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Academic literature on the topic 'Power and ideology'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 5 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Power and ideology"

1

Pinar, William F. "The Unaddressed ‘I’ of Ideology Critique." Power and Education 1, no. 2 (January 2009): 189–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/power.2009.1.2.189.

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Parancika, Rd Bily, and Mohammad Aris. "HEGEMONI IDEOLOGI DALAM WACANA NOVEL AMBA KARYA LAKSMI PAMUNTJAK (KAJIAN TEORI PERKEMBANGAN HEGEMONI)." Alayasastra 17, no. 1 (May 31, 2021): 89–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.36567/aly.v17i1.794.

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ABSTRAKPenelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengungkapkan kekuasaan dan dominasi yang terdapat dalam novel Amba karya Laksmi Pamuntjak. Adapun masalah yang melatarbelakangi penelitian ini ialah bagaimana bentuk hegemoni ideologi masyarakat dan pemerintahan yang terefleksikan dalam novel Amba. Penelitian ini bertolak pada teori ideologi Gramsci dengan menggunakan pendekatan hegemoni ideologi. Pendekatan ini merupakan konsep berpikir Antonio Gramsi mengenai konsep kebebasan, wewenang atau kekuasaan. Penelitian ini dilakukan menggunakan metode deskriptif analisis. Pengumpulan sumber data yang berupa kutipan dihasilkan dari membaca sumber. Kemudian, data yang terkumpul dicatat, dianalisis, dan diinterpretasikan dengan perspektif hegemoni ideologi. Hasil analisis disajikan dalam bentuk narasi deskriptif-kualitatif. Hasil yang didapat dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa novel Amba karya Laksmi Pamuntjak sarat dengan muatan hegemoni ideologi yang meliputi ideologi keagamaan, ideologi politik, dominasi kekuasaan dan kekerasan fisik maupun nonfisik yang dilakukan perorangan maupun sosial. Kata Kunci: Hegemoni, Ideologi, Kekuasaan dan Amba ABSTRACT This research is aimed to express power and domination in Amba novel written by Laksmi Pamuntjak. The issue of this research is how to shape people and government's hegemoni ideology which are reflected in Amba novel. This research stand on the theory of Gramsci's ideology using hegemoni ideology approach. This approach is a concept of Antonio Gramsi's thinking about a concept of freedom, authority, or power. This research used analysis descriptive method. The collection of data sources in the form of quotations is generated from reading sources. Then it's written, analyzed, and intepreted by perspective hegemoni ideology. The analysis result is written by descriptive-qualitative naration. The research showed Amba novel by Laksmi Pamuntjak full of hegemoni ideology content which is consist of religious ideology, politics ideology, power domination and physical-non physical abuse done by person or public. Keywords: Hegemony, Ideology, Power and Amba

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3

Musikhin, Gleb. "Ideology and Power." Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 58-59, no. 3 (2010): 25–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2010-5859-3-25-39.

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4

Cohen, Ariel. "Power or Ideology." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 22, no. 3 (July 1, 2005): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v22i3.463.

