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1

Florczak, Kristine L. "Power Relations." Nursing Science Quarterly 29, no. 3 (June 5, 2016): 192–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0894318416647167.

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2

Gallarotti, Giulio M. "Hard, soft and sustainable power in International Relations." Pathways to Peace and Security, no. 1 (2024): 169–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2024-1-169-178.

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Global developments of a decade and a half since the 2010s have caused many to question the pacification of international affairs and proclaim a renaissance of hard power. Indeed, trends both at international and domestic levels have served to decouple nations, sending out a cacophony of calls for the need of a re-globalization in the international system. Domestic politics in Western nations have moved to the right, thus rigidifying borders against the flow of people and goods. This reactive mercantilism and nativism have broken down the momentum toward the rise of the “global village”. Moreover, major international violence has reappeared on the scene. It appears that conventional force is not only useful, but usable. Tensions have proliferated as North Korea and China have adopted more assertive postures in their foreign policies. The advent of a de-globalizing wave has caused scholars to question the role of soft power in light of this greater decoupling and resort to confrontation and military force. The article seeks to take a deeper look at the relation between soft and hard power in the context of these processes. It compares advantages and disadvantages of hard and soft power and employs the economic theory of X–efficiency to assess the often opaque benefits of soft power. It argues that both hard and soft power are required to maximize a nation’s influence in the global system in a sustainable way.
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3

Owais, Shaima. "Power in International Relations." Egypt Institute Journal Egypt Institute Journal vol.4, no. 13 (January 31, 2019): 71–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.36912/eisjournal.2020.61.

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4

Ben-Ari, Adital, and Guy Enosh. "Power Relations and Reciprocity." Qualitative Health Research 23, no. 3 (December 20, 2012): 422–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1049732312470030.

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5

Jiang, Mei, and Tracy B. Henley. "Power and spatial relations." Journal of Cognitive Psychology 24, no. 7 (November 2012): 829–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/20445911.2012.702749.

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6

Divall, Colin. "Asymmetric relations of power." Science and Public Policy 22, no. 1 (February 1995): 66–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/spp/22.1.66.

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7

Baviera, Aileen S. P. "Power and International Relations." Asian Politics & Policy 7, no. 3 (July 2015): 345–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/aspp.12205.

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8

Keating, Michael P. "EQUIVALENT POWER ASYMMETRY RELATIONS." Optometry and Vision Science 72, SUPPLEMENT (December 1995): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00006324-199512001-00108.

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9

ODDIE, GRAHAM. "Verisimilitude by Power Relations." British Journal for the Philosophy of Science 41, no. 1 (March 1, 1990): 129–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/bjps/41.1.129.

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10

Wallace, Rodrick. "Plague and power relations." Geografiska Annaler: Series B, Human Geography 89, no. 4 (December 2007): 319–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0467.2007.00264.x.

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11

Strebkov, Alexander I., and Abdurashid I. Musaev. "Risk of power — power of risk." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Philosophy and Conflict Studies 36, no. 2 (2020): 394–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2020.215.

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The article is dedicated to the risk of power and power of risk analysis, definitions of risk and substantiation of its objective nature, which is determined by the system of ruling social relations. Criticism is presented of Luhmann’s and Beck’s views, which ignore the objective nature of risk and its definitions. The risk of power and power of risk are concepts that reflect the different summation of connections and relations, where risk acts as a means for maintaining a dominant relationship. Objectivity of risk stems from the fact that the prevailing relationship is not a product of independent initiatives by people, but it is a result of relations mediated by items and things in which the mediator transforms itself from an ordinary “panderer” into absolute power of influence over an individual. The mediator becomes objective power, in other words, subjectless power which eventually submits to human will and substantiates power-wielding actions and power-wielding decisions, which aspire to the subjectless power’s pole and is at risk for losing power. While rotating between subjectless power and the individual, the repulsion force from individuals’ interests surpasses the force of attraction towards them. Risk, being woven into dominant relations, separates into independent being as a means of preserving these relations, in the form of negating the positive prospects of individual being, shifting social risks onto the shoulders of individuals, and turning them into subjective risks whereby the individual bears fully responsibility when making wrong decisions. Metamorphoses of the reduction of objective risks, inherent in society, into subjective and individual risks and the reduction of individual risks into objective and public risks, through a complex system of relations and interdependencies, end in conflict. Within conflict, risk is objectified in actions, which demolish the opposition of negative prospects. Conflict asserts a relations’ system in which risk weakens and fades.
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12

