benefit of citizens whose interests have been ignored or trampled. Foucault acknowledged that the work of specific intellectuals could benefit the state to the detriment of local communities or could work to transform the state to include the interests of specific communities. Specific parrhesiastic scholars choose the latter. The focus of this study is the intersection of technologies of the self with technologies of power. This intersection, which Foucault terms governmentality, comes closest to a utilitarian exploration of resistance to power and the formation of freedom, and understanding of how individuals negotiate their particular positions in truth games for resistance and freedom. The basic conditions necessary for parrhesiazesthai are "citizenship" and understanding the distinction between positive and negative forms of parrhesia. The parrhesiastic practices of the five scholars are explored through three analytical frames: (1) self-knowledge and resisting repression, seduction, and desire; (2) political activity and tactics; and (3) the self within systems of subjugation.
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Dhaliwal, Sukhwant. "Religion, moral hegemony and local cartographies of power : feminist reflections on religion in local politics." Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 2011. http://research.gold.ac.uk/7802/.
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This is a comparative feminist analysis of religion in local politics within two London boroughs: Ealing and Newham. Starting from the observation that there has been a de-secularisation of relations between the state and civil society in Britain, it draws upon the feminist and anti racist critique of multiculturalism to produce new reflections on the shift to multifaithism. This thesis argues that the shift is the result of a double movement - from above and from below - and enables moral hegemony. By re-orienting an analysis of the religious-secular to local cartographies of power, this thesis makes smaller claims that run alongside and pose questions for a growing consensus within feminist theory that seeks a distance from secularism, that emphasises solidarities with faith based mobilisations and seeks to uncritically defend religious minority claims. The data comprises 47 in depth interviews with 'secular', 'religious' and 'state' actors. This is supplemented with ethnographic observations from public meetings, religious processions and other events. The empirical analysis discusses the following key themes: the way in which religion is welded to electoral politics; religious commitment as an ontological, aesthetic and affective source for social responsibility and political engagement; the shared pastoral-policing functions of religious organisations and the state; the emergence of religious 'election' as a new way of re-ordering local areas and access to welfare services; the negotiation of a new wave of Muslim political identifications in the context of the War on Terror; the perpetuation of a unanimist Khalsa norm and its implications for making religious claims; and a closer consideration of religious groups in alliance, the darker side of faith as social capital.
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Gow, John F. "The construction of hegemony a world-historical study of Australian politics and external relations 1932-1988 /." Nathan, Qld. : Division of Humanities, Griffith University, 1990. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20050905.162633/.
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Roberts, Sean. "Dominant-power politics and ‘virtual’ party hegemony : the role of United Russia in the Putin period." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2010. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/952/.
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This case study examines the role of the political party United Russia in the rise of ‘dominant-power politics’, also termed ‘electoral authoritarianism’, that characterises the Putin period (2000-2008). Comparative literature identifies parties as important independent or explanatory variables in a range of regime outcomes, including the successful consolidation of democracy, but also in the establishment and consolidation of authoritarian rule. The impressive rise of United Russia in the Russian political system from late 2001 onwards, together with its co-occurrence with the growing strength of the Putin regime, suggests that the party was a factor in the outcome of the latter. This research first develops a theoretical framework to understand the role of parties in modern political systems and then applies this framework to explore the Russian case. Although a component of power in the Putin period, this research argues that the origins of United Russia in the ‘party of power’ phenomenon limit its value as an explanatory variable. Rather than a principal power in the emerging post-Yeltsin political order, United Russia is an agent of a powerful civilian executive, which remains beyond the control of any party. In this sense, the rise of United Russia in the Putin period is misleading. United Russia is an example of ‘virtual’ party hegemony; a reflection of the intentions and ability of non-party power-holders to project their power onto party-agents. This research contributes to existing literature on party politics in the post-Soviet space and Russian politics in the Putin period. In comparative terms, this study contributes to existing notions of party dominance and emerging literature on divergent regime trajectories in the post-Cold War period.
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Duong, Thanh. "Hegemonic globalisation : an analysis of U.S. centrality and global strategy in the emerging world order." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.341766.
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Ukwuani, Godwin Chinedu. "Neutralizing Boko Haram Resurgency: Power of Targeted Holistic Education Policies." ScholarWorks, 2019. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/6748.
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Boko Haram (BH) insurgency is driven by Islamist ideology and hegemony, nurtured mainly on failed education and sociopolitical policies and less by economic realities in Nigeria. Military counterinsurgency (hard COIN) successes are necessary but not sufficient to neutralize resurgence. The framework for this study was behavior modification by targeted holistic education policy (THEP) over ruminated frustration-aggression of drive theory. The purpose of this cross-sectional study was to conduct a survey of educated participants (N = 95), randomly selected from education campuses in Nigeria, to estimate the power (relationship) of THEP over time to neutralize BH resurgence (NBHR). The data from a survey developed for this study were analyzed with descriptive, ANOVA, ANCOVA, and MANCOVA statistics. The powers of THEP applied from nursery through college (age 21) to NBHR or reduce the foot soldiers' recruitment pools (FSRP) and correlations were evaluated. All 7 regression models rejected the null hypotheses. THEP and covariables including illiteracy (IL), political conspiracy (PC) or Islamic hegemony (IH), religious extremism (RE), and economic realities (ER) were related to NBHR. PC correlated inversely with THEP and IL inversely with reducing FSRP. ER had the least impetus (power) to drive resurgence. The results of this study can be used to promote positive social change by providing information on the prospects (estimated power) of THEP, acting with other COIN measures, to NBHR. The study may contribute to a better understanding of the impetus and solution to BH resurgence, but calls for further investigation into the power of nonmilitary COIN, particularly THEP, in Nigeria.
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Ferguson, Chaka. "Soft Power as the New Norm: How the Chinese-Russian Strategic Partnership (Soft) Balances American Hegemony in an Era of Unipolarity." FIU Digital Commons, 2011. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/358.
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This study explores how great powers not allied with the United States formulate their grand strategies in a unipolar international system. Specifically, it analyzes the strategies China and Russia have developed to deal with U.S. hegemony by examining how Moscow and Beijing have responded to American intervention in Central Asia. The study argues that China and Russia have adopted a soft balancing strategy of to indirectly balance the United States at the regional level. This strategy uses normative capabilities such as soft power, alternative institutions and regionalization to offset the overwhelming material hardware of the hegemon. The theoretical and methodological approach of this dissertation is neoclassical realism. Chinese and Russian balancing efforts against the United States are based on their domestic dynamics as well as systemic constraints. Neoclassical realism provides a bridge between the internal characteristics of states and the environment which those states are situated. Because China and Russia do not have the hardware (military or economic power) to directly challenge the United States, they must resort to their software (soft power and norms) to indirectly counter American preferences and set the agenda to obtain their own interests. Neoclassical realism maintains that soft power is an extension of hard power and a reflection of the internal makeup of states. The dissertation uses the heuristic case study method to demonstrate the efficacy of soft balancing. Such case studies help to facilitate theory construction and are not necessarily the demonstrable final say on how states behave under given contexts. Nevertheless, it finds that China and Russia have increased their soft power to counterbalance the United States in certain regions of the world, Central Asia in particular. The conclusion explains how soft balancing can be integrated into the overall balance-of-power framework to explain Chinese and Russian responses to U.S. hegemony. It also suggests that an analysis of norms and soft power should be integrated into the study of grand strategy, including both foreign policy and military doctrine.
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Copcutt, Julius. "Against the current : A minor field study on alternative media in Guatemala." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Latinamerikainstitutet, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-130261.
