Journal articles on the topic 'Power (Social sciences) Consensus (Social sciences)'

The international relations (IR) discipline is dominated by the American research community. Data about publication patterns in leading journals document this situation as well as a variance in theoretical orientations. IR is conducted differently in different places. The main patterns are explained through a sociology of science model that emphasizes the different nineteenth-century histories of the state, the early format of social science, and the institutionalized delineation among the different social sciences. The internal social and intellectual structure of American IR is two-tiered, with relatively independent subfields and a top layer defined by access to the leading journals (on which IR, in contrast to some social sciences, has a high consensus). The famous successive “great debates” serve an important function by letting lead theorists focus and structure the whole discipline. IR in France, Germany, and the United Kingdom has historically been structured differently, often with power vested more locally. American IR now moves in a direction that undermines its global hegemony. The widespread turn to rational choice privileges a reintegration (and status-wise rehabilitation) with the rest of political science over attention to IR practices elsewhere. This rationalistic turn is alien to Europeans, both because their IR is generally closer to sociology, philosophy, and anthropology, and because the liberal ontological premises of rational choice are less fitting to European societies. Simultaneously, European IR is beginning to break the local power bastions and establish independent research communities at a national or, increasingly, a European level. As American IR turns from global hegemony to national professionalization, IR becomes more pluralistic.

Power entails the ability to act and overcome the obstacles erected by those who are subject to it. It also entails the capacity to make one’s crimes acceptable, while formulating criminal imputations against others. The crimes of the powerful, in this contribution, are examined through the lenses of a number of intertwined variables: coercion, legitimacy, violence, secrecy, consensus, and hegemony. Ostentation, imitation, and admiration are also considered as components of these types of crimes and the feelings they elicit. While the controversies surrounding legal responses to the crimes of the powerful are discussed, the efficacy of concerted action against them is optimistically invoked.

This article argues that the gradual decline of the United States’ economic presence in Latin America—and particularly in South America—reads as a manifestation of Washington’s hegemonic attrition in the world. Indeed, concerns over the Chinese incursion in Latin America and the increase of the pressures of the American hard line could transform the region into a scenario of geopolitical dispute between the two great powers. I first analyze the history of the relations between the United States and Latin America, which have followed a complex trajectory of interest, coercion, consensus, and carelessness. I then focus on bilateral relations since the 1990s and specify the political and economic transformations of Latin America in the first years of the twenty-first century and the consequent paralysis of the United States to understand these changes. The article then summarizes the contours of the dynamic commercial relations between Latin America and China, an emergent actor in the region. I conclude with an examination of the U.S. responses to Chinese presence in the Western hemisphere.

Abstract In the scholarly writing on child protection, there is a broad consensus regarding the importance of parents’ participation in knowledge-production processes. However, there is limited research on the conditions required to make parental participation possible in high-risk crisis situations. In particular, there is a dearth of writing that takes into consideration the context of poverty that influences families’ lives and the power imbalances between social workers and parents that are evident in these processes. Through a case illustration of a high-risk crisis situation in the Israeli child protection system, this article examines the potential contribution of a developing critical paradigm—the Poverty-Aware Paradigm—to the promotion of parents’ participation in high-risk crisis situations. Specifically, it points to ‘relationship-based knowledge’ as an organizing axis for knowledge production, and to its derivative, ‘dialogue on power/knowledge’, as a useful practice in child protection interventions. The case analysis reveals three distinguishing features of this dialogue: (i) the social worker holds a dialectic stance regarding knowledge; (ii) the social worker and the parents negotiate their interpretations; and (iii) the social worker shares common hopes and worries with the parents.

Nominations to the US Supreme Court have become increasingly important and contentious in America politics in recent decades. Reasons include the growing significance of constitutional law to the prospects of political power, accompanied by historical developments in the relative power of the competing party coalitions that have placed even more focus on the composition of the Court. Meanwhile, partisan conflict and stalemate have grown in the party systems and among We the People. In The Long Reach of the Sixties, Laura Kalman explores how the nomination struggles of Presidents Lyndon Johnson and Richard Nixon set the stage for the contemporary conflict besetting nominations and American politics more generally. Building on Kalman’s book, this review essay discusses the political and jurisprudential causes and implications of this conflict, with an eye toward what might lie ahead.

AbstractIn probing metamorphoses of power and changing understandings of power, this treatment examines the question of whether there is a general trend from coercive towards cooperative and consensual forms of power over time. This reflection unpacks power in its various dimensions, considers the contributions of Gramsci and Foucault, and then examines the hypothesis of a growing trend towards cooperative forms of power in domestic politics and civil society, and in international politics.

The article presents a mixed-method study of 15 cross-sector partnerships (CSPs) in human services. The study sought to examine the activities, organizational characteristics, and relationships among organizations from the government, nonprofit, and business sectors at three interrelated stages of the partnership: inputs, processes, and outcomes. The findings indicate that socialization prior to entering CSPs is an important component of building the partnership and attaining its espoused goals. Power struggles inhibit the achievement of goals in CSPs, whereas joint decision making and reaching a consensus contribute to achieving goals and added value in terms of improving the quality of services and clients’ well-being. The article presents insights and highlights the dilemmas that CSPs face with regard to their operation and processes. The implications of these dilemmas for establishing and managing effective CSPs as well as for nonprofit policy are discussed.

SummaryThis essay notes the extent to which poststructuralism/postmodernism have generally espoused hostility to historical materialism, surveys some representative examples of historical writing that have gravitated toward the new critical theory in opposition to Marxism, and closes with a discussion of the ironic evolution of a poststructurally inclined, anti-Marxist historiography. Counter to the prevailing ideological consensus that Marxism has been brought to its interpretive knees by a series of analytic challenges and the political collapse of the world's ostensibly “socialist” states, this essay argues that historical materialism has lost neither its power to interpret the past nor its relevance to the contemporary intellectual terrain.