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The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics? AC: I would like to say from the outset that I am neither a Muslim nor a sociologist. Therefore, my remarks should be taken as those of an interested and sympathetic outsider. I do not believe at all that the American government “undermines” moderate Muslims. The problem is more complicated. Many American officials abhor engagement in religion or the politics of religion. They believe that the American Constitution separates religion and state and does not allow them to make distinctions when it comes to different interpretations of Islam. For some of them, Salafiya Islam is as good as Sufi Islam. Others do not have a sufficient knowledge base to sort out the moderates from the radicals, identify the retrograde fundamentalists, or recognize modernizers who want political Islam to dominate. This is wrong. Radical ideologies have to do more with politics and warfare than religion, and, in some extreme cases, should not enjoy the constitutional protections of freedom of religion or free speech. There is a difference between propagating a faith and disseminating hatred, violence, or murder. The latter is an abuse and exploitation of faith for political ends, and should be treated as such. For example, the racist Aryan Nation churches were prosecuted and bankrupted by American NGOs and the American government. One of the problems is that the American government allows radical Muslims who support terrorism to operate with impunity in the United States and around the world, and does very little to support moderate Muslims, especially in the conflict zones. To me, moderate Muslims are those who do not view the “greater jihad” either as a pillar of faith or as a predominant dimension thereof. A moderate is one who is searching for a dialogue and a compromise with people who adhere to other interpretations of the Qur’an, and with those who are not Muslim. Amoderate Sunni, for example, will not support terror attacks on Shi`ahs or Sufis, or on Christians, Jews, or Hindus. Moderate Muslims respect the right of individuals to disagree, to worship Allah the way they chose, or not to worship – and even not to believe. Amoderate Muslim is one who is willing to bring his or her brother or sister to faith by love and logic, not by mortal threats or force of arms. Amoderate Muslim decries suicide bombings and terrorist “operations,” and abhors those clerics who indoctrinate toward, bless, and support such atrocities. The list of moderate Muslims is too long to give all or even a part of it here. Shaykh Muhammad Hisham Kabbani (chairman of the Islamic Supreme Council of America) and Sheikh Abdul Hadi Palazzi (secretarygeneral of the Rome-based Italian Muslim Association) come to mind. Ayatollah Ali Sistani may be a moderate, but I need to read more of his teachings. As the Wahhabi attacks against the Shi`ah escalate, Shi`i clerics and leaders are beginning to speak up. Examples include Sheikh Agha Jafri, a Westchester-based Pakistani Shi`ah who heads an organization called the Society for Humanity and Islam in America, and Tashbih Sayyed, a California-based Pakistani who serves as president of the Council for Democracy and Tolerance. I admire the bravery of Amina Wadud, a female professor of Islamic studies at Virginia Commonwealth University who led a mixed-gender Friday Islamic prayer service, according to Mona Eltahawy’s op-ed piece in The Washington Post on Friday, March 18, 2005 (“A Prayer Toward Equality”). Another brave woman is the co-founder of the Progressive Muslim Union of America, Sarah Eltantawi. And the whole world is proud of the achievements of Judge Shirin Ebadi, the Iranian human rights lawyer who was awarded the Nobel peace prize in 2003. There is a problem with the first question, however. It contains several assumptions that are debatable, to say the least, if not outright false. First, it assumes that Tariq Ramadan is a “moderate.” Nevertheless, there is a near-consensus that Ramadan, while calling for ijtihad, is a supporter of the Egyptian Ikhwan al-Muslimin [the Muslim Brotherhood] and comes from that tradition [he is the grandson of its founder, Hasan al-Banna]. He also expressed support for Yusuf al-Qaradawi (and all he stands for) on a BBC TVprogram, and is viewed as an anti-Semite. He also rationalizes the murder of children, though apparently that does not preclude the European Social Forum from inviting him to be a member. He and Hasan al-Turabi, the founder of the Islamic state in Sudan, have exchanged compliments. There are numerous reports in the media, quoting intelligence sources and ex-terrorists, that Ramadan associates with the most radical circles, including terrorists. In its decision to ban Ramadan, the United States Department of Homeland Security was guided by a number of issues, some of them reported in the media and others classified. This is sufficient for me to believe that Ramadan may be a security risk who, in the post-9/11 environment, could reasonably be banned from entering the United States.1 Second, the raids on “American Muslim organizations” are, in fact, a part of law enforcement operations. Some of these steps have had to do with investigations of terrorist activities, such as the alleged Libyan conspiracy to assassinate Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia. Others focused on American Islamist organizations that were funding the terrorist activities of groups on the State Department’s terrorism watch list, such as Hamas. To say that these criminal investigations are targeting moderate Islam is like saying that investigating pedophile priests undermines freedom of religion in the United States. Finally, American Muslims are hardly marginalized. They enjoy unencumbered religious life and support numerous non-governmental organizations that often take positions highly critical of domestic and foreign policy – something that is often not the case in their countries of origin. There is no job discrimination – some senior Bush Administration officials, such as Elias A. Zerhouni, head of the National Institutes of Health (NIH), are Muslims. American presidents have congratulated Muslims on religious holidays and often invite Muslim clergymen to important state functions, such as the funeral of former president Ronald Reagan.

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5

Cohen, Ariel. "Power or Ideology." American Journal of Islam and Society 22, no. 3 (July 1, 2005): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v22i3.463.