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Tales of contemporary society, and who gets the right to tell them, is in this internet era something in motion as new platforms for sharing and getting information have arisen. Where traditional media through newspapers, radio or television has historically been so dominant, more and more voices can make it through as access to new platforms increase. In Latin America and in Guatemala, traditional media has been in the hands of the few and the powerful, concentrating economical and political influence that’s wielded through the power of discourse. Seeing this as hegemonic and representing a society where all are not included, alternative media seeks to counter such discourse and power by telling the untold stories by those historically without voice. This study picks up the perceptions, experiences and views of journalists and activists reshaping what we know about media production and the world, all this in a setting, a moment in time in Guatemala, when the structures of hegemonic power are shaken and put into question. By interviewing representatives of a wide scope of the alternative media sector, this thesis gives account for their aims and contributions as well as the general role and importance of alternative media in Guatemala. What it shows us is that alternative media is perceived as a force changing and adding to narratives about prior marginalized issues in the media as well as countering hegemonic power by contributing to empowerment of the citizenry. This study also show us that alternative media is perceived to open up the space for public opinion to a wider group of people in society and that it has a part to play in monitoring media power. Through these conclusions we gain a better understanding for counter hegemonic voices, ideas and movements and their part to play in society.
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Siebrits, Andre. "The role of great power war in the rise of Hegemons : a study of Dutch Hegemonic ascent in the modern world-system." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2787.
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Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study explores the claim that Great Power Wars are a necessary condition for successful hegemonic ascent in the modern world-system, primarily from the standpoint of World- Systems Analysis. This study advances the conception of hegemony primarily in economic and state terms, and it was investigated, by way of a historical case study, how the Thirty Years’ War (1618-1648) impacted the economic domains of agro-industrial production, commerce, and finance of the United Provinces of the Netherlands, and its main rival for systemic leadership, Hapsburg Spain. The variables utilised in the study were Great Power War, and the ‘material base’ of the state involved (both independent), the three abovementioned economic domains (intervening), and hegemony or defeat (dependent). The case study was primarily descriptive and explanatory, with the use of process-tracing in its compilation, and a method of within-case structured, focused comparison was utilised with the aim of tentatively producing standardised, generalised knowledge concerning the wider link between Great Power War and hegemony beyond the Dutch case. The findings of the study, although derived from only one historical case of hegemonic ascent in the modern world-system, strongly support the argument that Great Power War is necessary to secure the hegemony of the leading insular core state, which is physically removed from the fighting during the conflict, since the full mobilisation of its economy is effected, while the economies of most other core states are impaired, especially the main continental rival for hegemony. However, the ascending hegemon must also possess the requisite favourable ‘material base’. Further research on this topic is called for, given the potential destructiveness of a future Great Power War, and its role in establishing hegemony in the modern world-system.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek die bewering dat Groot Moontheid Oorloë ‘n noodsaaklike vereiste is vir suksesvolle hegemoniese bestyging in die moderne wêreld-sisteem, hoofsaaklik vanaf die standpunt van Wêreld-Sisteem Analise. Hierdie studie bevorder die konsepsie van hegemonie hoofsaaklik in ekonomiese en staat terme, en dit het ondersoek, deur middel van ‘n historiese gevallestudie, hoe die Dertig Jaar Oorlog (1618-1648) ingewerk het op die ekonomiese arenas van agri-industriële produksie, handel, and finansies van die Verenigde Provinsies van Nederland, en hul mededinger vir sistemiese leierskap, Spanje. Die veranderlikes wat in die studie ingespan was, was Groot Moontheid Oorlog, en die ‘materiële basis’ van die state in kwessie (onafhanlik), die drie bogenoemde ekonomiese arenas (albei tussenkomend), en hegemonie of nederlaag (afhanklik). Die gevallestudie was hoofsaaklik beskrywend en verduidelikend, en proses-nasporing (oftewel ‘process-tracing’) is in die samestelling daarvan benut, en ‘n metode van gestruktureerde, gefokusde vergelyking (oftewel ‘structured, focused comparison’) is gebruik binne die gevallestudie met die doel om tentatiewe gestandardiseerde en veralgemeende kennis te genereer wat bydra tot die verduideliking van die wyer skakel tussen Groot Moontheid Oorlog en hegemonie buite die geval van die Verenigde Provinsies. Die bevindinge van die studie, hoewel gegenereer aan die hand van slegs een historiese geval van hegemoniese bestyging in the moderne wêreld-sisteem, het sterk steun verleen aan die argument dat Groot Moontheid Oorloë nodig is om die hegemonie van die vernaamste insulêre kern staat te bewerkstellig, wat fisies verwyderd van die gevegte is tydends die oorlog, aangesien die volle mobilisasie van die ekonomie van hierdie staat bewerkstellig word, terwyl die ekonomieë van die meerderheid van die ander kernstate benadeel word, veral die vernaamste kontinentale mededinger om hegemonie. Die opkomende hegemoon moet egter ook oor die vereiste gunstige ‘materiële basis’ beskik. Verdere navorsing in hierdie veld word benodig, gegewe die waarskynlike vernietiging wat gesaai kan word deur ‘n toekomstige Groot Moontheid Oorlog, en die rol daarvan in die daarstelling van hegemonie in die moderne wêreld-sisteem.
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Chachavalpongpun, Pavin. "Thainess : hegemony and power : a study of Thai nationhood and its implications on Thai-Burmese relations, 1988-2000." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.397614.
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McCarthy, Paul Richard. "Power, hegemony and historicity : an analysis of the Nice Treaty referenda and the Europeanisation of the Irish state." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.446502.
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Lewis, Patrick. "American Economic hegemony – under threat or unsurpassable? : A statistical analysis of American Economic Hegemony and the potential threat of China in the international economic order." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-42942.
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This essay focusses on the area of hegemonic studies in global politics, framing the discussion between the rise of China and the positioning of the united States. The purpose of this study is to show that China does not threaten the economic hegemony of the US due to the pivotal role the US Dollar holds in the global economy. A statistical analysis is undertaken with reference to contemporary theory to explain how declining rates of US Dollars in currency reserves are not a symptom of a power shift in Global Politics but simply an effect of fluctuations in global trade, as well as using Susan Strange's concept of structural power to show how America holds hegemony over international finance and the economy.
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Ersoy, Duygu. "The Relationship Between Liberal Intellectuals And Power In The Search For A New Hegemony During Akp Period In Turkey." Phd thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12615052/index.pdf.
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This study aims to contribute to the literature on the political role of intellectuals through examining the stance of a specific group with regard to power in the recent moment of Turkish political history. It is the concern of the thesis to identify the reasons behind the constant support of this specific group, namely, the liberal intellectuals to the political power under the AKP period. Depending on Gramsci
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Ölverud, Amanda. "”Jag skulle vilja se en studie på vad den där valken gör för skillnad egentligen” : En kulturanalytisk studie i kroppsuppfattning och kroppsnormer." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för kultur- och medievetenskaper, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-133416.
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This essay researches the impact societys ideal pictures of the female body actually make on individuals. In my studies, five female identified informants were interviewed about how they perceive and feel about their bodies. It also discusses different strategies to control the body in order to acheive the ideal body. Two of the informants that contributed to this essay are selfappointed body positive activists and fight in the anti-movement against the societal preassure and expectations of the female body. The purpose of this essay is to discuss and enlight the hegemony regarding bodily expressions, and also its opposition.
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Olmedo, Luiza Bulhões. "Liderança ou hegemonia regional? percepções do Brasil na imprensa argentina, venezuelana, colombiana e chilena." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/150553.