The article deals with the conceptualisation and negotiation of post-adolescent daughters' rights and duties in their families of origin. More and more young Europeans and particularly many young Slovenians are staying with their parents in the post-adolescence period (and even later) or come home from their university city every weekend. This means that two adult generations live together in the same household; so they have to negotiate the rights and duties of the younger generation in different areas, from very personal domains (e.g. appearance) to more far-reaching life decisions (e.g. the post-study life situation, moving out of the parental home). The study provides at least a partial insight into the processes involved in the negotiation of rights and duties in families with post-adolescent daughters. The data stem from semi-structured interviews conducted in autumn 2006 in Slovenia with 70 first-born post-adolescent girls and both of their biological parents. The respondents answered closed- and open-ended questions referring to four vignettes suggesting controversial situations. The answers allow a view of the conceptualisations of post-adolescents' rights and duties, the distribution of decision-making power and the way of dealing with such situations. The results show that post-adolescent daughters are very dependent on their parents in various areas. It turned out that the contemporary Slovenian family with post-adolescent daughters is prepared to negotiate: patterns of intrafamilial communication range from the traditionally grounded commanding pattern where children have to obey unequivocally (but less than 10% of parents resort to the bare use of authority), to an open, active negotiation pattern where the balance of power is more equal and the achievement of consensus is very important.

For nearly two centuries the United States was a democracy that institutionalized in law inequality between racially defined segments of the population. This article shows that such racial closure was causally linked to the workings of a party system in which one party was organized as an interregional alliance for the principles and practices of white supremacy. It does so through a detailed analysis of three historical outcomes: (1) variation in the establishment of racial closure laws across the North during the antebellum period, (2) the elimination of racial closure laws in the North after the Civil War, and (3) the failed attempt in the postbellum South to overcome racial closure in voting. Throughout the analysis of these three outcomes, the article shows that the party model conforms to the empirical record better than three major alternatives that emphasize the causal power of public opinion (electorate model), elite bargaining and consensus (elite model), and the racial preferences of the white working class (class model).

This reply to Professor David D. Roberts' comments must begin with a methodological note. My critic quite correctly states that several of the points discussed in my article have little ‘explanatory value’. Within the history and social sciences disciplines typologies and classifications are of inestimable utility, as Roberts will almost certainly point out to his students. However, they cannot be confused with explanatory models. For this latter purpose there exist models of causality and other analytical instruments for use by those who believe that history is a discipline that is much closer to the social sciences than it is to literature – which is in itself a belief that remains far from consensual. The typologies applied to modern political regimes are, fundamentally, descriptive ideal-types that tell us little about why these regimes were institutionalised and consolidated. Put briefly, these typologies serve more to explain the how rather than the why. It just so happens that why fascism ascended to power does not explain very many of the characteristics of its use of power once it was consolidated.

To answer the question of what is public history, let's turn to its origins. The emergence of academic history in the nineteenth century, now called official, was associated with the separation of history from other fields of knowledge. At that time, it was believed that without a professional historical education, it was impossible to be an erudite and intelligent person, and to tell the past objectively and truthfully. Otherwise, these stories would resemble myths and fairy tales.
 Over time, history gradually became a scientific discipline, as well as an ideological science, as its primary task during the rapid kaleidoscope of changes in various political regimes was to educate ideologically savvy professionals for state-building. Thus, historical science was formed during the creation of nation-states and affirmed the national identity of different social and ethnic groups that formed one nation. What prompted recent history to approach man as the object of study? In our opinion, interest in man - a phenomenon of any civilization has existed since Hellenic times, and in the era of authoritarianism and totalitarianism has been replaced by interest in power and strength. Such a change, unfortunately, led to the tragic consequences of the First and Second World Wars.
 The disproportionately heavy burden of the tragedies of the Second World War and the emergence of new threats to world security in the bipolar period forced two opposing ideological camps to understand the need for dialogue, finding common ground and finding consensus in peace building. The Helsinki process began, and cooperation between the United States and the Soviet Union deepened in strategic areas: space and high technology. Security levers have been strengthened, and a regional security structure, the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE / OSCE), has been established in the European dimension.
 Civilizational exchange contributed to the growth of education of the population, the deepening of the intellectual component of society. At the center of the state and history was an intelligent man – Homo Sapiens, who felt his significance for the world, history and the future. World wars have forced historians to rethink the meaning of life, its fragility and vulnerability. And the deep political, economic, and social world crisis of the 1970s drew the attention of historical science to the person. Oral history, new social history, public history, etc. appeared. The philosophical and social sciences began to study individual social groups – women's society, religious communities, working and student youth, etc. With the growth of interest in the person, the interest in history as it is, without ornaments and artificial exaggerations, the history of ordinary people and places, increased.

AbstractRecent Mental Health Acts provide evidence of diverging UK and Scottish government policy styles. The UK legislative process lasted almost ten years following attempts by ministers to impose decisions and an unprecedented level of sustained opposition from interest groups. In contrast, the consultation process in Scotland was consensual, producing high levels of stakeholder ‘ownership’. This article considers two narratives on the generalisability of this experience. The first suggests that it confirms a ‘majoritarian’ British policy style, based on the centralisation of power afforded by a first-past-the-post electoral system (Lijphart, 1999). Diverging styles are likely because widespread hopes for consensus politics in the devolved territories have been underpinned by proportional representation. The second suggests that most policy-making is consensual, based on the diffusion of power across policy sectors and the ‘logic of consultation’ between governments and interest groups (Jordan and Richardson, 1982). The legislative process deviated temporarily from the ‘normal’ British policy style which is more apparent when we consider mental health policy as a whole. Overall, the evidence points to more than one picture of British styles; it suggests that broad conclusions on ‘majoritarian’ systems must be qualified by detailed empirical investigation.

Abstract Scholars have maintained that public attitudes often diverge from expert consensus due to ideology-driven motivated reasoning. However, this is not a sufficient explanation for less salient and politically charged questions. More attention needs to be given to anti-intellectualism—the generalized mistrust of intellectuals and experts. Using data from the General Social Survey and a survey of 3,600 Americans on Amazon Mechanical Turk, I provide evidence of a strong association between anti-intellectualism and opposition to scientific positions on climate change, nuclear power, GMOs, and water fluoridation, particularly for respondents with higher levels of political interest. Second, a survey experiment shows that anti-intellectualism moderates the acceptance of expert consensus cues such that respondents with high levels of anti-intellectualism actually increase their opposition to these positions in response. Third, evidence shows anti-intellectualism is connected to populism, a worldview that sees political conflict as primarily between ordinary citizens and a privileged societal elite. Exposure to randomly assigned populist rhetoric, even that which does not pertain to experts directly, primes anti-intellectual predispositions among respondents in the processing of expert consensus cues. These findings suggest that rising anti-elite rhetoric may make anti-intellectual sentiment more salient in information processing.

