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1
Winters, Jeffrey A., and Benjamin I. Page. "Oligarchy in the United States?" Perspectives on Politics 7, no. 4 (December 2009): 731–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592709991770.
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We explore the possibility that the US political system can usefully be characterized as oligarchic. Using a material-based definition drawn from Aristotle, we argue that oligarchy is not inconsistent with democracy; that oligarchs need not occupy formal office or conspire together or even engage extensively in politics in order to prevail; that great wealth can provide both the resources and the motivation to exert potent political influence. Data on the US distributions of income and wealth are used to construct several Material Power Indices, which suggest that the wealthiest Americans may exert vastly greater political influence than average citizens and that a very small group of the wealthiest (perhaps the top tenth of 1 percent) may have sufficient power to dominate policy in certain key areas. A brief review of the literature suggests possible mechanisms by which such influence could occur, through lobbying, the electoral process, opinion shaping, and the US Constitution itself.
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Montgomery, Sara. "The United Nations: Implications of Soft Power." Political Science Undergraduate Review 2, no. 1 (October 15, 2016): 61–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/psur65.
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The United Nations is often looked to for guidance in conflict prevention and intervention, but its lack of hard power has proven to be extremely limiting. Although the United Nations has been a major improvement from the League of Nations, its ability to maintain world peace is restricted by the aspirations of its member states. The Security Council is especially significant, made up of the United States, the United Kingdom, France, China and Russia. Each state in the Security Council has the ability to veto any initiative proposed by the United Nations. Additionally, the United Nations cannot take action without leadership from one or more of its states, and many states are hesitant to sacrifice their military resources even in the event of major human rights violations. This hesitancy to intervene is especially evident in the case study of the Rwandan genocide, but can also be seen in the Cold War and the Syrian Civil War, amongst other conflicts.
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Sailor, David J., Michael Smith, and Melissa Hart. "Climate change implications for wind power resources in the Northwest United States." Renewable Energy 33, no. 11 (November 2008): 2393–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.renene.2008.01.007.
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Chen, Bingyu. "Study on sustainable development of electricity resources in the United States." SHS Web of Conferences 181 (2024): 04005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202418104005.
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Relying on renewable electricity generation is critical to combating climate change and meeting long-term environmental objectives. In addition to discussing the Triple Bottom Line approach’s practical applications, this essay delves into the approach’s theoretical underpinnings. Companies like Tesla and the financial industry play crucial roles in encouraging the responsible growth of the nation’s electrical power grid. This essay argues that sustainable behaviours and investments in renewable energy can benefit from fiscal and economic policies that give incentives in these areas. In addition to contributing to Tesla’s market leadership and financial success, sustainable business practices can also help set an example for other companies. Incentives for renewable energy, increased energy efficiency, and a receptive regulatory environment are all recommended in this essay. The competitiveness of electric power companies may be increased, and their contributions to sustainable development may be increased via the incorporation of sustainability principles, circular economy practices, and stakeholder engagement.
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Hughes, William R. "North American Energy Markets: The Evolution of Energy Interdependence between Canada and the United States." Energy Exploration & Exploitation 4, no. 2-3 (May 1986): 103–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/014459878600400202.
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Energy trade between the United States and Canada is growing from a minor aspect of the markets in the United States to a significant development with material impacts on energy prices in the United States and a major aspect of Canada's energy economy. This development is most pronounced in natural gas, where Canada's large resources and flexible approach of negotiated transactions is leading to regrowth of exports. For the United States, Canada serves as a buffer from potential high prices as a result of resource depletion. This price impact is potentially substantial over the next 10 years. Imports will likely double by 1990 and will further increase thereafter. In electric power, the impacts are regional; in the affected regions, Canadian ratepayers will be spared the high costs of overcapacity and will benefit from provincial profits from exports. Ratepayers in the importing regions—New York, New England, and potentially California—will benefit from the fact that Canadian power is available at substantially lower rates than alternative sources in the United States. In petroleum, Canada, Mexico, and the Caribbean are main exporters to the United States. Price decontrol will help free interdependence of domestic Canadian markets with Canadian trade with the United States, but, overall, little change is expected from the present pattern.
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Grafov, Dmitry. "Offensive versus Defensive Realism." Contemporary Arab Affairs 12, no. 3 (September 2019): 21–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2019.123002.
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This article approaches Russia’s strategy of countering the United States indirectly by way of intermediate states. It is concerned with the reasons why Russia decided to engage in the Syrian conflict in 2015 and, from this perspective, the real goals of Russia’s policy in the region. These questions cannot be considered without taking account of how they are linked with the all-out confrontation between Russia and the West in Ukraine. The Syrian conflict merely represents an external platform for Russia in countering the United States. Russia is testing her own power to force the United States out of Syria and seeks any opportunity to demonstrate American vulnerability. There is a triangle of interests for the key regional actors—Turkey, Iran, and Russia—that oppose US interests. The rising confrontation with Washington in Syria triggered Moscow to seek ways of using other potential rivals of the United States, given that there are numerous areas of tension and conflict with Washington beyond the Middle East. The author’s analysis of the actors’ behavior is based on the “security dilemma” and the “balance of power” approaches. There are well-known disputes between “defensive” and “offensive” realism in the theory of international politics concerning which of these approaches is more reliable and reasonable when considering costs and results, as well as the risk of tensions spiraling out of control (“security spiral”). The aim of this research is to make a comparison between America’s offensive strategy with Russia’s defensive approach and evaluate the efficiency of both policies. Following a particular scholarly approach, this article presumes that Moscow acquires power via the indirect, “low-cost strategies,” using any opportunity available to counterbalance US power via other countries. It is concluded that offensive or defensive behavior depends on the situation and available resources. The United States has sufficient resources to implement an offensive strategy, and Washington may raise the stakes in confrontation. Russia’s defense approach of a “buck-passing” strategy is more efficient, but Moscow suffers from a lack of resources and chooses indirect countering, using any means necessary to counterbalance US power in Syria and beyond.
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Sajjad, Sayyeda Aqsa. "Sino-US Escalating Competition in Indo-Pacific Ocean: Challenges and Choices for Pakistan." Polaris - Journal of Maritime Research 5, no. 1 (December 29, 2023): 157–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.53963/pjmr.2023.008.5.