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No final da década de 1990, em um contexto de fim da Guerra Fria e redução de engajamento estadunidense na América do Sul, o Brasil encontra espaço para exercer um papel cada vez mais importante na região, condizente com o seu crescente peso econômico no subcontinente e no mundo. Nesse contexto, o objetivo do artigo é analisar a percepção dos países sulamericanos sobre o comportamento brasileiro na América do Sul. O processo discursivo de co-constituição entre líder e seguidores é observado por meio dos veículos de comunicação, dada sua relação simbiótica com a opinião pública. A pesquisa empírica utilizou artigos jornalísticos relevantes de oito jornais sul-americanos, de quatro países diferentes, que se referiram a atributos da potencial hegemonia e liderança brasileira.In the late 1990s, in the context of Cold War and reduced US engagement in South America, Brazil has started to exercise an increasingly important role in the region, consistent with its also increasingly economic weight in the subcontinent and in the world. This article aims at assessing the perception of other South American countries regarding Brazilian behavior in South America. The discursive process of co- creation between leader and followers is observed through an analysis of media outlets, given their symbiotic relationship with public opinion. Empirical research was conducted using selected news articles from eight South American newspapers from four different countries, which referred to attributes of potential Brazilian hegemony and leadership.
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Harness, Oliver. "Change and power in the profession : a study of the lived experiences of teachers' opposition and resistance witin a neoliberal hegemony." Thesis, Northumbria University, 2016. http://nrl.northumbria.ac.uk/31658/.
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Schools in England have undergone huge change since neoliberal ideologies introduced notions of choice and competition. This study seeks to understand how teachers rationalised their roles alongside the demands of performativity associated with managerialisation and marketisation. As such, this research explores the lived experiences of teachers within a neoliberal hegemony. Methodologically, I used a social constructionist paradigm and an interpretative phenomenological analysis after Smith, Flowers and Larkin (2009). I conducted six in-depth semi-structured interviews with teachers in primary, middle and secondary school settings. My interpretative phenomenological analysis used Wenger’s (1989) concept of a community of practice as well as concepts from social theorists such as Habermas (1979, 1996), Giddens (1986, 1991) and Bourdieu (1984, 1994) to frame my thinking. The research found that the changes being experienced by teachers are not aligned with their understandings and beliefs concerning education, either for themselves as a professional body or for the pupils in their care. As such, the teachers express notions such as the suppression of their voice and the oppression of their autonomy. Furthermore, teachers’ descriptions include philosophical and practical resistance to change. The descriptions of change and resistance show alignment towards notions of welfare education not neoliberal managerialisation and marketisation. The nature of the new knowledge concerns changed forms of organisational experiences, from changed forms of organisational communication to changed forms of learning. It is this change, brought about by managerialisation and marketisation, that the teachers describe as resisting, both philosophically and practically. As such the participants describe a clash of lifeworlds and a clash of doxa, such that they experience ontological insecurity. Furthermore the managerialisation and marketisation of schools is at odds with Wenger’s (1989) notion of a community of practice and as such, is degrading organisational learning and practice.
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Mughal, Urooj. "The power politics of water struggles| Local resource management in the West Bank." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1542820.
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This thesis examines the significance of a micro-level approach to the Israeli-Palestinian water conflict. By rethinking scale of analysis and examining local insecurities, Palestinian experiences reveal how water conflict plays out in latent and discursive ways. In a step-by-step method, I detail the processes and outcomes of the water struggle in the West Bank. First, I show how technical challenges ((i) poor water supply, (ii) antiquated water infrastructure, (iii) failed institutions) are shaped by political imperatives. Second, I show how Palestinians have responded to local water sector challenges: (iv) nonpayment to the Palestinian Water Authority for their water supply, (v) increasing rural to urban migration by Palestinian farmers. As a result, Palestinian society is stuck in cycles of crisis that make the conditions increasingly ungovernable. While Palestinians are stuck in a mode of ungovernability, their position in the peace process with Israel is undermined.
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Storm, Isak. "Foucault, Fairclough och järnrörets diskursordning : En kritisk diskursanalys av maktförhållandet mellan representanter ur riksdagspartiet Sverigedemokraterna och kvällstidningen Expressen under den så kallade "Järnrörsskandalen"." Thesis, Högskolan i Gävle, Media- och kommunikationsvetenskap, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-33269.
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Denna studie är en kritisk diskursanalys av tidningen Expressens artikelserie kring "Järnrörsskandalen" med särskilt fokus riktat kring hur Faircloughs tredimensionella analysmodell kan användas för att undersöka olika diskursordningar. Foucaults teori kring utestängningsmekanismer utgör även en betydande del av analysunderlaget och påvisar det komplexa förhållandet kring att försöka påvisa diskursens konstanta föränderlighet. Resultaten visar på en betyande svårighet kring att fastställa en obestridlig sanning. Trots denna problematik bedöms tidningen Expressen hantera diskursordningens följdriktghet ur ett utomordentligt effektivt sätt med hänsyn till källmaterialets svåra hantering.This study is a critical discourse analysis regarding the swedish newspaper "Expressen" series of articles on the "Iron pipe scandal" with a focus on how Fairclough's three-dimensional analysis model can be used to investigate different order of discourse arrangements. Foucault's theory of exclusionary mechanisms also forms a significant part of the analytical data and demonstrates the complex relationship around trying to demonstrate the constant variability of discourse. The results show a significant difficulty in establishing an undeniable truth. Despite this problem, the newspaper Expressen is refereed to handle the consistency of the discourse order in an extraordinary effective way regarding the difficult management of the source material.
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Lee, Denise Kelley. "Structural power, hegemony and the global political economy : a study of the International Telecommunication Union and the direct broadcasting by satellite debate." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.359579.
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Prifti, Bledar. "Continuation in US Foreign Policy: An Offensive Realist Perspective." Scholar Commons, 2014. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/5384.
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This dissertation is a study of US foreign policy that aims at maintaining its regional hegemonic status and preventing the emergence of another regional hegemon by implementing the offshore balancing strategy. US intervention during the 2003 Iraq War, strained US-Iran relationship, and the establishment of the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) in early 2014 compel a reevaluation of US foreign policy. Two major claims of this dissertation include: (1) US foreign policy is consistent with offensive realist theoretical claims; and (2) US foreign policy is characterized by continuity when it comes to issues related to America's strategic interests. Utilizing a case study and comparative case study methodology, this dissertation outlines the following findings.
The first finding of this dissertation is that US foreign policy actions under the Bush Doctrine, which led to the 2003 Iraq War, were dictated by the anarchic status of the international system, the possession by Iraq of military capabilities that could harm or destroy America, fear from and suspicion of Iraq's intentions, the need to ensure survival in an anarchic system, and the need to maximize relative power vis-à-vis other states. All these factors led to three main pattern of behavior: fear, self-help, and power maximization. Because there was no other regional great power capable and willing to balance Iraq, the US was forced to rely on direct balancing by threatening Iraq to take military actions, creating an anti-Iraqi alliance, and maximizing its relative power by destroying Iraq's military capabilities.
Second, US foreign policy under the Bush Doctrine was a continuation of the 20th century foreign policy. US foreign policy during the 20th century was dictated by three major patterns of behavior: fear, self-help, and power maximization. In realizing its foreign policy goals, the US had to rely on buck-passing and balancing strategies. Whenever there was no regional great power able and willing "to carry the buck", the US would rely on direct balancing by either threatening the aggressor, creating alliances with other regional states, or utilizing additional resources of its own. Four major presidential doctrines and related occurrences were utilized to test the claim: the Roosevelt Corollary, the Truman Doctrine, the Carter Doctrine, and the Reagan Doctrine.