AbstractThe Trump administration has reversed a 70-year consensus and transformed both the substance of trade policy and the postwar role the US has played in its global management. It has also reconfigured the role of the president in the domestic trade policy process. Armed with the power and influence the US amassed during its long run as leader of the post-war liberal world economy, the Trump administration has used trade as its principle coercive weapon in foreign policy. It has achieved some success, albeit at high diplomatic cost and by putting at risk America’s long-standing structural advantages in the world economy. Given that domestic discontent with the liberal world economy has increased significantly, it is likely that the core aspects of Trump’s trade revolution will endure, even if subsequent administrations soften Trump’s provocative execution of it.

If discussions of power in Indonesia have been too Java-centric, power talk about Java has been equally overcentralized. This article presents an alternative view to the top-down, hierarchical, exemplary-centre approach of Anderson, Geertz and others: the view from Banyuwangi in East Java. Through an analysis of local rituals, popular theatre and political action it proposes a different model based on consensus, relativism, and ritual containment.

Despite the popularity of diversity management, there is little consensus on how to design diversity practices that work. In this article, the author provides an inside look into one type of diversity practice: diversity recruitment. Drawing on qualitative evidence from hiring in elite law firms, investment banks, and management consulting firms, the author analyzes what diversity recruitment looks like in these firms in theory and in practice. The author finds that although these firms tend to have the ingredients for success on paper, in practice the presence of structural and status divides between those responsible for overseeing diversity recruitment and those making hiring decisions, alongside widespread cultural beliefs among decision-makers that diversity is not a valid criterion of evaluation, stymies firms’ efforts to diversify. The author’s findings highlight that to be successful in translating diversity programs into results, those charged with overseeing diversity programs need not only formal organizational authority but also sufficient informal power and status to wield influence.

This essay explores the responses of conservative political activists to the Nixon administration's policy of “peace with honor” in Vietnam. Conservatives sought to influence the administration by acceptance of Vietnamization, a policy they interpreted as affording a more conventional prosecution of the war, and by pushing for increased aerial bombardment of North Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia. Divisions over the efficacy of détente derailed a unified conservative position on Vietnam and forced reassessments of the legitimacy of Nixon's promise of “peace with honor.” While highlighting the basic premises of conservative foreign policy during the late 1960s, this essay explores the means by which conservative leaders attempted to forge consensus regarding the Vietnam War and the impact of increased political power on the conservative movement's foreign-policy priorities.

While mediation is commonly used in custody negotiation, there is no consensus regarding its applicability in domestic violence cases. The aim of this qualitative study in Italy was to explore the role of family mediation in the management of child custody in cases involving domestic violence. Semistructured interviews were conducted with lawyers ( N = 5), social workers ( N = 15), and abused women who had separated from their children’s fathers ( N = 13). Legal documents were also analyzed. The results showed that violence against women and children had often been concealed during mediation, as the professionals involved had failed to detect domestic violence or had labeled it as conflicts. Moreover, the “parental couple” had been dissociated from the “marital couple,” and the responsibility for the abuse had been attributed to both parents. As a result, women and children had been blamed and had experienced secondary victimization, while the perpetrators’ patterns of power and control had continued. The results also revealed that those professionals had not known about and had not applied the Istanbul Convention, which provides guidelines to ensure women’s and children’s safety. Recommendations highlight the need to account for the complexity of domestic violence cases, to hold perpetrators responsible for the abuse, and to support the victims.

This article defends the classical liberal view of human interactions that gives strong protection to associational freedom except in cases that involve the use of force or fraud or the exercise of monopoly power. That conception is at war with the modern antidiscrimination or human rights laws that operate in competitive markets in such vital areas as employment and housing, with respect to matters of race, sex, age, and increasingly, disability. The article further argues that using the “human rights” label to boost the moral case for antidiscrimination laws gets matters exactly backwards, given that any program of forced association on one side of a status relationship (employer, not employee; landlord, not tenant) is inconsistent with any universal norm governing all individuals regardless of role in all associative arrangements. The articled also discusses the tensions that arise under current Supreme Court law, which protects associational freedom arising out of expressive activities (as in cases involving the NAACP or the Boy Scouts), but refuses to extend that protection to other forms of association, such as those involving persons with disabilities. The great vice of all these arrangements is that they cannot guarantee the stability of mandated win/lose relationships. The article further argues that a strong social consensus against discrimination is insufficient reason to coerce dissenters, given that holders of the dominant position can run their operations as they see fit even if others do otherwise. It closes with a short model human rights statute drafted in the classical liberal tradition that avoids the awkward line drawing and balancing that give rise to modern bureaucracies to enforce modern antidiscrimination laws.

Labor (meaning both wage workers as well as their collective representation) in Russia was a major loser in the decade following the collapse of the Soviet Union. Aggregate data on prices, average wage and pension levels, wage arrears, and unemployment indicate a serious decline in workers’ standard of living that is unprecedented in the post-World War II era, while strike data show an upsurge in this form of worker militancy during the mid-1990s but a decline thereafter.This article seeks to explain both why these developments occurred and what prevented workers from adequately defending their collective interests. Four explanations have been advanced by Western and Russian scholars. The first is that workers were victims of state policies pursued in line with the“Washington consensus” on how to effectuate the transition from an administrative-command to a market-based economy. The second points to workers’ attitudes and practices that were prevalent under Soviet conditions but proved inappropriate to post-Soviet life. The third, claiming that several key indices of workers’ standard of living are misleading, denies that labor has been a loser. The fourth and most compelling of the explanations is derived from ethnographically based research. It argues that despite changes in the forms of property and politics, power relations at the enterprise level remained intact, leaving workers and their unions dependent on the ability of management to bargain with suppliers of subsidies and credits. The article concludes with some observations about workers’ survival strategies and the extent to which collective dependence on economic and political strongmen has worked against structural change in favor of labor.