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The Indo-Pacific Ocean has gained significant international focus in the 21st century. It plays a crucial role as a habitat for many countries and enables more than 80% of global trade through its sea routes. The region's abundant energy resources make it extremely important, leading great powers to compete for dominance. The rise of China in the region, together with the declining power of the United States, has forced the United States to assertively cultivate new alliances with regional states and strengthen existing partnerships. Simultaneously, China is making significant investments in neighbouring states to create and strengthen diplomatic relations. The ongoing power struggle between the US and China is having a negative impact on the neighbouring states in the region. The United States and India's strategic cooperation has prompted the area to indulge in an arms race, due to the longstanding hostilities with Pakistan. Due to Pakistan's crucial involvement in China's vital initiative, the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), the country is unable to disengage from the complexities of intense competition among major powers.
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Hibbs, Douglas A., and Christopher Dennis. "Income Distribution in the United States." American Political Science Review 82, no. 2 (June 1988): 467–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1957396.
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Political action has affected postwar income distribution in the United States mainly through policy-induced variations in macroeconomic activity and government transfer benefits in proportion to total income. We present a small dynamic model of the connections among the partisan balance of power, macroeconomic fluctuations, transfer spending trends, and income distribution outcomes. The model is based on the premise that the parties have different distributional goals, and it is designed to identify how shifts in party control of the presidency and the strength of the parties in Congress have affected the distribution of after-tax, after-transfer income by influencing cyclical economic performance and the flow of resources to transfer programs. We therefore extend the “partisan theory” of macroeconomic policy to the domain of income distribution outcomes.
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Alqaraleh, Abed Alhakim Isleem Salman, Mai Sami Al Marshed, and Bashar Awad Altarawneh. "ROLE OF SOFT POWER IN THE UNITED STATES’ FOREIGN POLICY." Journal of Southwest Jiaotong University 57, no. 5 (October 30, 2022): 202–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.35741/issn.0258-2724.57.5.17.
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This research addresses the role of soft power in the American foreign policy. Moreover, it identifies the tools and resources of soft power and the extent of using soft power tools by decision-makers. The study assumes that there is a link between using soft power in foreign policy and the state's attractiveness and its ability to achieve its interest. To achieve the objectives of research and answer its questions the study followed the historical approach, analytical approach, and national interest approach. It was concluded that the soft power has played an active role in the U.S. foreign policy. However, it witnessed a decline between one presidential term and another, or when it sometimes merged with hard power. The findings distinguish this study from the existing literature as it ventures beyond theorizing the concept of soft power and presents practical examples. Moreover, in addition to highlighting the changing role of soft power in the U.S. foreign policy, this study has revealed a type of internal conflict as some leaders focus on hard power.
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Jacobs, David, and Jonathan C. Dirlam. "Politics and Economic Stratification: Power Resources and Income Inequality in the United States." American Journal of Sociology 122, no. 2 (September 2016): 469–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/687744.
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Breslow, Paul B., and David J. Sailor. "Vulnerability of wind power resources to climate change in the continental United States." Renewable Energy 27, no. 4 (December 2002): 585–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0960-1481(01)00110-0.
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Domijan, A., and R. R. Shoults. "Electric power engineering laboratory resources of the United States of America and Canada." IEEE Transactions on Power Systems 3, no. 3 (August 1988): 1354–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/59.14602.
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Gunturu, U. B., and C. A. Schlosser. "Characterization of wind power resource in the United States." Atmospheric Chemistry and Physics Discussions 12, no. 3 (March 13, 2012): 7305–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/acpd-12-7305-2012.
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Abstract. Wind resource in the continental and offshore United States has been reconstructed and characterized using metrics that describe, apart from abundance, its availability, persistence and intermittency. The Modern Era Retrospective-Analysis for Research and Applications (MERRA) boundary layer flux data has been used to construct wind profile at 50 m, 80 m, 100 m, 120 m turbine hub heights. The wind power density (WPD) estimates at 50 m are qualitatively similar to those in the US wind atlas developed by the National Renewable Energy Laboratory (NREL), but quantitatively a class less in some regions, but are within the limits of uncertainty. The wind speeds at 80 m were quantitatively and qualitatively close to the NREL wind map. The possible reasons for overestimation by NREL have been discussed. For long tailed distributions like those of the WPD, the mean is an overestimation and median is suggested for summary representation of the wind resource. The impact of raising the wind turbine hub height on metrics of abundance, persistence, variability and intermittency is analyzed. There is a general increase in availability and abundance of wind resource but there is an increase in intermittency in terms of level crossing rate in low resource regions.
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Gunturu, U. B., and C. A. Schlosser. "Characterization of wind power resource in the United States." Atmospheric Chemistry and Physics 12, no. 20 (October 24, 2012): 9687–702. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/acp-12-9687-2012.
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Abstract. Wind resource in the continental and offshore United States has been reconstructed and characterized using metrics that describe, apart from abundance, its availability, persistence and intermittency. The Modern Era Retrospective-Analysis for Research and Applications (MERRA) boundary layer flux data has been used to construct wind profile at 50 m, 80 m, 100 m, 120 m turbine hub heights. The wind power density (WPD) estimates at 50 m are qualitatively similar to those in the US wind atlas developed by the National Renewable Energy Laboratory (NREL), but quantitatively a class less in some regions, but are within the limits of uncertainty. The wind speeds at 80 m were quantitatively and qualitatively close to the NREL wind map. The possible reasons for overestimation by NREL have been discussed. For long tailed distributions like those of the WPD, the mean is an overestimation and median is suggested for summary representation of the wind resource. The impact of raising the wind turbine hub height on metrics of abundance, persistence, variability and intermittency is analyzed. There is a general increase in availability and abundance of wind resource but there is an increase in intermittency in terms of level crossing rate in low resource regions.
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Grant, E., K. Brunik, J. King, and C. E. Clark. "Hybrid power plant design for low-carbon hydrogen in the United States." Journal of Physics: Conference Series 2767, no. 8 (June 1, 2024): 082019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/1742-6596/2767/8/082019.
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Abstract In this study, we provide a nationwide techno-economic analysis of clean hydrogen production powered by a hybrid renewable energy plant for over 50,000 locations in the United States. We leverage the open-source Hybrid Optimization Performance Platform (HOPP) tool to simulate the hourly performance of an off-grid wind-solar plant integrated with a 1-GW polymer exchange membrane electrolyzer system. The levelized cost of hydrogen is calculated for varying technology costs, and tax credits to explore cost sensitivities independent of plant design, performance, and site selection. Our findings suggest that strategies for cost reduction include selecting sites with abundant wind resources, complementary wind and solar resources, and optimizing the sizing of wind and solar assets to maximize the hybrid plant capacity factor. These strategies are linked to increased hydrogen production and reduced electrolyzer stack replacements, thereby lowering the overall cost of hydrogen.