The last finding of this dissertation is that US foreign policy toward Iran constitutes continuity and is dictated by US need to maintain regional hegemony by acting as an offshore balancer. In addition, the US and Iran share mutual strategic interests in several occasions, and a strategic win or loss for one state is a win or loss for the other. Like that of the US, Iran's foreign policy is guided by rationality. The Iran-Contra affair, the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict, and the Russia-Chechnya conflict support the claim that Iran's foreign policy is based on rationality instead of religious ideology as argued by many scholars. Also, the 2001 Afghanistan war, the 2003 Iraq war, and the establishment of the ISIL support the claim that the US and Iran share mutual strategic interests. Cooperation is often desirable and in some cases inevitable. Despite this strong claim, US-Iran relationship has its own limitations because neither the US nor Iran would accept a too powerful other that could establish absolute dominance in the region.
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Mahao, Lehloenya. "The power of hegemonic theory in Southern Africa: why Lesotho cannot develop an independent foreign policy." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003009.
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This thesis critiques hegemonic theory – especially the impact of a hegemonic state on the ability of small states to develop an independent foreign policy. The research uses Lesotho as a case study of a subordinate state in relation to the Republic of South Africa (RSA) as a hegemonic state. It draws on the history of Lesotho’s quest for sovereignty and argues that this sovereignty is constantly eroded to the advantage of its hegemonic neighbour. This constrains Lesotho’s ability to develop an independent foreign policy.
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Silva, Athos Munhoz Moreira da. "A ascensão da China e os seus impactos para o leste asiático." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/132973.
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O eixo central deste trabalho é a análise dos impactos que a ascensão da China poderá trazer ao Leste Asiático. Para cumprir esta tarefa, divide-se o desenvolvimento do trabalho em três capítulos. O primeiro investiga o fenômeno chamado de ascensão da China, que consiste no incremento das capacidades desse país e da consequente elevação de seu status relativo em âmbito regional (e global). Considera-se que este processo deve ser tomado em perspectiva histórica a partir do modo como o país e sua sociedade tradicionalmente se relacionaram com o exterior. Argumenta-se que a ascensão da China provoca uma alteração fundamental na polaridade e na polarização regionais, com implicações em âmbito global. Desta feita, o segundo capítulo consiste em examinar o contexto regional a partir de análises das políticas externa e de segurança dos principais atores regionais para o Leste Asiático. Isso é feito através de dois pontos de vista: a atuação regional e as relações com a China, incluindo a reação à ascensão da China. Constata-se que diante da rivalidade estratégica entre a potência hegemônica e a potência ascendente — respectivamente, Estados Unidos e China — os demais atores regionais buscam manter sua autonomia e margem de manobra entre as duas potências. O terceiro e último capítulo tem por propósito elaborar uma série de possíveis perspectivas para os desdobramentos regionais, baseado nas implicações para a polaridade, para a polarização e para as possibilidades de conflito e concertação regionais. Para tanto, utiliza-se os indicadores levantados nos capítulos anteriores e nas análises e proposições já feitas sobre o assunto. Considera-se três possíveis perspectivas: uma hegemonia chinesa sem ocorrência de guerra central; o acirramento das tensões entre Pequim e Washington, com possibilidade de guerra central; e concertação e criação de mecanismos de governança entre os atores regionais, podendo esta concertação ser anárquica — sem líderes aparentes — ou hierárquica — condomínio de potências —. Considera-se que a primeira e a terceira perspectivas apresentam a possibilidade do surgimento uma nova ordem regional sem guerra central, enquanto o segundo considera que não haverá novo tipo de governança no contexto da rivalidade estratégica entre China e Estados Unidos. Por fim, vislumbram-se algumas possibilidades para o Brasil e futuras agendas de pesquisa.The central axis of this work is the analysis of the impacts of China's rise may have on East Asia. In order to accomplish this, research is divided in three chapters. The first explores the China's rise as a phenomenon which consists of the increase of Chinese capabilities and the consequent elevation of its relative status on a regional (and global) level. This process must be taken into account within a historical perspective, considering how the country and its society traditionally relate with the exterior. The proposed argument is that China's rise generates a fundamental change in the regional polarity and polarization, with global and regional-level implications. Thus, the second chapter consists of a study of the regional context based on an analysis of the foreign and defense policies of the main regional actors in East Asia. Two points are considered for this: their regional actions and their relations with China, more specifically, how they deal with the Chinese change of status. Accordingly, these regional actors seek to maintain their autonomy and leeway vis-à-vis the strategic rivalry between the hegemon and the rising power: the US and China respectively. The third and last chapter elaborates a series of possible regional scenarios, based on their implications to polarity, polarization, and the likelihood of conflict or regional concertation. To achieve this, this assessment uses indicators presented in the previous chapters and from analyses and propositions by other authors. Three main scenarios are considered: a Chinese hegemony without a central war, the intensification of tensions between Beijing and Washington (with a likely central war), and the creation of governance and concertation mechanisms between the regional actors. These mechanisms might be anarchical — without apparent leaders — or hierarchical. Further examination shows that the first and third scenarios present the possibility of the emergence of a new regional order without a central war, while the second scenario deems that there will not be a new governance type within the strategic rivalry context. Lastly, this work offers some of the opportunities this phenomenon may bring to Brazil, as well as suggests a further research agenda.
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Lundqvist, Nathalie, and Olivia Jönsson. "“Livet vi lever är jettat, därför många vill testa. Jalla, kom testa, ra-ta-ta-ta från en Tesla” : En tematisk och språklig innehållsanalys om gangsterrapens normalisering och uppmuntran av kriminalitet." Thesis, Hälsohögskolan, Jönköping University, HHJ, Avd. för socialt arbete, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-49563.
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The gangsta rap has topped the Swedish music charts in recent years and the controversial message of the music genre has led people in the community to question what the gangsta rap message convey. The purpose of the study is to investigate how a normalization and encouragement of crime are characterized in the contemporary song texts, and how men and women are portrayed in connection with the power aspects of society. The method choice is a qualitative thematic and linguistic content analysis with the aim of examining the significance of the song texts in deph. The study has been conducted on the 24 songs that have been streamed the most number of times according to P3´s DigiLista since 2018. The result shows that the gangsta rap encourages and romanticizes crime through its choice of personal pronouns and semantics in the song lyrics. Women and men are portrayed in an unequal way, where women are portrayed as objectified as opposed to the hegemonic masculinity with which masculine men are equated. Power has been proven to be a dominant concept throughout the performance analysis and the power aspect has conveyed different viewpoints in each theme. The power that gangster rappers get through their coveted music may come to encourage criminal acts through their choice of words.Gangsterrapen har toppat de svenska musiklistorna de senaste åren och musikgenrens kontroversiella budskap har fått människor i samhället att ifrågasätta vad gangsterrapens budskap förmedlar. Syftet med studien är att undersöka på vilket sätt en normalisering och uppmuntran av kriminalitet präglas i de nutida låttexterna och hur män och kvinnor skildras i koppling till samhällets maktaspekter. Metodvalet är en kvalitativ tematisk och språklig innehållsanalys med syftet att kunna granska låttexternas betydelse på djupet. Studien har genomförts på de 24 låtarna som har streamats flest antal gånger enligt P3’s DigiLista sedan 2018. Av resultatet framkommer att gangsterrapen uppmuntrar och romantiserar kriminalitet genom dess val av personliga pronomen och semantiken i låttexterna. Kvinnor och män skildras på ett ojämlikt sätt, där kvinnor framställs som objektifierade gentemot den hegemoniska manligheten som maskulina män likställs med. Makt har påvisats vara ett dominerande begrepp genom hela resultatanalysen och maktaspekten har förmedlat olika synvinklar i respektive tema. Makten som gangsterraparna får genom deras eftertraktade musik bidrar till att de kan komma att uppmuntra till kriminella handlingar genom deras val av språkbruk.
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Bastova, Vita. "Russian-Chinese relations since the end of the bipolar world." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-162793.
