Academic literature on the topic 'Praetorian prefect'
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Journal articles on the topic "Praetorian prefect"
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Peachin, Michael. "Consultation with a Magistrate in Justinian'sCode." Classical Quarterly 42, no. 2 (1992): 448–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800016074.
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In his monograph on the praetorian prefect, L. L. Howe found it necessary to include an appendix concerning theCodex Justinianusas a source for this official. The problem was that while manuscripts or early editors had labelled various recipients of third-century imperial constitutions as prefects, all save two of those appellations were expunged by Krueger in his edition of theCJ. Howe considered it ‘impossible to believe’ that only two of the numerous pre-Diocletianic rescripts preserved by Justinian's compilers should have been directed to praetorian prefects; but he also realised that without further evidence or argumentation, Krueger's scepticism could not simply be ignored. The solution was to label some cases dubious; others, following Krueger, were rejected altogether. But beyond this, Howe was able to discover several instances of entirely unlabelled addressees who could be identified with otherwise known praetorian prefects, and he supposed that many similar cases might be found.
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Mennen, Inge. "Praetorian Prefects’ Power and Senatorial Status in the Third Century: Re-evaluating Historia Augusta, Vita Alexandri 21.5." Mnemosyne 65, no. 4-5 (2012): 656–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852511x547992.
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Abstract In Vita Alexandri 21.5 the author of the Historia Augusta claims that praetorian prefects were elevated to the rank of senator by Severus Alexander to make sure that no Roman senator would be judged by someone who was not a senator. Most scholars agree that the writer of the Historia Augusta makes a muddle of truth, half truth and falsehood concerning the grant of senatorial dignity to praetorian prefects. Yet they pay little attention to the statement concerning the motive of the prefects’ status upgrade. Re-interpretations based on recent discoveries suggest that information from the Historia Augusta may contain elements of truth, which makes it worthwhile to re-evaluate cases for which alternative sources are available. In this article, the case of L. Petronius Taurus Volusianus, praetorian prefect under Gallienus and consul in AD 261, is discussed against the background of changing power and status relations in the third century, showing that Historia Augusta, Vita Alexandri 21.5 may contain more truth than is usually agreed upon.
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FOURLAS, Benjamin. "Κτίστας θεωρεῖς. Wer ist der zivile Würdenträger auf dem Stiftermosaik in der Demetrios-Kirche in Thessaloniki?" BYZANTINA SYMMEIKTA 20 (12 травня 2011): 195. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/byzsym.1011.
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<p>WHO IS THE CIVIL DIGNITARY ON THE MOSAIC OF THE DONORS IN THE CHURCH OF ST DEMETRIOS IN THESSALONIKI? </p><p>This paper focuses on the analysis of the insignia, the portrait and the so-called square nimbus in order to clarify the identity of the anonymous civil dignitary depicted in the famous 7th century mosaic of the donors in the church of St Demetrios in Thessaloniki. It is argued that he is not (as often supposed) the founder of the church, the praetorian prefect of Illyricum Leontios, but rather a contemporary donor of the mid-7th century who contributed to the rebuilding of the church after a fire damaged the building about 620/30. His garment and his insignia do not fit to those of a praetorian prefect but most likely represent the highest senatorial dignity in the 7th century, namely that of an honorary consul (ἀ&pi;ὸ ὑ&pi;ά&tau;&omega;&nu; or ὕ&pi;&alpha;&tau;&omicron;&sigmaf;). This does not exclude the possibility that he did hold the office of the prefect of eastern Illyricum (respectively of Thessaloniki) as well. The mentioning of the name Leo in the mosaic inscription pertaining to the rebuilding after the fire follows a common epigraphic habit in building inscriptions that refers to the authority responsible to approve the execution of the project. This Leo is often assumed to be the same person as the civil dignitary. Although this conclusion is generally possible it has to remain hypothetical.</p>
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Dewar, Michael. "The Fall of Eutropius." Classical Quarterly 40, no. 2 (1990): 582–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800043305.
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The eunuch Eutropius began his ascendancy over Arcadius, Emperor of the East, in late 395, following the murder of the Praetorian Prefect Rufinus. Eutropius, despite his physical shortcomings, ‘sullied the Fasti’ by holding the consulate in 399. By the end of that same year, however, collusion between the barbarian general Gainas and Tribigild, leader of a rebellion of Ostrogoths in Asia Minor, resulted in Eutropius’ fall from power. He was exiled to Cyprus and executed shortly afterwards.
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Faszcza, Michał Norbert, and Karol Kłodziński. "‘IMMUNES’ W ARMII RZYMSKIEJ W UJĘCIU JURYSTY RZYMSKIEGO PUBLIUSA TARUTTIENUSA PATERNUSA." Zeszyty Prawnicze 12, no. 4 (2016): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2012.12.4.03.