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Jackson, Joshua. "Negotiation Strategies in International Diplomatic Conflicts in United States." Journal of Conflict Management 4, no. 2 (June 1, 2024): 37–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.47604/jcm.2625.
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Purpose: The aim of the study was to analyze negotiation strategies in international diplomatic conflicts in United States. Methodology: This study adopted a desk methodology. A desk study research design is commonly known as secondary data collection. This is basically collecting data from existing resources preferably because of its low cost advantage as compared to a field research. Our current study looked into already published studies and reports as the data was easily accessed through online journals and libraries. Findings: Findings on negotiation strategies in U.S. diplomatic conflicts highlight the use of coercive diplomacy, economic sanctions, and multilateral negotiations. These strategies involve bilateral talks, international organizations, and third-party mediation. Leverage, including military power and economic incentives, is employed to advance U.S. interests. Challenges arise from divergent interests and power dynamics. Success requires a balanced approach of assertiveness and flexibility. Unique Contribution to Theory, Practice and Policy: Game theory, constructivism & distributive and integrative bargaining may be used to anchor future studies on the negotiation strategies in international diplomatic conflicts in United States. Provide negotiators with training and resources to enhance their cross-cultural competence, including understanding cultural values, communication styles, and negotiation norms. Invest in the development of mediation and third-party intervention mechanisms to facilitate diplomatic negotiations in international conflicts.
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Wardoyo, Broto. "Great Power Politics and United States’ Withdrawal from Afghanistan." Jurnal Global & Strategis 18, no. 1 (June 22, 2024): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jgs.18.1.2024.1-28.
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On October 7, 2002, the United States (US) started their military operation in Afghanistan to seek Osama bin Laden, the leader of Al Qaeda (AQ) who was responsible for the September 11, 2001, terror attacks commonly referred to as the 9/11 attacks. US military operations in Afghanistan, however, remained active after Osama bin Laden was killed. In February 2020, the US signed an agreement with the Taliban, who provided sanctuary for Osama bin Laden and AQ, which practically ended their military operation in Afghanistan. This article seeks to explain why the US decided to sign an agreement with the Taliban even though both AQ and the Taliban are still in operation. This article argues that the US decision to sign the agreement and withdraw from Afghanistan is due to the need to reallocate resources as part of their retrenchment policy. Keywords: Great Power Politics, Retrenchment, Withdrawal, the United States, Afghanistan, Al Qaeda, Taliban Pada tanggal 7 Oktober 2001, Amerika Serikat (AS) memulai operasi militer di Afghanistan untuk mencari Osama bin Laden, pemimpin Al Qaeda (AQ) yang menjadi otak (mastermind) serangan teror 11 September 2001 atau dikenal sebagai serangan 9/11. Meski demikian, operasi militer AS di Afghanistan tidak berhenti setelah Osama bin Laden terbunuh. Operasi militer AS di Afghanistan terus dipertahankan hingga mereka memutuskan mundur dari negara tersebut setelah penandatanganan kesepakatan damai dengan Taliban di Doha pada bulan Februari 2020. Tulisan ini mempertanyakan mengapa AS mundur dari Afghanistan meski tujuan yang ingin mereka sasar di negara tersebut belum tercapai. AQ maupun Taliban, kelompok yang memberikan perlindungan bagi AQ, masih tetap ada dan beroperasi. Tulisan ini berargumen bahwa keputusan AS tersebut terkait dengan adanya kebutuhan untuk mengalihkan alokasi sumber daya sebagai bagian dari kebijakan retrenchment. Kata-kata Kunci: Pertarungan Negara Besar, Retrenchment, Penarikan Mundur, Amerika Serikat, Afghanistan, Al Qaeda, Taliban
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Liu, Yilin. "The Transformation of Major Power Generation Channels and Comparative Analysis of Policies in China and the United States in the Context of Carbon Neutrality." E3S Web of Conferences 424 (2023): 04003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202342404003.
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The primary contributor to global warming is human emissions of greenhouse gases. In order to prevent the continued warming of the global climate, the realization of carbon neutrality is a necessary way to achieve this goal. Although both China and the United States have made corresponding strategic deployments to achieve carbon neutrality, the difficulties faced by the two countries to attain the goal still need to be analyzed and resolved. This article compares the primary power generation methods and the differences in policies between the two countries over the years. It analyzes the changes and difficulties China and the United States faced in achieving carbon neutrality. Preliminary analysis shows that China and the United States generate electricity mainly through thermal power. Due to the difference in resources between the two countries, the United States uses natural gas as a raw material. In contrast, coal is the primary raw material for China's thermal power generation. China and the United States have developed ambitious policy plans to meet their respective carbon neutrality objectives. However, in contrast to China's more stable policies, the US strategy needs equivalent stability.
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Ladd, Conrad M. "Power to the People." Mechanical Engineering 122, no. 09 (September 1, 2000): 68–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/1.2000-sep-4.
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This article highlights that the creation of efficient electric appliances using cheap electricity has enabled us to enjoy healthier and more bountiful lives. Since electric power results from the conversion of energy resources in an electric power generating plant, those resources must be adequate and available at low cost at the plant site. Mechanical engineers developed the machinery for coal mining, for coal transportation, and for bulk coal handling. GE and Westinghouse made early contributions starting in electric generator and electric motor development. The US electric utility industry has been mandated by several states to sell all or a large portion of its generating plants. Independent power generators are building new combined-cycle units in selected market regions. Mergers and acquisitions of electric utilities are continuing to increase the size of parent company operations. Mechanical engineers have developed relatively low-cost electric power generation technology through the 20th century, enabling the United States to maintain its world economic leadership and standard of living.
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Łoś, Robert. "Potęga Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki." Studia Politologiczne, no. 2/2022(65) (September 18, 2022): 259–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.33896/spolit.2021.65.12.
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The modern power of the USA is based on traditional sources: the size of the territory and demographics, economy, army and soft power factors (culture, foreign policy, values, public diplomacy). The United States creates a power that has sustainable resources backed by an efficient mechanism of action and the will of the public to implement these plans. Currently, the US has enough resources, and most importantly, in the current international environment, it is able to use them to maintain an advantage over its competitors. The article presents the elements of US power that determine its advantage over other countries and the weaknesses that may limit its influence. This largely determines the research methods used (statistical and comparative). The latter method allows to determine the scale of US hegemony and what are the chances of its maintenance in the 21st century.
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Zhao, Zhi, Jia Hai Yuan, and Wen Jie Huang. "Study on Integrated Resource Strategic Planning for Power Industry." Advanced Materials Research 732-733 (August 2013): 1401–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amr.732-733.1401.