Huckaby, M. Francyne. "Researcher/researched: relations of vulnerability/relations of power." International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education 24, no. 2 (March 2011): 165–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09518398.2010.529851.

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13

Sharma, Ananya. "Asia in international relations: unlearning imperial power relations." Strategic Analysis 42, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 51–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2017.1418954.

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14

Walsh, Dawn. "Power Sharing and Power Relations After Civil War." RUSI Journal 164, no. 3 (April 16, 2019): 74–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071847.2019.1643544.

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15

Delforouz, Saleh. "Agents of Power and Power Relations in Translation." Social Sciences 7, no. 2 (February 1, 2012): 166–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3923/sscience.2012.166.171.

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16

Garrow, Eve E., and Yeheskel Hasenfeld. "When Professional Power Fails: A Power Relations Perspective." Social Service Review 90, no. 3 (September 2016): 371–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/688620.

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17

Knight, Adam. "Power Sharing and Power Relations after Civil War." Civil Wars 21, no. 3 (July 3, 2019): 434–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698249.2019.1679955.

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18

Şaramet, Oana. "EXECUTIVE POWERS IN RELATIONS WITH THE PARLIAMENT. PART I." Agora International Journal of Juridical Sciences 9, no. 4 (February 3, 2016): 69–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.15837/aijjs.v9i4.2322.

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By art. 1 para. (4), Romanian Constitution, republished, enshrined the principle of separation and balance of powers. Therefore, this principle implies the existence of collaboration but also of a mutual control between these powers, including between the legislative and executive power, thus being expressed the balance between these two powers. By constitutional established powers, the two central authorities of the executive power - the President of Romania and the Government - will participate at the observance and application of this principle, including by those duties they perform in their relations with the legislative power.
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19

Hanggarini, Peni, M. Adnan Madjid, Anak Agung Banyu Perwita, and Surya Wiranto. "The development of middle powers interaction: Australia-Indonesia bilateral relations." Multidisciplinary Reviews 6, no. 4 (September 30, 2023): 2023041. http://dx.doi.org/10.31893/multirev.2023041.

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Australia and Indonesia are two middle-power neighbors with the ability to maintain more friendly bilateral relations than in the past. They also work actively to contribute to peace and stability in the region. Does the development of bilateral relations affect their status as a middle power? Can bilateral relations promote a transition from middle power to major power in the region? There is no consensus on how to define middle powers; thus, the objective of this study is not to suggest a new definition of middle power in the debate. Instead, it applies diverse interpretations of the concept in examining the feasibility of the concept of middle power transition. This notion can be used to measure the extent to which such a transition affects a middle power. Interaction between two middle powers serves as an independent variable, and the concept of middle power is the dependent variable in this study. This study uses a qualitative method to argue that Australia and Indonesia may change their middle power position, identity, and behavior due to the development of bilateral relations. The two middle powers may have some characteristics of major power. However, this does not necessarily mean that they shift to become major powers in the region. Australia and Indonesia have the potential to transform to be more powerful as influential actors in the region and an active contributor to peace and stability in the region. This bilateral case study contributes to a broader understanding of the contested concept of middle power.
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20

Paechter, Carrie. "Power Relations and Staffroom Spaces." FORUM 46, no. 1 (2004): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/forum.2004.46.1.7.

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21

Zauberga, Ieva. "Rethinking power relations in translation." Across Languages and Cultures 1, no. 1 (September 24, 2000): 49–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/acr.1.2000.1.4.