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Russian-Chinese relations have been differed by the complex and full relations, which have been highly emerged since the end of the Cold War. Transition of the power in the world system had overcome the intention of Russia and China for the closer cooperation in order to decline the American sole hegemony. Concluding the Friendship treaty, it had become the first step towards cooperation which today can be considered as stable one. Master thesis will be focused on the realist approach, which at the same time will help to evaluate Rusian-Chinese relation through the pragmatic realist prism. Analyzing the relations in a global context within further movement to regional one, I will try to experience Sino-Russian relations through different approaches and relying on the balance of power theory. Description of the strategic partnership, supported by the multipolar world view and multilateral diplomacy as the tool for the national interests promotion, the research will move towards bilateral modes estimating security, political and economic relations. All in all, the conclusion will be made in order to predict the future of the Russian-Chinese relations and results which both countries have achieved by now.
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Adamy, Irene Spies. "Formação e organização política da classe dominante agrária: a Sociedade Rural do Oeste do Paraná." Universidade Estadual do Oeste do Paraná, 2010. http://tede.unioeste.br:8080/tede/handle/tede/1761.
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Previous issue date: 2010-08-31The present study refers to the formation and organization of the Agrarian fraction of the upper class in the West of Paraná. It also analyzes its union, called Rural Society of the West of Paraná (SRO). The formation of that fraction happened in two different moments: the first one happened when the land was occupied, a process that interfered directly in the land titling issue. The city of Cascavel is influenced by the presence of large land properties and by the economic and political power of their owners. The second moment refers to the conservative modernization of the Brazilian fields, which contributed to the consolidation of the agricultural land-owners power .However, this process is not absolute and undisputed. In the decade of 1980, the Brazil s Landless Rural Workers Movement (MST) appears as a movement in national basis, struggling for the Agrarian Reform and for a new model for the production and use of the land in Brazilian agriculture, which caused conflicts and confrontations, many of them involving violence and death. The SRO is a space for the land-owners to establish their leadership and to organize themselves in order to maintain their hegemonic condition, revealing their conservative way of thinking. Therefore, the present study intends to analyze the SRO organization and its moves to maintain its power, according to the theory written by Antonio Gramsci
Este estudo refere-se à formação e organização política da fração agrária da classe dominante na região Oeste do Paraná, a partir de sua entidade de classe, a Sociedade Rural do Oeste do Paraná. A origem desta fração de classe encontra-se em dois momentos distintos: o primeiro, quando da ocupação e (re)ocupação da terra, cujo processo interferiu diretamente na estrutura fundiária do município de Cascavel, marcada pela presença do latifúndio, base material sobre a qual se assenta o poder econômico e político dos agropecuaristas; e, o segundo, quando da modernização conservadora implantada no campo brasileiro durante as décadas de 1960, 1970 e 1980, que contribuiu para consolidar o latifúndio e o poder de seus proprietários. Porém este poder não é absoluto e inconteste. Ainda na década de 1980, o MST assumiu sua condição de movimento social em nível nacional, na luta por reforma agrária e por um novo modelo de uso da terra e de produção para a agricultura brasileira, desencadeando conflitos e confrontos, não poucas vezes marcados pela violência e morte. Neste enfrentamento, os grandes proprietários rurais tiveram na SRO o seu espaço de organização, mobilização e liderança nas ações efetivadas, revelando seu caráter classista e conservador. Portanto, este trabalho busca analisar, a luz da teoria de Antonio Gramsci, como esta fração de classe vem se organizando e reorganizando, a fim de manter sua condição hegemônica
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Maatouk, Stefan. "Orientalism - A Netflix Unlimited Series : A Multimodal Critical Discourse Analysis of the Orientalist Representations of Arab Identify on Netflix Film and Television." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-43793.
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Orientalism was a term developed by post-colonial theorist Edward Said to describe the ways in which Europeans, or the West, portrayed the Orient as inferior, uncivilized, and wholly anti-Western. Netflix Inc., the world’s largest subscription-based streaming service, which as of 2018, expanded its streaming venue to over 190 countries globally, is the wellspring of knowledge for many people. Through the multimodal critical discourse analysis of 6 Netflix films and television programmes (Stateless, Gods of Egypt, Messiah, Al Hayba, Sand Castle, and Fauda) the study examines the extent to which the streaming giant is culpable in the reproduction of Orientalist discourses of power, i.e., discourses which facilitate the construction of the stereotyped Other. The results have shown that Netflix strengthens, through the dissemination and distribution of symbols and messages to the general population, the domination and authority over society and its political, economic, cultural, and ideological domains. Using Norman Fairclough’s approach to critical discourse analysis combined with a social semiotic perspective, this study endeavours to design a comprehensive methodological and theoretical framework which can be utilized by future researchers to analyse and critique particular power dynamics within society by exposing the dominant ideological world-view distortions which reinforce oppressive structures and institutional practices.
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Hjort, Mattias. "Power and Ownership : A critical analysis of the Bretton Woods Institutions' Country Owned Poverty Reduction Strategies." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Engineering, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-11380.
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Previously, studies in the intersection of power and development have predominantly concentrated on power as domination; how powerful actors can force recipient countries into embracing specific policies due to economical asymmetries. Yet, with the introduction of the Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSP) approach to development employed by the Bretton Woods Institutions (BWI), conditions on certain policies have decreased and it is said that the approach allows for country ownership as development strategies are written by the countries themselves. As a critical response, the conception of power is broadened here through the separate employment of governmentality theory and neo-Gramscian International Relations theory. They share among them a theoretical premise which allows for an understanding of power that extends beyond domination to the realm of discursive practices which, it is argued, allows for influence despite the notions of ownership and without power as domination.
The object of this thesis is to suggest how the discourses of the PRSP regime can influence subjects whom they addressed. The two theories have different assumptions here. More specifically, the neo-Gramscian theory argue that discursive practice may render ideological issues as common sense why they can come to be embraced by subjects, whereas the governmentality theory assume that discourses can, perhaps without conscious recognition, reshape the very identities of subjects. The theories differences are retained and bracketed when a discourse analysis of the PRSP regime is conducted which concludes that the BWIs require that suitable skills are embraced by subjects appropriate for a good governed market economy. These skills are located to basic capacities in calculating, accounting and social capital accumulation. Thereafter a practical example of discursive practice in a capacity building mission is reviewed to explicate how these skills are actualized through training modules enabling influence towards preferred standards of the BWIs without power as domination. The two theories are brought in for a discussion on how these discursive practices may be understood according to their respective premises, but also to discuss the usefulness of these theories for studies of this kind.
It is argued, among other conclusions, that the neo-Gramscian understanding of power as operating on the conscious level can fruitfully be coupled with the proposition of governmentality that powers also work on an unconscious level for understanding practises of capacity building. As concerning the weaknesses of the theories it is put forth that the neo- Gramscian theory suffers from an assumption of class identity presented as a “brute fact” before the realm of the political, whereas the governmentality theory suffers from an exclusive focus on discourse and leaves behind how different actor constellations may seek to appropriate discourses. To remedy these weaknesses, the thesis concludes with an argument that a combination of these theories can provide a lucrative foundation for further studies.
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Mendez, Hector. "Le pouvoir populaire." Thesis, Montpellier 3, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014MON30028/document.