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Integrated Resource Strategic Planning (IRSP) is an extension of Integrated Resource Planning (IRP) at the national level for power planning. It provides a new theoretical foundation for the implementation of demand-side management (DSM) in the deregulated conditions. In this paper, IRSP model for power planning is proposed. In the model, both supply-side and demand-side resources as efficient power plant (EPP) are considered in the optimization process. A case study for the power planning in the United States is presented in the paper. The results indicate that, comparing with traditional planning the IRSP model can not only achieve the minimum total costs, but also reduce the supply-side capacity installation and the related pollution emissions.
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Kelton, Maryanne, Michael Sullivan, Zac Rogers, Emily Bienvenue, and Sian Troath. "Virtual sovereignty? Private internet capital, digital platforms and infrastructural power in the United States." International Affairs 98, no. 6 (November 2, 2022): 1977–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiac226.
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Abstract Infrastructural power in the United States, which is the capacity to extract and deploy social resources and initiate and harness technological innovation, is increasingly generated by private internet capital and exercised by digital platforms. In this article we argue that while these private actors do not possess legitimacy, this is a form of ‘virtual sovereignty’ which complicates the capacity of the US state to exercise infrastructural power. Though internet software was designed largely by US corporations, commercial users operate increasingly in deterritorialized global spaces, where citizen consent and the interests of the US state are not business priorities. Moreover, much of the internet's hardware is financed by private internet capital within global wealth chains and digital spaces populated by US and non-US corporations. We argue that digital platforms acquire infrastructural power through the accumulation and commercialization of big data, from which they curate individual thinking and behaviour. We point to the targeting of US liberal democratic resilience by hostile, domestic and foreign actors weaponizing social media, and the potential ramifications of the exercise of virtual sovereignty for the return of great power rivalry in international relations. The article concludes that private internet capital's command of vast socio-economic resources reinforces the digital platforms' leadership in technological innovation and challenges the sovereign state's monopoly over national security.
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Haas, Mark L. "A Geriatric Peace? The Future of U.S. Power in a World of Aging Populations." International Security 32, no. 1 (July 2007): 112–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2007.32.1.112.
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In the coming decades, the most powerful states in the international system will face a challenge unlike any experienced in the history of great power politics: significant aging of their populations. Global aging will be a potent force for the continuation of U.S. economic and military dominance. Aging populations are likely to produce a slowdown in states' economic growth at the same time that governments will face substantial pressure to pay for massive new expenditures for elderly care. This economic dilemma will create such an austere fiscal environment that the other great powers will lack the resources necessary to overtake the United States' huge power lead. Moreover, although the U.S. population is growing older, it is doing so to a lesser extent and less quickly than all of the other major actors in the system. Consequently, the economic and fiscal costs created by social aging—as well as their derivative effects on military spending—will be significantly lower for the United States than for potential competitors. Nevertheless, the United States will experience substantial new costs created by its own aging population. As a result, it will most likely be unable to maintain the scope of its current international position and will be less able to realize key international objectives, including preventing the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, funding nation building, and engaging in military humanitarian interventions.
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Zuo, Zhili, Jinhua Cheng, Haixiang Guo, and Yonglin Li. "Comparative Study on Relative Fossil Energy Carrying Capacity in China and the United States." Energies 14, no. 10 (May 20, 2021): 2972. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en14102972.
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Based on resource carrying capacity, this study used the revised theory of relative resource carrying capacity (RRCC) and introduced an innovative concept of relative fossil energy carrying capacity (RFECC), which evaluates the degree of fossil energy sustainability based on the relationship between economy, population, and environment. This study took China and the United States as the study objects, took the whole country as the reference area, and calculated the RFECC of population, economic, and environmental resources from 2000 to 2018. Therefore, based on the comparative analysis, the following conclusions were drawn: (i) there is a big difference in the RFECC between China and the United States, which is manifested in the inverted U-shaped trend in China and the U-shaped trend in the United States; (ii) the relative fossil energy carrying states in China and the United States are different, mainly reflected in the economy and environment; (iii) the gap in RFECC between China and the United States has gradually widened; in general, China’s economic RFECC is better than that of the United States, while environmental RFECC and population RFECC in the United States is better than that of China; and (iv) coal and oil should be used as a breakthrough point for the sustainable fossil energy and sustainable development for China and the United States, respectively.
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Alnouimat, Abdalla Moh'd Dyab. "The Influence of the Location and Wealth of Central Asian Countries on their Relationship with Countries of the World (Russia, China, The United States of America) (1992-2013)." Dirasat: Human and Social Sciences 49, no. 5 (September 15, 2022): 458–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.35516/hum.v49i5.2764.
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Energy is power. From a political, economic and environmental point of view, energy’s security is one of the most important issues facing all countries of the world. In recent years, the competition between the United States, Russia and China for energy sources has become noticeably intense, with rapid growth in energy’s costs and geopolitical considerations including energy’s security. In this context, energy’s security becomes a global concern due to the rapid increase in demand for natural fuels. Indeed, Central Asia is one of the regions where the geopolitical influence and competition between the United States, Russia and China is most affected due to its rich energy resources and strategic location. Therefore, Central Asia was of particular interest to the United States, Russia and China. Moreover, Central Asia and the Caucasus are two of the best options for great powers such as Russia, China, and the United States. This conflict is not expected to end in the near future, but this may be one of the most important battlefields for the production of a new world order, which is required now more than ever.
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Chernega, V. N. "“Geopolitical Disorder” in the World and Russia." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 14, no. 3 (July 3, 2021): 6–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2021-14-3-1.
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The article considers the state of the modern international system, in connection with which are disputed the affirmations concerning its multipolarity or the already emerging bipolarity, embodied by the United States and China. Neither the first nor the second definition is based on the concept of “pole”, as it was formed during the years of opposition between the United States and the Soviet Union. The current situation can rather be described as a “geopolitical disorder”. Traditional and emerging powers are fighting for a higher place in the new hierarchy, forging new alliances, often opportunistic, that predetermines the volatility and instability of the system. For States that are inferior in total national power to the United States or China, particularly for Russia, this creates new opportunities, especially in the framework of multilateral diplomacy. At the same time Russia, due to its economic weakness and the threat of a general technological backwardness, risks losing its status of power or, at least, being seriously squeezed by competitors. Hence the need for it to moderate its ambitions as a power and concentrate on implementing reforms aimed at modernizing the economy. The predicted decrease for some time in the resources of the state, due to this, will also require to adapt its foreign policy priorities and to focus on vital national interests.