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The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics? AC: I would like to say from the outset that I am neither a Muslim nor a sociologist. Therefore, my remarks should be taken as those of an interested and sympathetic outsider. I do not believe at all that the American government “undermines” moderate Muslims. The problem is more complicated. Many American officials abhor engagement in religion or the politics of religion. They believe that the American Constitution separates religion and state and does not allow them to make distinctions when it comes to different interpretations of Islam. For some of them, Salafiya Islam is as good as Sufi Islam. Others do not have a sufficient knowledge base to sort out the moderates from the radicals, identify the retrograde fundamentalists, or recognize modernizers who want political Islam to dominate. This is wrong. Radical ideologies have to do more with politics and warfare than religion, and, in some extreme cases, should not enjoy the constitutional protections of freedom of religion or free speech. There is a difference between propagating a faith and disseminating hatred, violence, or murder. The latter is an abuse and exploitation of faith for political ends, and should be treated as such. For example, the racist Aryan Nation churches were prosecuted and bankrupted by American NGOs and the American government. One of the problems is that the American government allows radical Muslims who support terrorism to operate with impunity in the United States and around the world, and does very little to support moderate Muslims, especially in the conflict zones. To me, moderate Muslims are those who do not view the “greater jihad” either as a pillar of faith or as a predominant dimension thereof. A moderate is one who is searching for a dialogue and a compromise with people who adhere to other interpretations of the Qur’an, and with those who are not Muslim. Amoderate Sunni, for example, will not support terror attacks on Shi`ahs or Sufis, or on Christians, Jews, or Hindus. Moderate Muslims respect the right of individuals to disagree, to worship Allah the way they chose, or not to worship – and even not to believe. Amoderate Muslim is one who is willing to bring his or her brother or sister to faith by love and logic, not by mortal threats or force of arms. Amoderate Muslim decries suicide bombings and terrorist “operations,” and abhors those clerics who indoctrinate toward, bless, and support such atrocities. The list of moderate Muslims is too long to give all or even a part of it here. Shaykh Muhammad Hisham Kabbani (chairman of the Islamic Supreme Council of America) and Sheikh Abdul Hadi Palazzi (secretarygeneral of the Rome-based Italian Muslim Association) come to mind. Ayatollah Ali Sistani may be a moderate, but I need to read more of his teachings. As the Wahhabi attacks against the Shi`ah escalate, Shi`i clerics and leaders are beginning to speak up. Examples include Sheikh Agha Jafri, a Westchester-based Pakistani Shi`ah who heads an organization called the Society for Humanity and Islam in America, and Tashbih Sayyed, a California-based Pakistani who serves as president of the Council for Democracy and Tolerance. I admire the bravery of Amina Wadud, a female professor of Islamic studies at Virginia Commonwealth University who led a mixed-gender Friday Islamic prayer service, according to Mona Eltahawy’s op-ed piece in The Washington Post on Friday, March 18, 2005 (“A Prayer Toward Equality”). Another brave woman is the co-founder of the Progressive Muslim Union of America, Sarah Eltantawi. And the whole world is proud of the achievements of Judge Shirin Ebadi, the Iranian human rights lawyer who was awarded the Nobel peace prize in 2003. There is a problem with the first question, however. It contains several assumptions that are debatable, to say the least, if not outright false. First, it assumes that Tariq Ramadan is a “moderate.” Nevertheless, there is a near-consensus that Ramadan, while calling for ijtihad, is a supporter of the Egyptian Ikhwan al-Muslimin [the Muslim Brotherhood] and comes from that tradition [he is the grandson of its founder, Hasan al-Banna]. He also expressed support for Yusuf al-Qaradawi (and all he stands for) on a BBC TVprogram, and is viewed as an anti-Semite. He also rationalizes the murder of children, though apparently that does not preclude the European Social Forum from inviting him to be a member. He and Hasan al-Turabi, the founder of the Islamic state in Sudan, have exchanged compliments. There are numerous reports in the media, quoting intelligence sources and ex-terrorists, that Ramadan associates with the most radical circles, including terrorists. In its decision to ban Ramadan, the United States Department of Homeland Security was guided by a number of issues, some of them reported in the media and others classified. This is sufficient for me to believe that Ramadan may be a security risk who, in the post-9/11 environment, could reasonably be banned from entering the United States.1 Second, the raids on “American Muslim organizations” are, in fact, a part of law enforcement operations. Some of these steps have had to do with investigations of terrorist activities, such as the alleged Libyan conspiracy to assassinate Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia. Others focused on American Islamist organizations that were funding the terrorist activities of groups on the State Department’s terrorism watch list, such as Hamas. To say that these criminal investigations are targeting moderate Islam is like saying that investigating pedophile priests undermines freedom of religion in the United States. Finally, American Muslims are hardly marginalized. They enjoy unencumbered religious life and support numerous non-governmental organizations that often take positions highly critical of domestic and foreign policy – something that is often not the case in their countries of origin. There is no job discrimination – some senior Bush Administration officials, such as Elias A. Zerhouni, head of the National Institutes of Health (NIH), are Muslims. American presidents have congratulated Muslims on religious holidays and often invite Muslim clergymen to important state functions, such as the funeral of former president Ronald Reagan.