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This article probes the nature of literary exchanges between so-called major and minor cultures. Postcolonial translation studies argue that translation is an asymmetrical cultural exchange where translation serves as a way of establishing and perpetuating the superiority of some cultures over others. In contemporary postcolonial contexts Anglophone cultures are the ones that receive the greatest amount of criticism for being aggressively monolingual and unreceptive of the foreign. However, although translation may be used as a manipulative tool for the major culture to domesticate the cultural other, translation into a major language may also serve as a gateway through which minor cultures may reach out. This has been the case of a compilation of an anthology of Latvian literature in English. Given the world market for English-language cultural products, such translations into English not only communicate British and American values but also submit them to local differentiation. That is, English is being used as a system of cross-cultural communication rather than a tool of power. In a situation where a new type of relation is emerging between cultures, the well-defined dichotomy of domestication and foreignization loses its distinctiveness. Instead, translators investigate asymmetries and power relations that surround the texts, responding to them in many different ways.
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22

Markovsky, Barry, David Willer, and Travis Patton. "Power Relations in Exchange Networks." American Sociological Review 53, no. 2 (April 1988): 220. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2095689.

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23

Reid, Scott A., and Sik Hung Ng. "Language, Power, and Intergroup Relations." Journal of Social Issues 55, no. 1 (March 1999): 119–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0022-4537.00108.

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24

Kirkbride, Paul S., and Jim Durcan. "Bargaining Power and Industrial Relations." Personnel Review 16, no. 2 (February 1987): 3–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/eb055557.

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25

Harvey, Jean. "Prestige, Power, and International Relations." Philosophy in the Contemporary World 20, no. 2 (2013): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/pcw20132026.

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26

Walker, William. "Back to great-power relations." Adelphi Papers 44, no. 370 (December 2004): 77–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/05679320412331340457.

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27

Karnieli-Miller, Orit, Roni Strier, and Liat Pessach. "Power Relations in Qualitative Research." Qualitative Health Research 19, no. 2 (December 3, 2008): 279–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1049732308329306.

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28

Hook, Glenn D. "Power, policymaking, and foreign relations." Japan Forum 4, no. 1 (April 1992): 187–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09555809208721453.

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29

Kirkbride, Paul. "Power in industrial relations research." Industrial Relations Journal 16, no. 1 (March 1985): 44–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2338.1985.tb00503.x.

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30

Goodman, Jodi E. "News, Public Relations, and Power." Public Relations Review 30, no. 2 (June 2004): 238–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.pubrev.2004.02.009.

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31

Edwards, Lee. "Rethinking power in public relations." Public Relations Review 32, no. 3 (September 2006): 229–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.pubrev.2006.05.013.

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32

Tileaga, Cristian. "Discourse, Dominance and Power Relations." Ethnicities 6, no. 4 (December 2006): 476–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796806070719.

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33

Rose, Emily, and Nicole Busby. "Power Relations in Employment Disputes." Journal of Law and Society 44, no. 4 (November 28, 2017): 674–701. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jols.12062.

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34

Akgül, Öner, and Kadri Kaan Renda. "Reconsidering Power in International Relations." Chinese Political Science Review 5, no. 3 (June 13, 2020): 332–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s41111-020-00151-4.

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35

Noiriel, Gérard. "Colonialism, Immigration, and Power Relations." Qualitative Sociology 29, no. 1 (March 2006): 105–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11133-005-9001-x.

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36

Bošnjak, Ivica, and Rozália Madarász. "Compatibility of fuzzy power relations." Fuzzy Sets and Systems 298 (September 2016): 44–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.fss.2015.08.011.

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37

Murray, Scott. "The Power of Public Relations." Journal of Cutaneous Medicine and Surgery 3, no. 4 (April 1999): 176–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/120347549900300402.

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38

Mateo, Marta. "Power relations in drama translation." Current Writing 14, no. 2 (January 2002): 45–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1013929x.2002.9678124.