The examination of political reactions content in historical terms has shown that their substance does not remain unchanged. Originally democracy means perverted and unnatural political order, the power of poor, that occurs only for a very short time during the political crises. Democracy began to name government by the people or majority only from the first bourgeois revolutions.The author believes that the idea of government by the people is deeply populist and it is against the laws of nature and society. The generally accepted classification of political reactions does not take into account the useful properties of hierarchy for the society and completely identify the socially useful and legally enshrined in corporate affairs principle of one-man management with totalitarian regime.Currently not a single “color revolution” is not without a number of slogans and populist perceptions about human being and society presented in the end of the XVIII century. The spread of “democracy” does not involve the assistance in economic development and in the establishment of the high social standards typical for west countries, but on the contrary preserve poverty and backwardness of world periphery.The author comes to a conclusion that it is necessary to develop the more modern and adequate perceptions about politic reactions taking into account the explanations of natural sciences. In the authors view the democracy constitute “soft” hierarchy that admit the majority of the people to the acceptable social status in conditions of missing the firm competitive relations in the society. Solidarity among people, consensus of the interests, moral and political unity as a result of approximately equal social status, social stability and mobility, the lack of deep social division are the main characteristics of the democracy. Totalitarianism can be defined as a violence from the side of society or collective towards person who does not want follow antihuman consumer values.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to debate intersectionality as a key methodological aspect for critical research. While intersectionality is a consensus for critical studies, it is important to highlight the challenges that a perspective that consider power relations across social categories put forward. For this, I examine how these relations are seen in research, and highlight the risks of hierarchical views on social categories, or the invisibilization of those same categories. Design/methodology/approach These reflections will be primarily based on previous research on immigration in São Paulo and on older transsexual women in Brazil, studies that required a multi-faceted analysis. The studies were based on critical feminist, post-colonial studies and psychoanalysis to examine discourses and to unravel the social imaginaries on the immigrant and on transsexual women in Brazil. For this, I bring forth the notion of the other as a discursive space often placed on these groups, and how the discursive position also reflect views on gender, race, sexuality and class as structural discursive boundaries in Brazil. Findings Taking the border as a metaphor to read everyday encounters, the body becomes a mark of difference, where subjects are placed at specific discursive (and also geographical) positions – at the center or at the margins. Taking this into account, the paper highlights two main aspects: first, a debate on the importance of intersectionality for critical methodological frameworks, and second, how critical discourse analysis allow us to defy the taken-for-granted binary constructions of other-us, that are continuously re-evoked and reified in discourse. Originality/value This debate is important as there are innumerous ways of approaching intersectionality, hence a critical analysis into current debates and methodological standpoints become central.

Future of psychiatry is discussed in the context of modern human rights principles, evidence-based policies and sustainable development goals.After international community agreed on sustainable development goals to be reached by 2030, there is a good opportunity to address mental health as a priority and to substantially invest in promotion of mental health and emotional well-being.Psychiatry, as an influential specialty, needs to reconsider its strategy in this context, and to rethink strengths and weaknesses of its role and image.Protection of dignity and human rights of persons with psychosocial disabilities, in the post-CRPD framework, should become a priority for psychiatry. Common ground for search of a new consensus between different views on non-consensual treatment in psychiatry could be equilibrium within the principles of “first, do no harm”, “right to treatment” and “no hierarchy within human rights”. For mental healthcare practice, this would mean that good intentions to provide evidence-based interventions do not justify the use of force and deprivation of liberty which threatens dignity and universal human rights principles.Psychiatry, while rethinking future directions, should critically reconsider its current focus on neurobiological paradigm and tradition of using force in the name of medicine and social control. These two paradigms, traditionally perceived as strengths of psychiatry and sources of its power, are now too often misused and increasingly discussed as lacking evidence, ignoring human rights and thus threatening image of psychiatry. Instead, psychiatry could consider accepting post-CRPD challenge as a unique opportunity for change, through strengthening strategic alliance with human rights mechanisms, social sciences, general and community medicine, modern public health approach and users’ perspective.Disclosure of interestThe author has not supplied his declaration of competing interest.

Extant literature onvocational reformsgives the impression that they, like other educational reforms, resulted from a consensus between northern industrialists and professional educators (e.g., Bowles and Gintis 1976; Cohen 1968; Cremin 1961; Cuban 1982; Fones-Wolf 1983; Kett 1982; Powers 1992; Tyack 1981 [1974]). If national educational reforms reflected national economic interests, we should expect twentieth-century federal vocational legislation to reflect the interests of an increasingly industrialized national economy. By the same token, regionally specific economic interests should find their reflection primarily in local educational practice. This view rests on the assumption that a “national economy” has existed and that federal policies have not reflected sectional economic interests. In reality, southern sectional interests have shaped a variety of economic and social policies, ranging from post-Reconstruction child labor and compulsory education laws to New Deal policies such as the 1933 National Industrial Recovery Act (NIRA), the 1935 National Labor Relations (Wagner) Act, welfare policy, and the 1935 Social Security Act establishing old-age security and unemployment compensation (Alston and Ferrie 1985; Bensei 1984; Lieberman 1995; Quadagno 1988, 1994; Shulman 1991; Skocpol 1995).

As the Vietnam War concluded with the failure of US foreign policy, the so-called “Cold War consensus” collapsed in American politics and society. A significant number of lawmakers came to revisit their national security positions, and under these circumstances the Anti-ballistic Missile (ABM) bills came up in the 91st Congress (1969–70). The costly missile program quickly stirred a major controversy, particularly over a trade-off between guns (defense budget) and butter (welfare spending). This article examines how and why party rank-and-file members in US Congress stayed the course or shifted their positions during the ABM debates. The empirical findings suggest that representatives did not immediately abandon their national security preferences, but rather employed gradual position shifts in legislative processes. In addition, institutional conditions such as “in-party” and “party-out-of-power” hindered or helped legislators' position reversals. This case study of the “guns-or-butter” debates in 1969 and 1970 sheds light on how the representative system in America works in response to public discomfort, with lawmakers trying to fine-tune their individual policy positions and collective party reputations simultaneously.