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Le pouvoir populaire est une nouvelle stratégie de transformation sociale émancipatrice, apparue en Amérique latine, mais avec vocation universelle. Elle est centrée sur la construction d'un pouvoir plébéien capable d'élargir l'exercice démocratique de l'autorité, de développer des sujets autonomes et de créer de nouvelles formes de sociabilité. Ce pouvoir est celui des organisations populaires, quand elles sont capables de construire des espaces où le pouvoir capitaliste ne peut pas s'exercer pour y développer de nouveaux rapports sociaux. À partir de ces organisations, le pouvoir populaire, cherche d'abord à établir un rapport de forces avec le pouvoir du système lui permettant de se préserver, mais avec vocation de devenir hégémonique au sein de la société pour pouvoir la remodeler. Porteur d'une vision utopique de la transformation sociale, son objectif final est le dépassement de toute domination et la construction une nouvelle totalité sociale, communautaire, mais respectueuse de la diversité populaire, individuelle et collective. Sa stratégie politique part de l'hégémonie sociale et vise à contrôler, démocratiquement, l'appareil d'État capitaliste, à le transformer, et à terme, à le faire disparaître. Le pouvoir populaire assume que son engagement politique, du fait de sa méthode démocratique, nécessite une période et une société de transition prolongées dans le temps. Cette société, préalable à la société émancipée, admets la coexistence en son sein de formes de vie capitalistes et non capitalistesThe people's power relies on a new strategy of emancipating social transformation which appeared in Latin America but with a universal aim. It consists in building up a plebeian power able to enlarge the democratic authority to form autonomous individuals and to create new ways of living in society. Such is the power of popular organizations when they are able to set up places where the capitalistic power can't prevail so that new social interactions are developed. Thanks to these organizations, the people's power first aims at creating a tension with the larger system not only in order to protect itself, but also to increase its influence on society and be able to make it evolve. It conveys a utopian vision of social transformation and intends to overrule all domination and to build a new social and local unity that would respect the people's diversity, as individuals or groups of individuals. Its political strategy relies on social hegemony and aims at controlling the capitalist state system in a democratic way and at transforming it, and, in the end, put it to an end. The people's power understands that its necessarily democratic political stance needs a long term transition period, as well as a transition type of society. This society, the condition to an emancipated one, is to be composed of both capitalistic and non-capitalistic forms of lives
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von, Schantz Ulrika. "Myt, makt och möte : Om ett genuskulturellt rotsystem betraktat genom en skådespelarutbildning." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för musik- och teatervetenskap, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-6850.
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This dissertation concerns a certain experienced (sub)reality, a reality which emerged from something “in between”, from a confluence of factors - the project Gender on Stage, a particular actor education programme and myself in the role of observer. The project Gender on Stage started as an interdisciplinary study between the National Academy of Mime and Acting in Stockholm and the Department of Theatre Studies and the Department of Nordic Languages at Stockholm University. It was supported by the Swedish Research Council, and its purpose was to investigate gender in actor education. Actor education is situated between traditional theatre history and trends about the future, between aesthetic ideals and a commercial market. In addition, as was described in the outline of the project, actor education must deal with a long history of male dominance. Actor education could be visualised as the epitome of a cultural production of gender, a site where one has to explicitly deal with discourses of body and language, male and female, self and other, memories and emotions, pleasure and desire. I have stressed gender in actor education as being deeply interrelated with the notion of cultural hegemony, historical discourses of acting as well as gender, myths, and unconscious themes. Beside theories of Simone de Beauvoir, Judith Butler, Sue Ellen Case and Julia Kristeva, the study invokes post-structural notions of “present absence” as well as Freud’s ideas on repression in terms of “the uncanny”. Stanislavsky’s theories of fantasy emotion and the Brechtian concepts of Verfremdung and Gestus were likewise taken into consideration. To resolve problems of confidentiality and ethics, I discuss certain significant observations, considering them to be unique situations, but also representative and symbolic acts. In discussing the gender construction, I put myself into play in the role of observer as a certain persona – a kind of converse representative and a “faceted mirror of the invisible”.
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CORRÊA, Sérgio Roberto Moraes. "As lutas e resistências do Movimento Xingu Vivo Para Sempre diante do Projeto Hidrelétrico Belo Monte: o padrão de desenvolvimento da Amazônia em disputa." Universidade Federal de Campina Grande, 2014. http://dspace.sti.ufcg.edu.br:8080/jspui/handle/riufcg/144.
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Esta pesquisa analisa as lutas e resistências do Movimento Xingu Vivo Para Sempre (MXVPS) frente ao padrão de desenvolvimento dominante para a Amazônia, focando nos conflitos socioambientais em torno do Projeto de Aproveitamento Hidrelétrico Belo Monte (AHEBM), localizado no sudoeste do Estado do Pará. Para tanto, tomou como base a seguinte questão: as lutas e resistências do MXVPS frente a esse empreendimento hidrelétrico possibilitam identificar projetos de desenvolvimento que se colocam em perspectiva alternativa à hegemônica? Com isso, buscou identificar e analisar em que medida essas lutas e resistências do Movimento sinalizam com uma perspectiva contra-hegemônica. As noções de hegemonia e contra-hegemonia, baseadas em Boaventura de Sousa Santos, lastrearam a perspectiva crítica de análise. Com foco numa abordagem qualitativa, as estratégias metodológicas combinaram pesquisa bibliográfica, documental e de campo, neste caso com ênfase em observação participante e entrevistas semiestruturadas e em profundidade, dando relevo à história oral. Como resultado, foi possível identificar que o AHEBM é a expressão, por meio do PAC, da expansão da fronteira hidrelétrica no movimento de territorialização da dinâmica de acumulação do capital sobre a Amazônia sob forte influência do Estado, em parceria com grandes grupos econômicos, usando de violência institucional e simbólica para levar a cabo seu modelo neodesenvolvimentista. Dessa expansão da fronteira, vem ocorrendo um processo de desterritorialização na Região, o qual se expressa na expropriação, desintegração e precarização dos modos de vida de povos e comunidades tradicionais e camponesas, violando seus direitos fundamentais e pondo sob risco sua proteção física e social, além de comprometer o equilíbrio do ecossistema e do bioma amazônico. Isso caracteriza um processo, além de capitalista, colonialista. Essa expansão da fronteira hidrelétrica, todavia, não vem se dando sem contradições e conflitos, sem lutas e resistências a esse modelo. Seguindo essas pistas e esses sinais de contradições e conflitos, foi possível, também, capturar dinâmicas não hegemônicas (experiências e perspectivas sociais), a partir das resistências e das lutas do MXVPS, que se dão nesse brasil profundo e que ajudam a revelar outras imagens, representações e experiências da Amazônia, do Brasil e do Mundo.
This research analyzes the struggles and resistance of the Xingu Alive Forever Movement (MXVPS) against the dominant pattern of development for the Amazon, focusing on environmental conflicts around the Project Belo Monte Hydroelectric (AHEBM), located in the southwest of Pará. To do so, was based on the following question: the MXVPS’s struggles and resistances against this hydroelectric project possible to identify development projects that arise as an alternative to hegemonic perspective? Thus, we sought to identify and analyze the extent to which these struggles and resistances of this Movement signal with a counterhegemonic perspective. The concepts of hegemony and counter-hegemony, based on Boaventura de Sousa Santos, backed the critical analysis perspective. Focusing on a qualitative approach, the methodological strategies combined bibliographic, documental and empirical research, in this case with emphasis on participant observation and semi-structures interviews and in-depth, giving emphasis to oral history. As a result, we found that the AHEBM is the expression, through the PAC, the expansion of hydroelectric border movement of territorialization in the dynamics of capital accumulation on the Amazon under the strong influence of the state, in partnership with major economic groups, using institutional and symbolic violence to conduct your neo-desenvolvimentista model. This expansion of the border, there has been a process of deterritorialization in the region, which is expressed in the expropriation, disintegration and insecurity of livelihoods and traditional peoples and peasant communities, violating their fundamental rights and putting at risk their physical and social protection, besides disturbing the balance of the ecosystem and the Amazon biome. This characterizes a process, as capitalist and colonialist. This expansion of hydroelectric border, however, does not come without giving contradictions and conflicts, struggles and resistance to this model. Following these lanes and signs of these contradictions and conflicts, it was also possible to capture non-hegemonic dynamics (social experiences and perspectives), as of resistances and struggles of MXVPS that occur deep in Brazil and help reveal more images, representations and experiences of the Amazon, Brazil and the world.