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6

LeBlanc, Robert. "Reform, Ideology and the Politics of Waiting for ‘Superman’." Power and Education 2, no. 3 (January 2010): 300–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/power.2010.2.3.300.

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7

Avis, James. "Beyond NEET: Precariousness, Ideology and Social Justice – the 99%." Power and Education 6, no. 1 (January 2014): 61–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/power.2014.6.1.61.

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8

West, Charles C. "Faith, Ideology, and Power." Annual of the Society of Christian Ethics 11 (1991): 193–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/asce19911111.

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9

New, S., and J. C. Oliga. "Power, Ideology and Control." Journal of the Operational Research Society 48, no. 8 (August 1997): 847. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3010715.

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Rowlands, Michael, Daniel Miller, and Christopher Tilley. "Ideology, Power and Prehistory." Man 20, no. 2 (June 1985): 351. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2802397.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Power and ideology"

1

Parker, I. A. "Power, ideology and new social psychology." Thesis, University of Southampton, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.356696.

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Silva, Jefferson Luiz. "Ideology and power relations in online newspapers." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFSC, 2012. http://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/93959.

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Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Comunicação e Expressão, Programa de Pós-graduação em Letras/Ingles e Literatura Correspondente, Florianópolis, 2011
Made available in DSpace on 2012-10-25T05:04:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 290412.pdf: 591588 bytes, checksum: 727580a162173d228730e13cd4be1b7a (MD5)
A mídia, incluindo jornais online, carrega ideologias, muitas vezes implicitamente. Partindo de uma perspectiva da Análise Crítica do Discurso (ACD), todo discurso é político e assim permeado por ideologias. A presente pesquisa aplica a ACD, conforme proposta por Fairclough (1995), por meio de uma Análise Sistêmica Funcional (Halliday e Matthiessen, 2004) de manchetes e leads online de dois jornais britânicos bem conhecidos. Considerando discurso uma prática social, a pesquisa mostra que a transitividade utilizada apresenta geralmente processos materiais, como forma de promover mudanças, mas que outras escolhas linguísticas, como a representação dos atores sociais, por exemplo, contribuem para criar posicionamentos diferenciados por parte do público leitor, expondo uma dimensão ideológica.

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3

Fawcett, Jacob. "Corporate ideology and legal myth." Fairfax, VA : George Mason University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1920/3420.

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Thesis (M.A.)--George Mason University, 2008.
Vita: p. 105. Thesis director: Denise Albanese. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in English. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Mar. 17, 2009). Includes bibliographical references (p. 94-104). Also issued in print.

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4

Kumar, Chandra Kant. "Power, freedom, ideology and explanation, a Marxian view." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ49970.pdf.

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5

Humphreys, Michael Thomas George. "Law, power and imperial ideology in the Iconoclast era." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610325.

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Hirt, Joan Bernard. "Professionalism, power, and prestige: Ideology and practice in student affairs." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/185751.

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This study seeks to capture the professional ideology of student affairs administration through an examination of national policy statements published between 1937 and 1987. Both professionalization and deconstruction analytical frameworks are employed to identify the assumptions that underlie that ideology and the powerful social structures those assumptions represent. To explore how the student affairs ideology has been reflected in public expression of professional practice, national conference programs of the American College Personnel Association and the National Association of Student Personnel Administrators are examined. The conference texts from years immediately succeeding and, in one case, preceding publication of the policy statements serve as the foundation for investigating the linkages between professional ideology and professional practice in student affairs. By defining the professional ideology of student affairs administration and demonstrating how the assumptions that underlie that philosophy have been manifested in practice, I reveal how the profession has been shaped and constrained by serving and protecting certain powerful social interests.