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Maloney, Patrick, Ping Liu, Qingyu Xu, James D. McCalley, Benjamin F. Hobbs, Sara Daubenberger, Anders Johnson, and Stan Williams. "Wind capacity growth in the Northwest United States: Cooptimized versus sequential generation and transmission planning." Wind Engineering 43, no. 6 (January 9, 2019): 573–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309524x18814966.
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This article demonstrates the benefits of simultaneous cooptimization on a 312-bus network representation of the Western Interconnection power grid with emphasis on The Bonneville Power Administration’s operational area in the Pacific Northwest. While generation and transmission expansion planning has traditionally been solved sequentially, simultaneous cooptimization of both guarantees plans at least as cost effective as sequential approaches and better integrates high-quality remote resources like wind into power grids. For three scenarios with varied carbon and transmission costs, results indicate that (1) simultaneous cooptimization provides up to 6 billion dollars in net present value benefits over sequential optimization during the 50-year planning horizon, (2) cooptimization is more adept at tapping into superior remote resources like wind that the sequential approach has trouble identifying for low iterations, and (3) 10 iterations of sequential cooptimization only capture 75%–96% of the transmission benefits of simultaneous cooptimization.
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Khan, Abdul Zahoor, Nargis Zaman, and Zahir Shah. "United States Fundamental Interests in Chile and Cuba: A Historical Study." Global Regional Review I, no. I (December 30, 2016): 218–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2016(i-i).17.
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US hegemony as the result of its interventions in Cuba and Chile is a historical reality. The United States used to be scared that imposition of Communism had minimized the Americans dominance over there under the policy of nationalization. Although, the United States had tried his luck in Cuba twice, in decades of 1960’s, to vanish communism dangerous roots, but unfortunately faced defeat. Again in 1970’s decade the United States faced the same threat of communism (in form of Salvador Allende regime) in Chile. Chile has blessed with such rich mineral resources like Cuba, so the United States also had similarly established their strong hold inform of different significant companies. In order to prevent the power of Salvador Allende and his nationalization policy, the United States had launched military coup in 1973 resulted in success that also helps to minimize the communism threats in region
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Mu, Guowei, and Guoyu Mu. "Multi-Objective Optimization for Water Resource Allocation among Five States." Highlights in Science, Engineering and Technology 50 (May 21, 2023): 273–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/hset.v50i.8552.
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In the face of worsening drought conditions in the western United States, how to deal with Cascade Reservoir Optimal Scheduling and rationally allocate water resources from two lakes to five states is a good problem worth discussing. This paper provides a rational method of allocation of water improves resources from Lake Powell and Lake Mead to five states. At present, the best scheme is to draw 0.077km3 of water from Lake Powell and 0.83km3 from Lake Mead. The best scheme is to use 77.7% water in agriculture, 17.9% in residential, 2.8% in industry, and 1.5% in power generation.
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Makholm, Jeff D., and Laura T. W. Olive. "Troubles with Seven Decades of Canadian/United States Oil Trade." Climate and Energy 40, no. 12 (June 6, 2024): 21–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/gas.22411.
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In May 2023, we described the complexities of the energy market links between the United States and Canada due to national politics, US federal permitting policy, and the power of special interest groups.1 Yet, for more than a century, the US and Canada have worked through those challenges to develop an integrated North American energy market. Major energy infrastructure projects—pipelines and electric transmission lines—and an institutional ecosystem to foster competitive development of resources mean that energy trade between these two countries remains essential. Recent legal woes related to Enbridge Line 5 strain that relationship.2
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Chen, Kuan-Jen. "Fishing for Oil: Natural-Resource Management between the United States and Maritime East Asia in the 1970s." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 27, no. 2 (July 15, 2020): 169–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02702004.
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The possibility of oil reserves under the seabed of the East China Sea created competition between Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan to claim ownership of these natural resources. The dispute marked the start of international cooperation in maritime East Asia and introduced the United States into this power game due to its exploration techniques and financial power. While Taibei, Tokyo, and Seoul put sovereignty-related disputes aside in an attempt to explore resources jointly, the change in international politics in East Asia and Washington’s perception of the western Pacific rim led to the failure of cooperation. This article argues that this international power game over natural resources management epitomized the dynamic politics between the United States and its East Asian allies. The roles of sovereignty, local interests, and U.S. international security created a dynamic scenario revealing how oil reserves were never the issue, but instead the embodiment of the actual concerns of these players behind their diplomatic language. Situating the 1970s oil exploration in the context of the Cold War, this article provides a historical lens to understand the contours of the shifting geopolitical structure in maritime East Asia.
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Bogdanov, A. "Legitimizing Power Projection in the US Foreign Policy." International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 21, no. 1 (October 6, 2023): 100–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2023.21.1.72.5.
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International relations (IR) scholars have traditionally viewed military alliances as vehicles, serving to ensure the states’ survival under anarchy and to maintain the balance of power essential for the systemic stability. At the same time, alliances that include a dominant state are often employed by the latter as the means of attaining its core objectives and the tools of legitimizing its extraordinary might and ambitious policies. Apparently, this situation favors ambiguity and uncertainty in terms of developing proper theoretical understanding of the nature of alliances as the core institutions, which pattern the states’ interactions, sustain international order, and ensure smooth functioning of the power relations. Seeking to elaborate more comprehensive approach to studying “asymmetric alliances” as the tools of both wielding the dominant state’s influence and legitimizing its preeminence, the paper engages the insights borrowed from the theory of structuration that helps overcome methodological limitations conditioned by dual understanding of “power” as either “attribute” or “relationship”. Specifically, the paper examines the United States’ “asymmetric alliances” in Europe and East Asia as distinct social structures, comprised of “resources” and “rules” that sustain practices of U.S. engagement in regional affairs so as to ensure reproduction of inequitable relationships between the allies and to legitimize the United States’ hegemony. This approach allows to reach more integrative understanding of the role of these alliances as the tools of Washington’s influence and the means of reproduction of the inequitable relationships between the allies, as well as to identify contradictions inherent in these hierarchical arrangements, engendered by growing tension between “resources” and “rules” involved in the process of wielding and legitimizing the “American power”.
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Khan, Abdul Zahoor, Ahmed Ali, and Sajjad Ali. "United States Intervention and the Following Hegemony in Cuba and Chile: A Critical Appraisal." Global Regional Review II, no. I (December 30, 2017): 343–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2017(ii-i).24.