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39

Paechter, Carrie. "Spatialising power relations in education." Pedagogy, Culture & Society 12, no. 3 (October 2004): 467–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14681360400200203.

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40

Pratto, Felicia, and Andrew L. Stewart. "Power dynamics in intergroup relations." Current Opinion in Psychology 33 (June 2020): 250–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.copsyc.2019.10.006.

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41

Elias Garcia, Tatiane. "POWER RELATIONS, HEGEMONY AND IDEOLOGY." Revista Gênero e Interdisciplinaridade 5, no. 02 (May 4, 2024): 234–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.51249/gei.v5i02.2032.

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This research aims to explore three fundamental works that address interconnected aspects of political, philosophical and social thought. “Fascism”, by Evguiéni B. Pashukanis, released in 2020, offers a critical analysis of the ideological roots and social implications of fascism. Then, “Philosophy, Ideology and Social Science - Essays on Denial and Affirmation”, by István Mészáros, published in 1993, highlights the contradictions of the capitalist system and potential social transformations. Finally, “The German Ideology”, by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, written in the 19th century, provides a theoretical basis for understanding historical materialism and criticizing the dominant ideology. The research seeks to draw connections between these works to enrich the understanding of contemporary social and political dynamics.
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42

Telleria, Juan. "Power relations? What power relations? The de-politicising conceptualisation of development of the UNDP." Third World Quarterly 38, no. 9 (March 14, 2017): 2143–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2017.1298437.

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43

Akhmadalieva, Sevinchbonu Rustamjon kizi. "THE IMPACT OF CHINA'S SOFT POWER IN MODERN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS." INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC JOURNAL: LEARNING AND TEACHING 1, no. 3 (May 5, 2024): 110–13. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.11120825.

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Applying soft power in foreign policy has become a prevalent means in the relationship and cooperation among countries to exercise their powers without depending overwhelmingly on hard power. The concept of "soft power" was originally introduced by Joseph Nye in his book titled “Bound to Lead” in 1990. According to Nye, “soft power- getting others to want the outcomes that you want, coopts people rather than coerces them”. He distinguished between two forms of powers: soft power means that state A can use its intangible sources to charm state B without threatening or coercing. In contrast, hard power means that state A should force state B to do the favour of state A by threatening or coercing. This makes it clear that soft power is different from hard power in their sources and exercises.  In other words, soft power is a valuable tool to make others do what you want without resorting to coercive measures.
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44

Berger, Bruce K. "Power Over, Power With, and Power to Relations: Critical Reflections on Public Relations, the Dominant Coalition, and Activism." Journal of Public Relations Research 17, no. 1 (January 2005): 5–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s1532754xjprr1701_3.

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45

Lipovetsky, Stan. "Analytical Relations and Statistical Estimations for Sums of Powered Integers." Axioms 14, no. 1 (January 1, 2025): 30. https://doi.org/10.3390/axioms14010030.

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Finding analytical closed-form solutions for the sums of powers of the first n positive integers is a classical problem of number theory. Analytical methods of constructing such sums produce complicated formulae of polynomials of a higher order, but they can be presented via the first two power sums. The current paper describes new presentations of the power sums and their extensions from polynomial to algebraic functions. Particularly, it shows that power sums of any higher order can be expressed just by a value of the arithmetic progression of the first power sum, or by the second power sum, or approximately by any another power sum. Regression modeling for the estimation of the powered sums is also considered, which is helpful for finding approximate values of long sums for big powers. Several problems based on the relations between sums of different powers in explicit forms are suggested for educational purposes.
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46

Silva, Iramildes Souza, and Cássia Irene Spinelli Arantes. "Power relations in the family health team: focus on nursing." Revista Brasileira de Enfermagem 70, no. 3 (June 2017): 580–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-7167-2015-0171.