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Schirmer, Frank, and Michael Tasto. "Reflexive Power(s)? - Exploring the Dynamics, Contradictions and Paradoxes of Evolving Political Forms in Innovative Organizations.: Paper presented at the EGOS Colloquium 2009, Barcelona, July 2-4, 2009; Sub-theme 19: Power, resistance and hegemony in the contexts of organizational and institutional change." Technische Universität Dresden, 2010. https://tud.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A28719.
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How do reflexive political forms within organizations and the design of innovation processes co-evolve? This paper focuses on emerging reflexive forms of power and authority, considered as regimes beyond pure domination (Clegg et al. 2006: 330 f.). We assume that preserving freedom and initiative of individuals, while not undermining the power of organizational top elites, is particularly essential for business success of organisations operating in high-tech, innovative sectors. Up to now, however, neither the development of related political forms within organisations, nor their intertwinements with innovation processes have been very well understood. Therefore this paper studies the linkages between innovation processes and reflexive political forms of organizations. More specifically, the paper aims to explore in detail the contested, antagonistic and paradoxical processes an organisation must undertake in designing a reflexive political form, a “political hybrid” (Clegg et al. 2006: 333), conducive to innovation capabilities and innovation processes in high-tech companies. Theoretical reasoning is underlined by first insights from a longitudinal case study, being part of a comparative case study program, focusing on the co-evolution of political forms and innovation process design in a SME in southern Germany. The paper contributes to the debate on power and innovation in several respects. First, we will propose a dynamic approach to exploring change and development of political forms within organisations. Most of the literature concerned with different political forms and political regimes within organisations is still centred on static typologies and its comparison (Clegg et al. 2006: 332). Second, we will examine the often neglected, contradictory processes shaping hybrid political forms in organisations. Third, we will conceptually and empirically explore linkages between innovation processes and emerging political hybrids within organizations. This study is, to the best of our knowledge, a research desideratum both in the literature on power and the literature on innovation processes (e.g. Hage and Meeus 2006; Poole and Van De Ven 2004; Vigoda-Gadot and Drory 2006; Clegg et al. 2006).
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Sartoretto, Leonardo [UNESP]. "Crise e transição: um capítulo da modernização conservadora da autocracia no Brasil." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/151586.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
O presente trabalho procura compreender as transformações que ocorrem na base do poder político da autocracia burguesa brasileira em 1930. Nomeadamente a crise que leva a recomposição das suas frações no bloco do poder com a ascensão da Aliança Liberal ao Governo Provisório. Para tanto estudamos a formação e consolidação da fração agrárioexportadora e portadora do grande capital cafeeiro, já que esta vai ser a matriz do intenso desenvolvimento que a nossa formação social vai conhecer com base no ciclo do café. É através de sua gênese e desenvolvimento que observamos que, no bojo de seu avanço social, inclusive na composição de sua hegemonia que ocorre durante a Primeira República, contradições como a formação de uma industrialização com capitais oriundos da acumulação cafeeira vão transformando a estrutura produtiva de sua dominação. Por outro lado, seu domínio absoluto começa a ser contestado em 1922, ferindo mortalmente sua capacidade hegemônica. A Aliança Liberal, herdeira de toda essa crise política, ao agregar em si inúmeros grupos, camadas e frações sociais que já não se veem mais representadas pela política monocultora e agroexportadora do café, com grande ênfase ao apoio armado tenentista, se insurrece e desloca do centro do poder a fração paulista. Como grupo dirigente, ela então reorienta o centro dinâmico da economia brasileira, respondendo ao caráter de suas próprias contradições, e com medidas políticas como o corporativismo trava contato íntimo com a burguesia industrial. Novamente se apropriando do Estado para recompor a relação de suas frações burguesas, e outra vez alijando a classe trabalhadora do poder através de sua organização em moldes corporativistas, mesmo que isso as leve para dentro do próprio Estado, e ainda reprimindo com violência os grupos sociais que não lograram obedecer a esse ditame, como a reorganização do DEOPS bem expressa, características todas de uma legítima autocracia burguesa, agora reposta em novos patamares, o grupo dirigente encabeçado por Getúlio Vargas procede a uma genuína modernização conservadora desta forma de domínio brasileira.
The present work tries to understand the transformations that occur in the base of the political power of the Brazilian bourgeois autocracy in 1930. In particular, the crisis that leads to the recomposition of its fractions in the power bloc with the rise of the Liberal Alliance to the Provisional Government. In order to do so, we study the formation and consolidation of the agrarian-exporting fraction and the great capital of coffee, since this will be the matrix of the intense development that our social formation will know based on the coffee cycle. It is through its genesis and development that we observe that, in the midst of its social advance, including in the composition of its hegemony that occurs during the Old Republic, contradictions such as the formation of an industrialization with capital from the coffee accumulation transform the productive structure of Their domination. On the other hand, its absolute domination begins to be contested in 1922, mortally wounding its hegemonic capacity. The Liberal Alliance, inheriting all this political crisis, by aggregating in itself numerous groups, strata and social fractions that are no longer represented by the monoculture and agro-exporting policy of coffee, with great emphasis on the tenentista armed support, insurrection and dislocation of the Center of power the São Paulo fraction. As a leading group, it then reorients the dynamic center of the Brazilian economy, responding to the character of its own contradictions, and with political measures such as corporatism, it has intimate contact with the industrial bourgeoisie. Once again appropriating the state to recompose the relation of its bourgeois fractions, and again throwing away the working class of power through its organization in a corporatist way, even if it takes them into the state itself, and still repressing social groups with violence which have not been able to obey this dictum, such as the reorganization of the DEOPS expressed, all characteristics of a legitimate bourgeois autocracy, now restored to new heights, the leading group headed by Getúlio Vargas proceeds to a genuine conservative modernization of this form of Brazilian domination.
El presente trabajo busca comprender las transformaciones que ocurren en la base del poder político de la autocracia burguesa brasileña en 1930. En particular la crisis que lleva a la recomposición de sus fracciones en el bloque del poder con el ascenso de la Alianza Liberal al Gobierno Provisional. Para ello estudiamos la formación y consolidación de la fracción agrario-exportadora y portadora del gran capital cafetero, ya que ésta va a ser la matriz del intenso desarrollo que nuestra formación social va a conocer con base en el ciclo del café. Es a través de su génesis y desarrollo que observamos que, en el seno de su avance social, incluso en la composición de su hegemonía que ocurre durante la Primera República, contradicciones como la formación de una industrialización con capitales oriundos de la acumulación cafetera van transformando la estructura productiva de su dominación. Por otro lado, su dominio absoluto comienza a ser discutido en 1922, hiriendo mortalmente su capacidad hegemónica. La Alianza Liberal, heredera de toda esta crisis política, al agregar en sí innumerables grupos, capas y fracciones sociales que ya no se ven más representadas por la política monocultiva y agroexportadora del café, con gran énfasis al apoyo armado tenentista, se insurrece y se desplaza el centro del poder la fracción paulista. Como grupo dirigente, entonces reorienta el centro dinámico de la economía brasileña, respondiendo al carácter de sus propias contradicciones, y con medidas políticas como el corporativismo traba contacto íntimo con la burguesía industrial. Nuevamente apropiarse del Estado para recomponer la relación de sus fracciones burguesas, y otra vez alijando a la clase obrera del poder a través de su organización en moldes corporativistas, aunque eso las lleve hacia dentro del propio Estado, y aún reprimiendo con violencia a los grupos sociales que no lograron obedecer a ese dictamen, como la reorganización del DEOPS bien expresada, características todas de una legítima autocracia burguesa, ahora restablecida en nuevos niveles, el grupo dirigente encabezado por Getúlio Vargas procede a una genuina modernización conservadora de esta forma de dominio brasileña.