Full textAbstract:
US hegemony as the result of its interventions in Cuba and Chile is a historical reality. The United States used to be scared that the imposition of Communism had minimized the Americans dominance over there under the policy of nationalization. Although, the United States had tried his luck in Cuba twice, in decades of the 1960s, to vanish communism dangerous roots, but unfortunately faced defeat. Again in the 1970s decade, the United States faced the same threat of communism (in the form of Salvador Allende regime) in Chile. Chile has blessed with such rich mineral resources like Cuba, so the United States also had similarly established its strong hold inform of different significant companies. In order to prevent the power of Salvador Allende and his nationalization policy, the United States had launched a military coup in 1973 that resulted in success that also helps to minimize the communism threats in the region.
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Khan, Ramla. "RESOURCE AMASSEMENT AS A TOOL OF MAXIMIZING SEA POWER IN THE INDIAN OCEAN." Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) 8, no. 1 (June 29, 2019): 62. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/ajis.8.1.62-74.2019.
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The paper discusses the fundamentals behind the Indian Ocean as the new pivotal of the twenty-first century cauldron, bearing high-yielding economic driving potential analyzed from the sparsely deliberated Classical Realist vistas of Morgenthau that form an intertwine between accumulation of resources and maximization of power. The aim of paper is to provide new dimensions to the IOR rivalry between the power-players whose preponderance remains vital to the control of the sea resources. The present geopolitical settings embedded in the virtues of multifaceted interdependence would not allow for war to be denominated as an appropriate strategy to win the concentrated control of sea wealth. Indian Ocean residues abundant possessions vibrant for the sustenance of human society, economic upheavals and for the purpose of modernizing military capabilities. The Blue Economy approach is subject of discussion in the study offers a way-out, stipulating joint development of resources as the rational approach which would foster cooperation, stability of the Sea-Lines of Communications and smooth running of the economic engines. The proposed approach would provide benefits extending to major littoral and regional states including India, China and Pakistan but also to the foreign stakeholders in the form of United States and Europe. Key words: Sea Power, Power Maximization, Resource Politics, Blue Economy
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Cai, Yubin, Xin Ma, Wenqing Wu, and Yanqiao Deng. "Forecasting Natural Gas Consumption in the US Power Sector by a Randomly Optimized Fractional Grey System Model." Mathematical Problems in Engineering 2021 (November 11, 2021): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2021/5541650.
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Natural gas is one of the main energy resources for electricity generation. Reliable forecasting is vital to make sensible policies. A randomly optimized fractional grey system model is developed in this work to forecast the natural gas consumption in the power sector of the United States. The nonhomogeneous grey model with fractional-order accumulation is introduced along with discussions between other existing grey models. A random search optimization scheme is then introduced to optimize the nonlinear parameter of the grey model. And the complete forecasting scheme is built based on the rolling mechanism. The case study is executed based on the updated data set of natural gas consumption of the power sector in the United States. The comparison of results is analyzed from different step sizes, different grey system models, and benchmark models. They all show that the proposed method has significant advantages over the other existing methods, which indicates the proposed method has high potential in short-term forecasting for natural gas consumption of the power sector in United States.
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Jones, Kristen. "Colombia's role in great power competition." Global Policy 15, S3 (June 2024): 120–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1758-5899.13383.
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AbstractGreat power competition between the United States and China marked the last decade and will continue to define geopolitics in the near future. Colombia is a key Latin American country with respect to this great power competition, and this article will explain why Colombia matters in the current great power competition. It will review the economic, military, and diplomatic resources of Colombia from each country, and the reception and effect that these decisions have on Colombia. In conclusion, the article proposes recommendations to support a liberal international order through engagement in Colombia.
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G, Anusooya, Sathyarajasekaran K, Bharathiraja S, Braveen M, and Premalatha M. "Power Consumption and Carbon Emission Equivalent for Virtualized Resources – An Analysis." International Journal on Recent and Innovation Trends in Computing and Communication 11, no. 1 (February 6, 2023): 110–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/ijritcc.v11i1.6057.
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The International Energy Agency (IEA) revealed that the worldwide energy-related carbon dioxide (CO2) situation has hit a historic high of 33.1 Giga tonnes (Gt) of CO2. 85% of the rise in emissions was due to China, India, and the United States. The increase in emissions in India was 4.8%, or 105 Mega tonnes (Mt) of CO2, with the increase in emissions being evenly distributed across the transportation and industrial sectors, according to Beloglazov et al (2011). Environmental contamination brought on by carbon emissions is harmful to the environment. As a result, there is an urgent need for the IT sectors to develop effective and efficient technology to eliminate such carbon emissions. The primary focus is on lowering carbon emissions due to widespread awareness of the issue.
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Carlarne, Cinnamon P. "On Localism and the Persistent Power of the State." AJIL Unbound 112 (2018): 285–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aju.2018.74.
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On June 1, 2017, President Trump declared that the United States would “cease all implementation of the non-binding Paris Accord and the draconian financial and economic burdens the agreement imposes on our country.” The United States’ de facto withdrawal from the Paris Agreement represented an important inflection point for conceptualizing the role of nonstate actors in addressing climate change. President Trump's announcement was met with an outpouring of resistance and widespread and concerted efforts to mobilize substate, nonprofit, and private actors to step into the void created by his announcement and to help keep the United States on track to pursue domestic and international commitments to address climate change despite federal recalcitrance. Within the leadership void created by the Trump Administration and amidst the increasingly extensive body of sub- and nonstate climate efforts, it is tempting to decenter the role of the state or to underestimate the persistent power of the state to shape the approach and effectiveness of nonstate actions. Failing to recognize that the state retains significant power in this field undermines efforts to understand the realities within which nonstate actors operate. This creates a set of heightened expectations for these actors that defies the reality of the political, economic, and social resources available to them and masks the challenges inherent in relying upon a fragmented, shifting, and differently accountable set of actors to effect pervasive change.
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WOLL, CORNELIA. "Leading the Dance? Power and Political Resources of Business Lobbyists." Journal of Public Policy 27, no. 1 (January 18, 2007): 57–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x07000633.
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Studies of lobbying try to determine the influence and power of non-governmental actors on public policy. Although influence is very difficult to measure empirically, many continue to push for better research design to solve the problem. Through case studies of business-government relations in the United States and the European Union, this article argues that the difficulties with power and influence concern not only their operationalisation, but they also reflect conceptual confusions. Trying to determine the ‘winners’ and ‘losers’ of a policy issue can be misleading, since power also structures apparently harmonious exchange relationships. The perceived success of business lobbying in the cases studied depended on the governments' receptiveness to their demands, which in turn depended on strategic advantages they saw for themselves in international negotiations. Even when business appears to lead the dance, it is more promising to look at resource distribution and the interdependence of both sides, instead of assuming the domination of business power over policy outcomes.