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ABSTRACT Objective: to analyze the power relations that permeate the work of the family health team, and to discuss perspectives of emancipation of these subjects, focusing on nursing and community health agents. Method: a qualitative study with a family health team from a municipality in the countryside of the state of São Paulo. Data were collected through systematic observation and interview with workers. A thematic content analysis was performed. Results: three categories were identified: the work of the family health team and power relations; power relations between the nurse and the healthcare team; and the relations among the nursing team and between community agents and the nurse. The team produces relations of power moved by hierarchical knowledge that move in the search for the reordering of powers. Final considerations: it is necessary to review the contradictions present in the performance scenario of the family health teams, with a view toward making power relations more flexible.
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47

Pikalo, Jernej, and Mitja Durnik. "The Concept of Awkward Powers in Foreign Relations." Politička misao 60, no. 2 (June 28, 2023): 93–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/pm.60.2.05.

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This paper addresses a specific phenomenon concerning power concepts in‎ Canadian and EU foreign policies. As is widely known, the liberal-democratic ‎platform has dominated global relations after the end of the Cold War. Implemented ‎power approaches are studied from theoretical perspectives of liberalism/‎constructivism standpoints and their realist critique. Canada has been ‎presented mostly as a middle power in international relations trying to find‎ its specific role as a mediator and balancer among superpowers. On the other ‎hand, the EU is classified predominantly as a normative power with tendencies ‎to act as a great power from some point of view. In the paper, we analyse ‎both entities through the recent concept of ‘awkward power’, whereby states ‎have a so-called “dubious character”, acting in-between the potential of great‎ and middle powers.‎
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48

Guzaerov, Razil. "Turkey as Middle Power in System of International Relations." Middle & Post-Soviet East 3, no. 3 (2023): 97–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/j.2949-2408.2023.03.06.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of Turkey as a mediumlevel power. Various theoretical approaches to the definition of a mid-level power are presented, their main criteria are outlined. There is a lack of consensus in the definition of middle-level powers. Various aspects of Turkey’s foreign policy that meet the criteria of middle-level powers are analyzed. It is concluded that Turkey is a middle power. However, due to the perception of the Turkish elite of the place of its state in the system of international relations, Ankara’s ambitions do not correspond to this status.
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49

Timilsana, Binod Khanda. "Strengthening Nepal’s Soft Power through Local Government Initiatives: People-to-people and Sister City Ties." Bharatpur Pragya: Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 3 (March 11, 2025): 1–17. https://doi.org/10.3126/bpjms.v3i01.76239.

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This study aims to explore the efforts of local government of Nepal that persuading global powers towards Nepal by strengthening soft power through initiatives like sister city ties and visit Bharatpur campaign within bilateral relations. By analyzing the network environment of people-to-people relations and Sister-City ties established by Bharatpur Metropolitan City of Nepal, this study seeks to extract creations, dynamics, and intricacies of local-level relations in terms of soft power and public diplomacy. Besides, this study discusses the city diplomacy and people-to-people connection initiatives created opportunities and its role in economy and tourism promotion. Initiatives of Bharatpur like establishing Sister-city relations and visit campaigns are analyzed as crucial soft power efforts by means of cultural exchanges, collaborations, partnerships, and public diplomacy linked to international relations of Nepal a like Japan in this study. Using qualitative approach based on empirical secondary data and propulsive method, this study has tried to answers how initiatives of Bharatpur impacting Nepal’s image in people-to-people ties at micro-level in cities like Japan. In addition, aspects of Nepal’s soft power resources and instruments linked to public and tourism diplomacy are studied. To understand the research findings soft power and public diplomacy perspectives in bilateral relations with reference to soft power superpowers Japan and small power Nepal is used as reference. Findings suggest that the local soft power efforts like Sister-City Relations and Visit Bharatpur 2024 campaigns remain as key soft power initiatives that leverage the economic activities, tourism promotion and cultural exchanges in grass-root level in bilateral relations.
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50

Molm, Linda D. "Punishment Power: A Balancing Process in Power-Dependence Relations." American Journal of Sociology 94, no. 6 (May 1989): 1392–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/229159.

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