The review conducted in this paper provides for closer identification of social, psychological and economic determinants of effectiveness where environmental-protection instruments are concerned. It further supplies conclusions as to which of these instruments may prove most effective. Reference to research achievements in social psychology and behavioural economics sustains the idea that so-called “choice architecture” may enhance the effectiveness of local-government units’ environmental protection instruments. Analysis further sustains the conclusion that – on account of the psychological impact – efforts to specify environmental costs in money terms yield better results than the (verbal or written) discussion of these costs as left unquantified. Beyond that, analysis of relevant literature points to best results being achieved where instruments translate into costs incurred individually, as well as perceived benefits. Adaptation of different instruments to different societal targets renders environmental policy more effective, providing that people are left aware of the fact that other members of their community behave in a similar way. The integration of environmental policy with other sectoral policies (e.g. spatial or health policy) offers another means of raising effectiveness. Finally, environment policy should be based on a culture of participation an consensus-building between the often-conflicting interests of municipal stakeholders, and supported by frequent and legible public-communication campaigns.

Seven years after 9/11, the American way of life was again shaken to its foundation by the Great Recession of 2008. The logic of an unregulated market economy produced its predetermined result. The American middle class, the historic protagonist of the American narrative, became an endangered species. Against a bleak backdrop of indebtedness, unemployment, and rapid decline in traditional jobs and in the affordability of the essentials of health and education stands the stark wealth of the top 1 percent of Americans. With the vital center no longer holding and consensus fraying, 53 percent of the electorate wagered in 2008 that it could deny race by affirming its non-importance and thereby audaciously reinvigorate the exceptionalist narrative. The choice before us, however, is still much the same as that posited by W.E.B. Du Bois when he described two antithetical versions of the American narrative: one was based on “freedom, intelligence and power for all men; the other was industry for private profit directed by an autocracy determined at any price to amass wealth and power.”

AbstractThis paper explores the impact of legal rights to housing for homeless people, focusing on the capacity of such rights to ‘empower’ those experiencing homelessness. Lukes’ (2005) three-dimensional view of power, complemented by Bourdieu's (1972) concept of ‘habitus’, is used to distinguish between conceptualisations of empowerment. A distinction is drawn between ‘traditional’ understandings of empowerment, which focus on people's capacity to realise their ‘subjective interests’, and on understandings that foreground ‘real interests’. These latter ‘radical’ perspectives direct attention to people's ‘habitus’ – their internalised dispositions to perceive situations and act in particular ways. Empirically, the paper draws on a qualitative comparison of approaches to homelessness in Scotland and Ireland. Whereas in Scotland virtually all those who are homeless now have a legal right to settled accommodation, Ireland has rejected such a ‘legalistic’ approach, pursuing a consensus driven ‘social partnership’ model. Based on primary research with national experts, service providers and homeless single men in both countries, it is argued that legal rights can effectively empower homeless people. These findings call into question popular and political understandings of the relationship between legal welfare rights and self-reliance.

Abstract In Brazil, given its privileged hydrology, the unexplored economic use of water resources has many dimensions, such as hydroelectric power. This energy will face increasingly rigorous social and environmental impact assessments (40% of potential is located in the Amazon region). Hydropower inventory studies conducted over decades, with solutions such as ecological river flows, that flood smaller areas and reduce natural river flows modifications, are being reviewed. The river extension from dam to the point where the waters are returned after the powerhouse is known as the Reduced Flow Stretch (RFS). Even mega-projects, such as the 11.3 GW Belo Monte dam, are designed with deviating flows reaching an astounding 13,000 m 3/s (excavated material higher than Panama Canal). RFS requires to be carefully studied to achieve appropriate ecological flows, since RFS flows increased reduces the plant's electricity production to the same installed capacity. Balancing RFS requirements and hydroelectric power remains a challenge and, clearly, there is no consensus. Here, we performed an analysis of the main environmental impacts caused by RFS requirements, considering the multiple water use specific for each dam site. The natural variability of river flows provides diversity of habitats and maintains the richness and complexity of biological communities. Therefore, the present study has great ecological, social and economic relevance, since proper evaluation of the RFS requirements avoids potential destabilization of biological communities and even loss of biodiversity. This type of arrangement was more common in dams located in headwaters of rivers, as in the slopes of the Andes mountain range, and in regions like the Alps. There are many hydroelectric plants in South America and Europe that have this type of arrangement of engineering works. But the times are different and the environmental impacts have to be better evaluated. A final aspect also involves the maintenance of ecological flows downstream of dams. Regularization reservoirs need to keep downstream, even if they do not have a TVR, adequate flows that represent minimally the seasonality of the river, with floods and droughts, that propitiate the maintenance of the ecosystems downstream. There are cases such as the Sobradinho Plant in the São Francisco River that has been much questioned in this regard, especially when the climate is changing in the basin, with long periods of drought, and with increasing water use. So this is a very important and increasingly current issue.

Deaths in police custody present a set of enduring and troubling puzzles. Why do such deaths seldom result in prosecutions or adequate redress? Why are victims’ families so under-resourced and typically met with a conflicted mix of empathy and hostility? Why do acknowledged problems remain unresolved despite review after review making the same criticisms and seemingly consensual recommendations? Why is the state’s failure to fulfil its duty of care towards those it detains met with public indifference? In this article, I argue that we can shed new light on these questions if we theorize and investigate police power using the metaphor of sacrifice. Thinking about police power through this lens enables us to identify and illuminate a conflict between the liberal rationality that appears to govern responses to custodial deaths and the illiberal values and affects that constitute what I term the deep structure of deaths in police custody. By re-examining reports of recent enquiries into the issue, I outline four recurring elements of this deep structure and show how they clash with surface liberal rationalities. The systemic reduction of custodial death requires, I conclude, that we name and contest the quasi-sacred conception of police authority that holds the police vital to the production of order and control and its agents to require protection when things ‘go wrong’.