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Belaia, E. K., and M. A. Kashina. "Comparative Analysis of South Korean and American Soft Power Practices in World Politics." EURASIAN INTEGRATION: economics, law, politics, no. 4 (December 23, 2022): 106–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2073-2929-2022-04-106-120.
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In the 21st century, soft power has proved its effectiveness and expediency and has become one of the most important foreign policy instruments of strong, medium and small powers. The approach proposed by Joseph Nye is considered to be a classic example of soft power politics with the United States being the leading state in this field. However, considering the intensification of glocalization processes and the growth of anti-global and anti-American sentiments, the effectiveness of the US soft power is being called into question. On the contrary, the popularity of South Korean culture has been constantly growing all over the world in recent years, which proves the possibility of successful application of the soft power policy by a non-Western (Asian) state.Aim. The aim is to compare the South Korean and American approaches to the implementation of soft power policy.Tasks. The tasks include studying the elements of the US and South Korean soft power models (culture and way of life, values and ideologies, principles of foreign and domestic policy) and comparing them with each other.Methods. The methods of cross-cultural analysis and secondary analysis of data, including official sources, were used.Results. When implementing the soft power policy, both states use the same resources (elements) distinguished by Joseph Nye (culture and lifestyle, ideology and values, principles of domestic and foreign policy).Conclusion. The difference between national models of soft power lies in the content of these elements. The United States and the Republic of Korea convey different values and prioritize different elements of soft power. The United States, placing the main emphasis on ideology, promotes democratic values, while the Republic of Korea, relying on culture in the broadest sense, appeals to humanistic and Confucian values (love for oneself, caring for others, seeking harmony, cheerfulness). Directions for further research include the analysis of the origins and prospects of such a phenomenon of international relations as Asian waves (Japanese, Korean, Chinese, etc.).
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Stošić, Sanja, and Mića Živojinović. "The geoeconomics of Kosovo and Metohija in the geopolitical pattern of the United States." Vojno delo 74, no. 3 (2022): 32–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/vojdelo2203032s.
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Having in mind the number of countries that have recognized the independently proclaimed state of Kosovo, contrary to the principles of international law that does not recognize self-determination and secession, as well as those countries that have not recognized it, it can be concluded that the area of Kosovo and Metohija, as an integral part of the territory of the Republic of Serbia, has no status of an internationally recognized country. On the other hand, taking into account the natural resources in the area of the Kosovo-Metohija basin, especially mineral wealth, Kosovo and Metohija with its geoeconomic potential has not accidentally found itself in the global geopolitical pattern defined by the US. By aggression on the FRY, that is, the RS, NATO forces led by the US brought the area of Kosovo and Metohija under control in the form of a protectorate of the already instrumentalized UN. Namely, in line with Joseph Nye's theory of "hard and soft power", the Kosovo-Metohija region, or the southern Serbian province, was placed under "hard occupation", i.e. the patronage of NATO forces called KFOR. The "elasticity" of international law that characterizes political relations among the existing powers and power centres on a global scale produces a high level of mutual competition for resources, security and economic prestige, increasing the potential for escalating conflicts. Therefore, in addition to the increasingly pronounced security and crisis aspects, it is necessary to look at the geoeconomic and geopolitical place, importance and role of Kosovo and Metohija, as one of the currently greatest NATO bases in Europe and as an imperialist reflection of the US and/or a perspective expression of the RS.
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Diwan, Kristin. "Clerical associations in Qatar and the United Arab Emirates: soft power competition in Islamic politics." International Affairs 97, no. 4 (July 2021): 945–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiab083.
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Abstract In the wake of the 2011 Arab uprisings, the wealthy Gulf states of Qatar and the United Arab Emirates began hosting and establishing associations of influential Islamic scholars. These clerical associations, the Doha-based International Union for Muslim Scholars (IUMS) and the Abu Dhabi-based Muslim Council of Elders (MCE) and associated peace initiatives, have afforded a platform for more credibly entering into religious and political debates, for cultivating new networks of influence among Muslim publics, and engaging non-Islamic countries and organizations. Drawing upon interviews and primary resources, this study investigates this exercise in religious statecraft, comparing the discourse and policy interventions of these associations, and analysing their improbable challenge to the predominant religious terms set by the traditional heavyweight in the Gulf, Saudi Arabia. It finds that the effectiveness, or resonance, of these religious soft power projects depends upon credibility—their alignment with national religious traditions and policy directions—and positioning—the targeting of particular audiences and stakeholders. It concludes that the UAE holds certain advantages over Qatar in its soft power positioning in the current nationalist moment, as states gain ground over transnational Islamic movements and relations with powers such as India, Russia, China and Israel—all hostile to independent Islamic movements—gain in importance. Policy-makers acknowledging the surprising hard power projection of these small states through military interventions and economic leverage may benefit from this study of their new religious soft power influence.
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Martin, Andrew. "Bureaucracy, Power, and Threat: Unions and Strikes in The United States, 1990-2001." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 15, no. 2 (June 1, 2010): 217–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.15.2.a3723r8621271126.
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The bureaucratization of many social movements has generated controversy among scholars and activists alike. While there is considerable evidence that formalized social movement organizations (SMOs) tend to be successful, critics maintain that such actors invariably shift resources away from protest, reducing their disruptive potential. The current research seeks to reorient this debate by introducing the concept of threat as an integral, but overlooked, dimension of protest. Specifically, I hypothesize that the costs associated with collective action will motivate formalized SMOs to leverage the threat of protest to achieve new gains. The empirical case is made using data from a sample of labor unions and their strike activity from 1990-2001, a period of growing acrimony between organized labor and firms that is particularly well suited for analyzing threat. The findings highlight the role of threat in movement challenges and how it interacts with the broader environment within which the SMO is embedded.
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Silva, Cátia, Pedro Faria, and Zita Vale. "Demand Response Implementation: Overview of Europe and United States Status." Energies 16, no. 10 (May 12, 2023): 4043. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en16104043.
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The authors review the efforts made in the last five years to implement Demand Response (DR) programs, considering and studying several models and countries. As motivation, climate change has been a topic widely discussed in the last decades, namely in the power and energy sectors. Therefore, it is crucial to substitute non-renewable fuels with more environment-friendly solutions. Enabling Distributed Generation (DG), namely using renewable resources such as wind and solar, can be part of the solution to reduce the greenhouse effects. However, their unpredictable behavior might result in several problems for network management. Therefore, the consumer should become more flexible towards this new paradigm where the generation no longer follows the demand requests. With this, Demand Response (DR) concept is created as part of this solution. This paper studies the European Union and United States’ current status, with over 50 references.