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7

Thornborrow, Joanna. "Discourse, power and ideology : some explorations in critical discourse analysis." Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 1991. http://oleg.lib.strath.ac.uk:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=21500.

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This thesis consists of an inquiry into the articulation between language, ideology, and power, which is approached from two different angles. Firstly, it deals with theories of ideology as representation, and secondly, investigates the effect of ideology and power on structures of discursive interaction. Thompson (1984) has argued for the necessity of accounting for the relationship between meaning and power in the study of ideology, a relationship which does not seem to be adequately addressed by theories of representation on the one hand, or by theories of social interaction, on the other. The central objective of this research is then to identify possible areas of interface between the linguistic domains of semantics and pragmatics, and the social domains of background beliefs and institutional interaction, and to investigate how this interface may, in practice, construct and organise ideological meanings in discourse. Through a series of case studies, examples of naturally-occurring discourse are analysed in order to examine specific ways in which meaning works to sustain asymmetrical relations of power, and it is argued that this relationship between meaning and power cannot be fully accounted for without integrating pragmatic theories of language in use into the analysis of social discourse.

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8

SILVA, CHRISTIANO SANCHES DO VALLE. "ISSUES OF POWER AND IDEOLOGY IN INTERPRETING STUDIES AND PRACTICE." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2013. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=22457@1.

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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO
FUNDAÇÃO DE APOIO À PESQUISA DO ESTADO DO RIO DE JANEIRO
BOLSA NOTA 10
Este trabalho parte da percepção da existência de um conflito entre neutralidade e agentividade na Interpretação e procura caracterizar de que maneiras os conceitos de poder e ideologia informam tanto seus estudos, quanto sua prática. Uma discussão multidisciplinar sobre poder e ideologia é apresentada, para, em seguida, serem examinados alguns casos nos quais se pode observar esses conceitos de forma clara no contexto da Interpretação. Pode-se dizer que diferentes tipos de fidelidade são construídos de acordo com influências do meio em interação com os valores que informam o intérprete em sua atuação. São abordadas questões de ética e de controle do discurso por parte do intérprete, colocando em perspectiva os limites de sua atividade e favorecendo o pensamento crítico sobre a profissão e os estudos acadêmicos que a têm como objeto.
Based on the perception that a conflict exists between neutrality and agency in Interpreting, this work tries to verify in what ways the concepts of power and ideology inform both the Interpreting Studies and the interpreter’s activity. A multidisciplinary discussion on power and ideology is presented so that the necessary tools are gathered to examine some cases in which one can clearly observe these concepts within the scope of Interpreting. It can be said that different types of fidelity/faithfulness are established according to influences of the environment and their interaction with the values that inform the interpreter in his/her activity. Issues of ethics and control of discourse by interpreters are addressed, putting into perspective the limits of their occupation and encouraging a critical thinking approach to the role of interpreter and the academic studies which have it as their object.

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Schocket, andrew M. "Consolidating power: Technology, ideology, and Philadelphia's growth in the early republic." W&M ScholarWorks, 2001. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623378.

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This dissertation examines the ways that moneyed Philadelphians invented corporate power in America during the first four decades of the federal republic, specifically focusing on business corporations, such as canal companies and banks, and on a public corporation, Philadelphia's municipal government. Through evidence from company and municipal records and publications, the private papers and correspondence of corporate officers, newspapers, pamphlets, and legislative acts and proceedings, this study identifies the people and the technological and financial processes that contributed to the establishment and entrenchment of corporate economic and political power.;From the 1790s to the 1830s, Philadelphia-area residents demanded cheaper transportation, a better water supply, and more adequate credit facilities and financial institutions. The technical, legal, and monetary requirements of corporations that administered these projects served to increase their leverage in political and economic relations with other individuals and groups, allowing the few who controlled those institutions to exert power over space in unprecedented ways. The men who dominated those corporations justified this increased influence by successfully casting their own interests as being synonymous with those of the public at large. In addition, by the 1810s, a small group of Philadelphians recognized the centrality of transportation and banking to economic growth and coupled them to the corporate form to establish a forum at once withdrawn from public input yet able to exert power in public politics: the meeting-rooms of corporations run by men with close business and family ties.;Most significantly, this study argues that the creation of such a domain held serious consequences for the legacy of the American Revolution. Philadelphia corporations provided broader political and economic independence for more people than before the Revolution; indeed, these companies grew because of the great demand for their services and the freedoms they fostered. However, as corporate associates consolidated their hold over institutions they gained increasing command over what direction growth could take and how its rewards would be distributed. These phenomena contributed greatly to the transformation of America from a gentry-dominated society in the eighteenth century to the corporate-dominated one of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

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Riordan, James. "Power, ideology and 'country politics' : episodes from Derbyshire, c.1660-1760." Thesis, Durham University, 2018. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/12638/.