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to review and synthesize research and theory on the definition, antecedents, outcomes, and mechanisms of networking in organizations. Design/methodology/approach – Descriptions of networking are reviewed and an integrated definition of networking in organizations is presented. Approaches for measuring and studying networking are considered and the similarities and differences of networking with related constructs are discussed. A theoretical model of the antecedents and outcomes of networking is presented with the goal of integrating existing networking research. Mechanisms through which networking leads to individual and organizational outcomes are also considered. Findings – Networking is defined as goal-directed behavior which occurs both inside and outside of an organization, focussed on creating, cultivating, and utilizing interpersonal relationships. The current model proposes that networking is influenced by a variety of individual, job, and organizational level factors and leads to increased visibility and power, job performance, organizational access to strategic information, and career success. Access to information and social capital are proposed as mechanisms that facilitate the effects of networking on outcomes. Originality/value – Networking is held to be of great professional value for ambitious individuals and organizations. However, much of the research on networking has been spread across various disciplines. Consequentially, consensus on many important topics regarding networking remains notably elusive. This paper reviews and integrates existing research on networking in organizations and proposes directions for future study. A comprehensive definition and model of networking is presented and suggestions to researchers are provided.

The role that business plays in the life of modern Ukrainian society could not but attract close attention from the scientific community and, above all, representatives of the sciences of public administration. This topic has become especially relevant with the intensification of Ukraine’s participation in globalization processes and the need to strengthen the role of the state in the socio-economic life of society. 
 The most widespread European concepts of the state governance of power and business interaction have been studied in the article, in particular corporatism, pluralism, instrumentalism, etc. An analysis of the peculiarities of the interaction between the power and business in Ukraine has been conducted on their basis. Various theoretical and methodological approaches to the study of business as a political actor have been considered. Groups of interests and pressure groups are the types of protectionist groups that influence the actions of modern governments both in Europe and in Ukraine. 
 The society consists of a large number of such groups of interests and pressure groups, which represent all significant interests of the population and compete for the influence over the state power. This competition takes place within the framework of the cross-sectoral partnership, that is, the consensus reached on the basic foundations of the economic and political system and the permissible level of conflict. In developed democracies, competition between groups and between sectors of society ensures a situation in which none of the groups dominates and the balance of interests is kept. This balance plays a crucial role for the stability of the existing social system. 
 The author has come to the conclusion that among the concepts of the interaction of power and business, which had been studied in the article, the liberal corporatism is the most acceptable for Ukrainian realities. Understanding the state as a separate corporation, which has its own, different from the business structures and civil society’s interests, but which builds partnership relations with them, provides opportunities for a more detailed analysis of the organizational forms of the interaction between the authorities and business, the peculiarities of the state administration in this sphere, and in addition takes into account the tendencies of globalization, which impose their restrictions on this interaction.

Researchers spanning many scientific domains, including primatology, evolutionary biology and psychology, have sought to establish an evolutionary basis for morality. While researchers have identified social and cognitive adaptations that support ethical behaviour, a consensus has emerged that genetically determined physical traits are not reliable signals of unethical intentions or actions. Challenging this view, we show that genetically determined physical traits can serve as reliable predictors of unethical behaviour if they are also associated with positive signals in intersex and intrasex selection. Specifically, we identify a key physical attribute, the facial width-to-height ratio, which predicts unethical behaviour in men. Across two studies, we demonstrate that men with wider faces (relative to facial height) are more likely to explicitly deceive their counterparts in a negotiation, and are more willing to cheat in order to increase their financial gain. Importantly, we provide evidence that the link between facial metrics and unethical behaviour is mediated by a psychological sense of power. Our results demonstrate that static physical attributes can indeed serve as reliable cues of immoral action, and provide additional support for the view that evolutionary forces shape ethical judgement and behaviour.

The purpose of this study is to explore the strategies and tactics used in conflict management and analyze their effectiveness based on quantitative methodology. Probability sampling of 300 respondents in Selangor, Malaysia consisting of Malay married couples were selected using cluster sampling. The findings showed that the strategies were competing, collaborating, compromising, avoiding and accommodating. In average, around 80 percent of Malay married couples chose collaborating strategy whereas competing was less popular. However, the most popular tactic among the respondents is trying to do what is necessary to avoid tension which is under the avoiding strategy. Two-way communication and compromise were seen to be the essence in keeping longevity and success in marriage. The study revealed that there was a change in conflict management among Malay married couples which can be related to the economic development of society, technological advances, political scenarios and the influx of foreign culture. Nonetheless, along with the changes in Malaysia’s economic system, modern Malay couples are more open-minded. Therefore, couples in this study tend to see conflicts as problems that need to be solved, wanting quality decisions that truly resolve the issues. They believe in the power of consensus and in sharing of information and achieving understanding with one another.

This lucid and concise book is an important and timely contribution in light
 of current intra-Muslim political rivalries that find their fueling justifications
 in the domain of “excommunication” and mutual accusations of disbelief
 and apostasy (takfīr). This situation has caused Alalwani, the author of this
 “treatise,” to delve into the controversies and subtleties of this sensitive and
 manipulation-laden issue. He attempts, both scripturally and logically, to clarify
 its various aspects and challenge the conventional and traditional approaches
 to it, which have been obscured by the historical weight of dogma
 and power politics (pp. 19-20, 129).
 Alalwani’s contends that there is no explicitly stated evidence, whether
 from the Qur’an or the Prophet’s Sunnah, that mandates the death penalty for
 merely changing one’s religion, as long as doing so is not accompanied or associated
 with another criminal act. He highlights that when stipulating that an
 apostate should be killed, the jurists were in fact dealing with “compound”
 crimes that involved, in addition to apostasy, other political, legal, and social
 dimensions (p. 1). He proceeds to make his point by providing evidence from
 the Qur’an and the Sunnah while casting doubt on the authenticity or consistency
 of much of what the fuqahā’ (jurists and scholars) narrated later on and
 attributed to the Prophet or his Companions. His chosen method combines
 philosophical, analytical, inductive, and historical approaches along with Islamic
 textual sciences and fields of knowledge (p. 3). He focuses on cases in
 which an individual changes his/her faith without engaging in hostile or criminal
 activities against the Muslim community, which otherwise would elevate
 the case to one of security threat or treason (p. 4).
 The study comprises six chapters. The first two deal with whether apostasy
 is a capital crime and with the Qur’anic depiction of what apostasy means.
 Alalwani points out that despite unleashing the “sword of consensus” regarding
 the death penalty for this event, in fact there is no such consensus, for no ...