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Tabassum, Sanzana, Tanvin Rahman, Ashraf Ul Islam, Sumayya Rahman, Debopriya Roy Dipta, Shidhartho Roy, Naeem Mohammad, Nafiu Nawar, and Eklas Hossain. "Solar Energy in the United States: Development, Challenges and Future Prospects." Energies 14, no. 23 (December 4, 2021): 8142. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en14238142.
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The ambitious target of net-zero emission by 2050 has been aggressively driving the renewable energy sector in many countries. Leading the race of renewable energy sources is solar energy, the fastest growing energy source at present. The solar industry has witnessed more growth in the last decade than it has in the past 40 years, owing to its technological advancements, plummeting costs, and lucrative incentives. The United States is one of the largest producers of solar power in the world and has been a pioneer in solar adoption, with major projects across different technologies, mainly photovoltaic, concentrated solar power, and solar heating and cooling, but is expanding towards floating PV, solar combined with storage, and hybrid power plants. Although the United States has tremendous potential for exploiting solar resources, there is a scarcity of research that details the U.S. solar energy scenario. This paper provides a comprehensive review of solar energy in the U.S., highlighting the drivers of the solar industry in terms of technology, financial incentives, and strategies to overcome challenges. It also discusses the prospects of the future solar market based on extensive background research and the latest statistics. In addition, the paper categorizes the U.S. states into five tiers based on their solar prospects calculated using analytical hierarchy process and regression analysis. The price of solar technologies in the U.S. is also predicted up to 2031 using Wright’s law, which projected a 77% reduction in the next decade.
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Ali, Mustapha Alhaji, and Fatima Ahmed Ahmed. "Nigerian Federalism Problems in Prospects." Journal of Economic Info 6, no. 2 (April 30, 2019): 12–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.31580/jei.v6i2.906.
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The paper examined Nigerian federalism problems in prospects. Nigerian as a nation was amalgamated in 1914. The unification of the two protectorates under one canopy has created a problem in power-sharing and resources allocation among the diverse ethnic groups. Certainly, the federal system operating in the Nigerian context has created a lot of problems and prospects because of the heterogeneity nature of the country that unites diverse people under one umbrella. This study is qualitative research, data were obtained through books, journals, newspapers, magazines, reports. These data were thoroughly reviewed to explain the topic under examination. To support this paper the researcher adopted Pluralism theory. This theory by tradition explains the complication and heterogeneity nature of the country. This is because of the diverse ethnic groups and ethnoreligious differences that were united under one federating units. The study found that federalism was born to unite people of different religion, ethnicity, culture, and traditions so as to enhance the national inity as well as the economy. But the major problem of Nigerian federalism is power sharing and resources allocation across the regions and states. It is found that under the federal system there are serious problems of majority domination over the minority. These have led to ethno-religious conflicts in the nation because of unequal access to national resources and power sharing among the citizens. To overcome these problems the study recommended that: Aall the citizens of the confederating units should be treated equally in term of power and resources allocations. To maintain equality and justice among the citizens. The government should adhere to the principles of federal character commission. To minimize the problems of federalism Nigeria should ensure equality and justice in power and resources allocation among its citizen in the federating units.
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Stanley, Sharon. "THE ENDURING CHALLENGE OF RACIAL INTEGRATION IN THE UNITED STATES." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 12, no. 1 (2015): 5–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x14000320.
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AbstractThis paper formulates a new model of racial integration for African Americans in the United States, based upon a careful consideration of the weaknesses in previous models. Instead of spatial mixing, this model of integration calls for transformed habits of interaction between citizens in public spaces, as well as a redistribution of power, understood as access to resources and opportunities. Integration along these lines would produce mutual transformation rather than compulsory assimilation. However, this model does not necessarily answer the concerns of integration critics who question the capacity of the United States to achieve true racial equality. Hence, the conclusion considers three significant obstacles to the achievement of integration, and acknowledges that unprecedented, radical transformations would be necessary to lay the groundwork for integration. In the end, both integration pessimism and a renewed commitment to integration are reasonable and defensible responses to our still-segregated present.
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Suhito, Yohanes Putra, and I. Gede Wahyu Wicaksana. "Combinative Hedging: Japan and Russia in the East Asian Contested Hierarchical Order." Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 11, no. 1 (February 29, 2024): 76–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23477970241230378.
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The recent developments in world politics have demonstrated that East Asia has emerged as a critical locus for great power politics, characterised by the pluralisation of power centres resulting from the competing strategic interests of the United States and China. Indeed, the regional order’s power constellation is moving towards a contested hierarchical model. The first-tier United States seeks to maintain its ‘plural hegemony’ through social compacts, while China fits within the hierarchy as a second-tier state, gradually emerging as an influential actor on the regional and global stage. Third-tier states, such as Japan, the world’s third-largest economy, and Russia, with its abundant energy resources and military prowess, have become potential swing players of influence within the evolving orders— appropriate to their respective capabilities. Observing this dynamic geopolitical environment, our article discusses the relationship between Japan and Russia as they attempt to protect their interests within a pluralising region. We argue that Japan and Russia take a combinative hedge, focusing on flexible collaboration, enabling risk mitigation and maximising short or long-term benefits.
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Bellow, Edgar, Lotfi Hamzi, and Huai Yuan Han. "Sustainability and Multinational Enterprises: The Need for Diffuse Power." Journal of Business and Economics 9, no. 8 (August 20, 2018): 679–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.15341/jbe(2155-7950)/08.09.2018/005.
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This is a time of global economic and environmental transition, and the balance of power between MNEs and developing communities has yet to be determined. MNEs can take a role in moving the conversation forward, but the issue and disenchantment with the status quo and the polarization between rich and poor needs to be addressed. This is especially true in the United States where shifts in power on a global basis, and the movement of power from the hegemon towards developing nations, are seen to be threats to the established culture of dominance and way of life. With decreases in availability of natural resources such as water and oil, MNEs need to take a leadership role in decreasing hegemonic power structures and working towards diffuse power relationships with labor organizations, resource industry innovators, and developing nation leaders.
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Cochrane, Douglas R. "Power and Place: Metropolitan Resource Struggles in the United States 1980-1990." International Journal of Educational Reform 8, no. 2 (April 1999): 154–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/105678799900800207.
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