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By engaging with Western Marxism and recent developments in social history, this thesis will explore the popular social and political responses to capitalist development and state formation in early modern England. We will analyse the role that country Tory oppositional politics played in local society, its relationship to national politics and to local economic change. This will be done through a series of case studies and episodes from Derbyshire, 1660-1760. Attention will be paid to the politics of the labouring poor, such as the tenants of Robert Hayward and the Rossell family, the Peak lead miners, opponents of the Derwent navigation and plebeian Tories in Derby. Yet the primary focus of the thesis will be on the ‘middling sort of people’ like the local gentry families, tradesmen, parish officials, shopkeepers and smallholders. Rather than studying bourgeois, polite society and London coffee house culture, we will prioritise the social relations of the middling sort of people in one county community. Special attention will be paid to their political responses to socio-economic change, and their opposition to the Whig oligarchy after 1722. Opposition to Robert Walpole and wider economic change acted as a catalyst for variegated social alignments to be formed. They were often cross-class in nature and constitutionalist in scope. These alignments will be explored throughout the thesis, using concepts from Antonio Gramsci as well as the class analysis of E. P. Thompson.

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Books on the topic "Power and ideology"

1

The ideology of power and the power of ideology. London: Verso, 1999.

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Ideology of power and power of ideology in early China. Leiden: Brill, 2015.

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The power of ideology. New York: New York University Press, 1989.

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Mészáros, István. The power of ideology. London: Zed, 2005.

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Oliga, John C. Power, ideology, and control. New York: Plenum Press, 1996.

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Wodak, Ruth, ed. Language, Power and Ideology. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ct.7.

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Mészáros, István. The power of ideology. Hemel Hempstead: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1989.

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Racism, sexism, power, and ideology. London: Routledge, 1995.

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Maĭ, Arkadiĭ. Modeli gospodstvui͡u︡shcheĭ ideologii =: Models of dominating ideology. Jerusalem: Harry S. Truman Research Institute, the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 1997.

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Investigating Shrek: Power, identity, and ideology. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011.

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Book chapters on the topic "Power and ideology"

1

Wheeldon, Jonathan. "Power and Ideology." In Patrons, Curators, Inventors and Thieves, 178–86. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230306677_12.

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Toh, Glenn. "Power and Ideology." In English as Medium of Instruction in Japanese Higher Education, 47–64. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-39705-4_4.

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Bestock, Laurel. "Violence, power, ideology." In Violence and Power in Ancient Egypt, 264–84. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2018. | Series: Routledge studies in Egyptology: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315543505-9.

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Simpson, Paul, Andrea Mayr, and Simon Statham. "Exploring Register and Ideology." In Language and Power, 134–35. Second edition. | Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon; New York,: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429468896-26.

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Holcombe, Randall G. "Ideology, Politics, and Power." In Coordination, Cooperation, and Control, 239–54. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-48667-9_11.

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Schramm, Katharina. "Heritage, Power and Ideology." In The Palgrave Handbook of Contemporary Heritage Research, 442–57. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137293565_28.

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Donnelly, Ashley M. "Violence, Power, and Ideology." In Subverting Mainstream Narratives in the Reagan Era, 1–12. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-76819-9_1.

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Murray, Gavin. "Power/Accounts and Ideology." In Critical Accounts, 173–89. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-09786-9_9.

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Tolman, Charles W. "Ideology, power, and subjectivity." In Psychology, Society, and Subjectivity, 3–19. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315003443-2.

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Brekle, Herbert E. "War with words." In Language, Power and Ideology, 81. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ct.7.07bre.

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Conference papers on the topic "Power and ideology"

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Susilowati, Meinarni, and Witra Ulkhasanah. "Ideology and Power in Presidential Speech." In International Conference on Engineering, Technology and Social Science (ICONETOS 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.210421.123.