Detecting Communities in networks is one of the appealing fields in computer science. A wide range of methods are proposed for this problem. These methods employ different strategies and optimization functions to detect communities (or clusters). Therefore, it seems a good idea to combine these strategies to take advantage of the strengths of the methods and overcome their problems. This is the idea behind consensus clustering technique which combines several clustering results into one. In this paper, we propose a very good-performing method based on consensus clustering to detect communities of a network. Our method, called “Azar”, employed several community detection methods as base methods. Then Azar generates a new compressed network based on the common views of the used base methods and, gives this new compressed network to the last community detection method to find the final partition. We evaluate our approach by employing real and artificial datasets. The implementation results compare the base methods with Azar according to accuracy measures such as modularity and Normalized Mutual Information (NMI). The results show the good-performing behavior of Azar even for the most difficult networks. The results show the brilliant power of Azar in comparison with all the other methods.

Middle East Studies for the New Millennium sheds light on the trials and tribulations of Middle East area studies in the highly charged and politi- cized context of American academia and broader US policy. In this respect, it is an important exposition of how American universities produce knowl- edge about different world regions (ix). The study is the outcome of a research project that spanned a period of nearly fifteen years since 2000. The introductory chapter, by book editors Shami and Miller-Idriss and titled “The Many Crises of Middle East Stud- ies” (MES), refers to the contextual status of the field and relates its ‘crises’ to an American setting in which knowledge and power are intrinsically, even if not always clearly, juxtaposed. Shami and Miller-Idriss point out that three main institutional actors define the politics of the field: univer- sities, federal government, and private philanthropic foundations (8). The role of the US federal government in producing knowledge, the relation- ship between knowledge and power, and ways of knowing about ‘other’ cultures and places has long been a source and subject of numerous debates and controversies (1), but the authors problematize it in terms of the “se- curitization of academic knowledge in the name of ‘national interest,’ the challenges arising out of the possibilities of unbounded, transnational fields of scholarship and the future of the university as an institution” (2). The MES also faced an additional crisis as a growing number of social scientists came to perceive it as too focused on in-depth studying of areas instead of seeking to produce knowledge based on universal theories or explanations. MES, thus, increasingly occupied a diminishing space in social sciences in favor of a humanistic turn toward cultural and linguistic approaches (9). This, according to Shami and Miller-Idriss was not simply a matter of intel- lectual skepticism, but rather a reflection of deliberate attempts at siphon- ing social scientists from universities, narrowing knowledge to specific agenda-settings, and limiting space for alternative perspectives. Due to the perceived ‘anti-Americanism’ of MES, in good measure emanating from claims about Edward Said’s “pernicious influence,” the field has increasingly come under siege through federal monitoring, campus watch, scrutiny of scholars exchanges, and funding restrictions (10). Problematizing the context of MES in such terms helps frame the ap- proach of this study around three main themes that comprise the three parts of the book and its eleven chapters. These include the relationship be- tween MES and other social science disciplines, reconfigurations, and new emphases in MES focusing on university restructuring, language training and scholarly trends, and the politics of knowledge as they relate specifical- ly to the many crises in the Middle East (11). Part I, titled “Disciplines and its Boundaries,” comprises four chap- ters, which highlight the interdisciplinary nature of area studies as a sub- field within the entire “problem-solving” structure of social sciences. This tendency distinguished area studies from earlier Orientalist/civilizational scholarly traditions. The four chapters in Part I cover the relationship be- tween area studies and political science (Lisa Wedeen), sociology (Reshat Kasaba), economics (Karen Pfeifer), and geography (Amy Mills and Timur Hammond). Together, they demonstrate how the privileged discipline or “prestige area” for theorizing reflects a different relationship with area studies depending on the discipline’s definition of the “universal” (11). Wedeen challenges positivist/methodological claims about the separation of fact and value, and the unification of liberalism and science in such a fashion as to render the subfield of American studies a standard universal “nonarea”, reflecting American exceptionalism (12). Kasaba examines the historically cyclical relationship between sociology and area studies “as a push-and-pull reaction to particular political imperatives,” related to how social sciences and American foreign policy have been intertwined since WWII (12). Pfeifer focuses on how international financial institutions have shaped much of western economists’ approaches to the Middle East region, entrenching neoclassical economic ideas associated with stabilization, lib- eralization, and privatization (13). Mills and Hammond examine the “spa- tial turn” in area studies, and how spatial methodologies have provided for a means to understand the broad socio-economic and political dynamics that have served to shape the Middle East. They point also to the interdisci- plinary nature of spatial studies that could very well transform area studies by linking the region to its global context (14-15). Part II, titled “Middle East Studies and the University,” comprises four chapters by Jonathan Z. Friedman and Cynthia Miller-Idriss, Elizabeth An- derson Worden and Jeremy M. Browne, Laura Bier, and Charles Kurzman and Carl W. Ernst. These chapters highlight how knowledge about the Middle East are produced through changing institutional structures and architectures, particularly in relation to the rise of “the global” as a major organizational form within American universities. They also focus on the “capacities” needed to produce a new generation of qualified specialists ca- pable of dealing with profound regional changes that would also require dif- ferent policy and educational approaches (15). Friedman and Miller-Idriss look at the Hagop Kevorkian Center for Near Eastern Studies at New York University (NYU) in order to investigate how area studies centers as well as universities are to transform themselves into global institutions. They point to two separate but coexisting logics of internationalization: that of the specialist with deeper knowledge of the area, and the cosmopolitan who emphasizes breadth in global experience in order to produce the ‘global citizen’ (15-16). Worden and Browne focus on reasons why it was difficult for American institutions to produce proficient Arabic language speakers in significant numbers. They offer an explanation in terms of structural and cultural factors related to time constraints that graduate students face in or- der to learn the language, the relative lower status of language instructors, the devaluation of language learning by some social sciences disciplines, and, for all practical purposes, the difficulty of learning Arabic. Bier ana- lyzes PhD dissertations concerned with the Middle East across six social sciences disciplines (political science, sociology, anthropology, economics, history and MES) during the period 2000-2010, focusing on their themes, topics and methods (253). She points out that neoliberalism and what is termed the ‘Washington Consensus’ have come to dominate political sci- ence, sociology and economics, while issues of identity, gender, colonial- ism, the nation, and Islam dominate in anthropology, history, and MES. Kurzman and Ernst go beyond Bier’s thematic approach to highlight the renewed and significant institutional growth of interest in Islamic studies for national security concerns. They point as well to the encouragement offered by a number of universities to promote cross-regional approaches, not constrained by narrower definitions of distinct regions, although they also raise the problem of lack of adequate federal funding for such purpos- es. Part III, titled “the Politics of Knowledge,” comprises three chapters by Seteney Sami and Marcial Godoy-Anativia, Ussama Makdisi, and Irene Gendzier; and an ‘Afterward’ by Lisa Anderson. These chapters examine not only the production of knowledge but also how knowledge is frequently silenced by forces that “structure and restrict freedom of speech, censor- ship and self-censorship”—the so-called “chilling effects” (19). Sami and Godoy-Anativia examine the themes of campus watch or surveillance and public criticism of MES, especially after the 9/11 events of 2001, and their impact on academia and “institutional architectures” as knowledge is secu- ritized and “privatized” (19). Makdisi and Gendzier question how Ameri- can scholarship about the region has changed over time, yet almost always highly charged and politicized in large measure due to the Arab-Zionist/ Israeli conflict (20-21). Despite moves toward more critical and postna- tionalist approaches, Makdisi emphasizes that overall academic freedom has nevertheless been curtailed. Genzier, in turn, points to how “ignorance has [come to have] strategic value,” as “caricatured images” pass for anal- ysis (21-22). Finally, given the securitization and other intimidating mea- sures undertaken around campuses and universities, Anderson concludes that the state of a “beleaguered” (442) MES is deplorable, describing it as “demoralized, lacking academic freedom and reliable research data, and function in a general climate of repression, neglect and isolation” (22, 442). This important book—with extensive bibliographies in each chapter and its detailed exploration of the state of the field of United States MES in the twenty-first century—stands as a reference source for all interested in Middle East studies. “Infrastructures for Knowledge” could have made for a provocative main title of this work, in reference to the production of knowledge on the Middle East and the reproduction of new generations of Middle Eastern specialists. Its most salient aspect is that it highlights and underscores the formal and informal authoritarian and securitization mea- sures adopted by US federal agencies as well as universities to set effective restrictions on what can or cannot be said and/or taught about MES, both in academic institutions and in the media. In addition to the proliferation of both private and public watchdogs monitoring how MES is being taught on campuses, the establishment since 2003 of twelve Homeland Security Centers of Excellence at six universities (with grants totaling about 100 million dollars) is indicative of the scale of intrusive measures (101). The broader problem is that such infringements do not take place only in US universities. Given that county’s totalizing and vested interests in influenc- ing how knowledge is produced and consumed globally, not least in and about the Middle East, the extent of its hegemonic control in that region can only be surmised.
 Amr G.E. SabetDepartment of Political ScienceDalarna University, Falun, Sweden