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Arpzell, Felicia. "A Strategic Move Towards Power? : A critical discourse analysis of how national leaders of China and the United States frame their foreign trade policies in the trade war." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-91147.
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By using critical discourse analysis, the purpose of this thesis has been to reveal the hidden power relation behind the discourse on foreign trade policies in the context of the trade war and to examine if grand strategies can be identified in the discourses. The thesis has thus focused on what discourses the national leaders of the United States and China have created and how different words and concepts have been used to form a national strategy on foreign trade policies in the context of the trade war. This thesis has also examined if theories of primacy and neo-neo-isolationism can be found in the discourses produced by the national leaders of China and the United States. The conducted discourse analysis suggests national leaders of China and the United States create discourses to gain an advantage. Where words and concepts were used to strengthen their own position while weakening the other, theories of primacy and neo-neo-isolationism could not be found in the discourses. However, it can be suggested that some parts of the strategies where found.
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Doecke, Philip John. "Discourse on primary school physical education curriculum in Papua New Guinea." Queensland University of Technology, 2006. http://eprints.qut.edu.au/16265/.
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The Problem Physical Education in Papua New Guinea (PNG) schools did not appear to be widespread nor progressing effectively. Its place in education appeared uncertain. Therefore the study's key question was, "What is the status of physical education in PNG, and the implications of this status?" The focus was narrowed to the history of the development of physical education curriculum, and considered decisions made by curriculum officers about what ought to be taught. Purposes The study's purposes, in answering the key question, were to: § evaluate the existing physical education curriculum § generate recommendations for physical education programs. The Research Postmodern ethnography was chosen to undertake the evaluation, through the analysis of historical records and personal narratives. As there was little available literature on physical education curriculum development in PNG, the narratives and opinions of a variety of policymakers, policydevelopers, policyimplementers, and clients of this curriculum development were recorded. The curriculum itself was analysed, as well as related articles and official documentation. The collective data were evaluated, to provide an overall view of physical education curriculum development. Methodology Following the search for literature in libraries, data were collected from Curriculum Development Division records. As many curriculum documents (such as syllabi and advisory memos) as possible were collected. Key personnel were identified and personally interviewed by the researcher. For a wider group (school principals) an interview guideline was used, while for the oneonone interviews, an unstructured interview format was adopted, allowing respondents considerable control, as they recounted their histories, experiences, and opinions. Further data were collected from correspondence from teachers' colleges, and the former director of the National Sports Institute. The data were analysed by viewing through seven key concepts central in postmodern literature: knowledge, power, culture, postcolonialism, hegemony, globalism, and apathy. The analysis was constructed upon the historical background information, issues that arose during the research activities and the collection of the raw data and, additionally, upon the researcher's own evaluative feelings. Outcomes During the analysis of the literature, the narratives, the curriculum, and related documents, four recurrent issues emerged: § physical education's low status § problems in understanding the concept of physical education § apathy towards physical education § PNG knowledge versus global knowledge The analysis of the data was therefore undertaken around these issues, as viewed through the key concept's lenses. It was found that there was a lack of usefulness in the existing physical education documents, and that there was a lack of availability of existing physical education documents. Key Education authorities were unfamiliar with physical education curriculum. Its history, both in colonial and postcolonial times, was weak. It continued to receive little attention by curriculum administrators, or schools. The National attitude of apathy towards physical education had been established by the colonial administrators and educators, and reproduced. CDD administration had little time for physical education. Consequently, there was little physical education taught in PNG schools, even though it was in the national curriculum. The only physical activity which had some place in schools was the commercial modified rules sport program, Pikinini Sport. Global activities dominated any thought of local input and activities.
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Nilsson, Micael. "Genusregim i förändring : Jämställdhet och makt i kommunal politik mellan åren 1970 och 2006." Doctoral thesis, Linköpings universitet, Tema Kultur och samhälle, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-15145.
Full textAbstract:
Det övergripande syftet med denna avhandling är att synliggöra formella och informella maktstrukturer i Norrköpings kommuns politiska ledning mellan åren 1970 och 2006 ur ett genusperspektiv. I inledningen ställs frågan om det är så att kvinnors inlemmande i kommunalpolitiken endast har lett till en jämn könsrepresentation i den politiska toppen, men inte medfört verklig politiskt makt. Utifrån ett samtidshistoriskt perspektiv undersöks den underliggande maktstruktur om den politiska makten i Norrköping kan sägas ha vilat på vid olika tidpunkter mellan 1970 och 2006. Den teoretiska ansatsen är inspirerad av ett feministiskt genusperspektiv och det empiriska materialet analyseras med hjälp av bl a begreppet genusregim. Detta begrepp utgör grunden i avhandlingens teoretiska ram. I den konkreta analysen används sedan begrepp som politisk fält och politiskt kapital, manlighet, manlig homosocialitet, hegemoni och diskursiv makt. Utgångspunkten i avhandlingen är att kvinnor och mäns olika tillgång till informell makt i politiken dels har att göra med makt som baseras på genus, dels har att göra med makt kopplat till relationerna mellan ledande politiker och ledande tjänstemän i kommunens administrativa ledning. Avhandlingen undersöker på vilket sätt kvinnliga och manliga politikers formella deltagande i kommunens nämnder, kommunstyrelsen och andra organ förändrades under perioden 1970–2006. Den belyser också hur politiker och tjänstemän har uppfattat den underliggande maktstruktur som underbygger verklig politisk makt, samt hur denna maktstruktur har förhållit sig till genus. Avhandlingen undersöker även huruvida manliga tjänstemän begränsat kvinnliga politikers maktutrymme. Avhandlingen visar att den makt som underbygger den politiska styrningen har vilat på två slags ordningsrelationer: den mellan kvinnor och män respektive den mellan den politiska ledningen och administrationen. Avhandlingen visar således att problemet med kvinnors brist på informell makt har varit inbyggt i det politiska systemet.The aim of this dissertation is to examine women’s and men’s access to quantitative and qualitative political power in the municipality of Norrköping between 1970 and 2006. The method chosen is to analyze the substructure underlying political leaders’ ability to govern. The premise of this inquiry is that an unequal distribution of genuine power between women and men in politics depends on gender-based power structures as well as the relationship between politicians in leadership positions and male employees in leading positions in the municipal administration. There are three main questions of interest in this dissertation. Firstly, in what respects does the formal representation of women and man elected as representatives in the municipal council, the municipal executive board, and other boards change in the period 1970―2006? Secondly, how do politicians and employed municipal administrators describe the structures of power that grant genuine power, and how do informal power relations relate to the gender-based power structure? Thirdly, focusing on women’s increasing participation in governing processes I ask in what respects the male dominance in the administration circumscribes the possibilities of female politicians in leadership positions to exercise genuine power. With these questions as the starting point, I have studied political power structures in relation to women and men as well as in relation to actors in political and administrative leadership positions in the municipality of Norrköping. Relaying on the concept of gender regime I have developed an analytical framework to analyze the informal power structures. The concept of gender regime can be understood as the patterning of gender processes in particular social units at a particular historical time. In the theoretical approach of the dissertation, the concept of gender regime in combination with the concepts of manliness, male homosociality and the hegemony of men, offer a complex way of analyzing gender and power relations at a local level. One of the main conclusions is that despite a changing political gender regime in the 21st century, the power was still based on a patriarchal model.