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"Education and Power: Republican Ideology and its Educational Policy." In International Conference on Trends in Social Sciences and Humanities. Emirates Research Publishing, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.17758/erpub.er815042.

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Ahmad, Md Samar, and S. Sivasubramani. "Feasibility of V2G ideology in developing economy : Operation, analysis and impact." In 2016 19th National Power Systems Conference (NPSC). IEEE, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/npsc.2016.7858841.

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Fishov, Alexander G., Irina L. Klavsuts, Nurlan A. Karjaubayev, and Dmitry A. Klavsuts. "Decentralized Smart Multi-Agent Voltage Regulation in Electric Grids. Ideology and Modeling." In 2018 53rd International Universities Power Engineering Conference (UPEC). IEEE, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/upec.2018.8542109.

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Lupu, Ramona. "POWER LEGITIMACY IN XV-XVI CENTURY WALACHIA � POLITICAL IDEOLOGY AND SOCIAL REALITIES." In SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on ANTHROPOLOGY, ARCHAEOLOGY, HISTORY AND PHILOSOPHY. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b31/s10.071.

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Ma, Yangyang, Zhenshu Wang, Xiaohui Jiang, and Bowen Fan. "Research on adaptive synthesis dynamic load model based on multiple model ideology." In 2015 IEEE PES Asia-Pacific Power and Energy Engineering Conference (APPEEC). IEEE, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/appeec.2015.7381035.

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"Study on the Construction of the Discourse Power of Dominant Ideology in China." In 2018 4th International Conference on Social Sciences, Modern Management and Economics. Clausius Scientific Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.23977/ssmme.2018.62251.

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Zanoschi, Emanuel-Ionuț. "THE RISE OF NEW POLITICAL PARTIES. A NICE STORY OR A STRONG FUTURE?" In NORDSCI International Conference. SAIMA Consult Ltd, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/nordsci2020/b2/v3/15.

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The current political scene is undergoing visible and often incomprehensible changes for the average person. The rise of new political forces is a topical issue, especially in the context of an ideological reconfiguration. Even if it is possible to play in a vast history, where ideological directions can be given, a specialist can observe that in several ocasions the political parties go beyond their own ideological boundaries to attract more voters and retain power. There are a number of new political forces, built on the fight against corruption and the anti-system in several states of the European Union. They often do not have a clear ideology, consisting of a wide range of members who do not share the principles of a common ideology. Some emerged in response to the populist danger that seemed to grip the European Union ahead of the European Parliament elections on May 26, 2019. Is it a closed path or are we preparing for a new paradigm in shaping political ideologies? I will try to give an answer in this article by going on a case study in Romania, regarding the last configurations of political parties. Is there a need to have a clear ideology, doctrine or the voters need to have a simple set of principles to support?

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Tang, Zhongyi, and Xingchen Liu. "Research on the Status Quo and Countermeasures of the Discourse Power of Cyberspace Ideology in the New Era." In Proceedings of the 2nd International Conference on Contemporary Education, Social Sciences and Ecological Studies (CESSES 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/cesses-19.2019.191.

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Golubchikov, YUriy. "Methodological potential of the teleological principle of purpose." In International Conference "Computing for Physics and Technology - CPT2020". Bryansk State Technical University, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.30987/conferencearticle_5fce27705d8750.02429694.

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The cognitive capabilities of the teleological paradigm of purpose are discussed. An inquiring mind everywhere sees that inanimate matter serves for living, and that, in turn, serves for a man. However, such a concept as “purpose” turned out from the contemporary science, although for a long time it went along the path of becoming the doctrine of purpose determination, or nomogenesis. The history of the substitution of the main paradigm of science from purpose to chance is traced. The overcoming of the catastrophic representations of Cuvier by the provisions of actualism and evolutionism is considered. From the middle of the 19th century, public opinion began to strengthen that every new scientific achievement casts doubt on religious beliefs. Criticism of biblical history began with the events of the Great Flood, as the key one in the Bible. The negative attitude to catastrophism in the Soviet scientific literature and the importance of ideology in the methodology of science are considered. The anthropic principle predetermines a radical restructuring of the general scientific methodology. It finally comes closer to religious knowledge. The anthropic principle is teleological and contains that goal (“eidos-entelechia”) in the structure of matter that impels it. In this light, the power of science is again seen not in confrontation with religion, but in harmonization with it.

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