This paper investigates the mechanisms of subordinating the system of science and higher education to the needs of boosting capital in the conditions of a new business model characteristic of neoliberal capitalism. The author uses as a theoretical framework of critical studies of science and higher education systems developed in Poland by Krystian Szadkowski based on political economy (Simon Marginson and Gigi Roggero). The weakness of the recently implemented reform of Polish education, the essence of which is making the status of ‘scientist’ dependent on publication in high-ranking journals belonging to publishing corporations’ oligopoly, is that the natural and technical disciplines have been places on an equal evaluation footing with social sciences and humanities. This practice impoverishes the educational and critical functions of humanities, impoverishes the research questions, impoverishes the research methodology, and consequently, their cognitive values. The assessment of the quality of a social researcher’s work, to be reliable, should include several other components—the presence of an “invisible university” in international networks (e.g. measured by selected citation indicators), but also problematization and interpretative innovation, as well as an original contribution to the achievements of the discipline. Monographs mainly document this. Qualitative expert assessment is required for evaluation. Therefore, the publication of monographs in reputable Polish and foreign publishing houses should become a showcase of the Polish social researcher, rather than contributing journal papers. In the paper, the author synthesizes his various analyses of contemporary capitalism and the role that science and the research and development sector play in accumulating capital.

I introduce a case study from organization studies to argue that social epistemologists’ recommendation to cultivate diversity and dissent in science is unlikely to be welcomed in the social sciences unless it is coupled with another epistemic ideal: the norm of epistemic responsibility. The norm of epistemic responsibility enables me to show that organization scholars’ concern with the fragmentation of their discipline is generated by false assumptions: the assumption that a diversity of theoretical approaches will lead to fragmentation and the assumption that an imposed consensus on a theoretical approach is needed to maintain the unity of the discipline.

AbstractIt is widely held in the Northwest Territories that consensus rather than partisanship may be the most appropriate principle to guide the anticipated restructuring of the Territories' government. This note argues to the contrary that the social basis for consensus politics is absent in the NWT and that present practice in the Legislative Assembly of the NWT owes more to nonpartisanship than to consensus and does not predict a consensual future. However, this practice also does not necessarily point to a parliamentary system in the future; this study identifies four alternative systems as possibilities. It argues that, whatever the format of the Assembly, consociationalism, including significant devolution of power to local governments, represents the most promising direction to explore because it reflects the Territories' social structure and addresses the fundamental concerns of the cultural communities of the NWT.

Dangers to life and health abound. Even among the subset known to medicine and science, however, there is no guarantee that any particular danger will rise to the level of a recognized public health problem or elicit a response from the makers of public policy. The path from knowledge to policy is not straightforward; scientific consensus does not lead automatically to policy consensus. Judgments of what dangers should be most feared, how to explain them, what to do about them, and even whether they are public health problems at all are the outcome of social processes. A couple of examples may help to clarify these points.