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THE ‘IMMUNES’ IN THE ROMAN ARMY ACCORDING TO THE ROMAN JURIST PUBLIUS TARUTTIENUS PATERNUS Summary The article presents the Roman jurist Publius Taruttienus Paternus, who was a praetorian prefect and military commander in the final phase of the Marcomannic Wars, and incorporates an analysis of a passage from Paternus’ Digest (D. 50,6,7). In this passage Paternus described the immunes, a category of Roman soldiers specialising in technical and medical tasks. The authors use legal, numismatic, narrative, epigraphic and papyrological sources.
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Pazdernik, Charles F. "Breaking silence in the historiography of Procopius of Caesarea." Byzantinische Zeitschrift 113, no. 3 (2020): 981–1024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bz-2020-0042.
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AbstractProcopius employs the motif of “grieving in silence” to describe the deliberations preceding Justinian’s invasion of Vandal North Africa in 533 (Wars 3.10.7-8) and his vendetta against the urban prefect of Constantinople in 523 (HA 9.41). The particularity of Procopius’ language in these passages makes their collocation especially pronounced. The distance between the Wars and the Secret History, which represents itself breaking the silence between what the Wars can state publicly and the unvarnished truth (HA 1.1-10), may be measured by two “wise advisers” who speak when others are silent: the quaestor Proclus, warmly remembered for his probity, and the praetorian prefect John the Cappadocian, a figure universally reviled. Discontinuities between the presentation of John in the Wars and the merits of the policies he endorses problematize readers’ impressions of not only John but also the relationship between the Wars and the historical reality the work claims to represent.
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Strechie, Mădălina. "The Praetorian Guard, Rome’s Intelligence Service." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 27, no. 1 (2021): 136–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/kbo-2021-0022.
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Abstract Rome was a kingdom, then a republic, and culminated in a militaristic empire. For this, the city of Mars invented, perfected and organized efficient institutions to carry out its plans, which extended it from the Italic Peninsula throughout the world on which Rome had a say. One of the most efficient institutions, the essence of the Roman executive power, was not the Princeps, but the Praetorian Guard, a military and police institution, at the same time political, economic, but especially with the powers of a secret service, being one of the forerunners of European secret services, surpassing all that had existed until its functioning, not being matched to this day in terms of efficiency and impact in the life of a civilization. When founding the Principate, the Praetorian Guard was the one which transformed the imperial dream of Rome into a historical reality. The “wings of the Roman eagle” that spread over the world conquered by the Romans were Praetorian, if we consider that this institution was coordinated by ordo equester, the tagma of Rome’s career officers, its headquarters, but also the government of Rome, the praetorian prefect also fulfilling the function which today we would call prime minister, the second man in the hierarchy of the Roman state, of course after the princeps (the first of the citizens).Although as a military structure, the Praetorian Guard appeared with the professional Roman army, it reached its peak with the Principate, initially having a guard function for the Roman military commander, it became in time the most effective secret service of classical Antiquity. This success was due to the fact that the Romans were inspired by the Spartans (especially the Ephorian magistrates), but also by the Persians (from the administrative organization of the satrapies, the 10,000 immortals, and especially the royal postal service of Persia), the Roman creation being the most complete, therefore the etymology of the word “information” is Latin.From a military perspective, the Praetorian Guard was organized at all levels of a global society, such as Rome, covering informatively, politically, militarily, economically, but also diplomatically all Roman interests in the world controlled by Rome, being a true intelligence service. It was the first informative outpost in non-Roman territories, which had to be transformed into Roman territories, as was the case of Dacia.
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Pagels, Elaine. "Christian Apologists and “the Fall of the Angels”: An Attack on Roman Imperial Power?" Harvard Theological Review 78, no. 3-4 (1985): 301–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000012414.
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Justin, a philosopher converted to Christianity, addresses these words to the Roman senate as he protests a recent case of arbitrary arrest and execution of Christians. Although outraged by the verdict, he cannot fault the judge, Urbicus, praetorian prefect of Rome, and personal friend of the imperial family. Justin knows that Urbicus only followed orders in pronouncing the mandatory death sentence against those convicted of atheism as evinced by their refusal to worship the gods or to sacrifice to the divine genius of the emperor. Instead Justin invokes the story of Genesis 6—the story of the fall of the angels—to indict the whole system of imperial power, and to attack the divine pantheon that supports it as a false government, a form of demonic tyranny.
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Saunders, Randall T. "Who Murdered Gallienus?" Antichthon 26 (November 1992): 80–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400000708.
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There are several ancient and Byzantine accounts of the assassination of the emperor Gallienus (253-68), who was murdered while besieging a rebellious general, Aureolus, at Milan in early September 268. But few of these accounts agree fully on those who were responsible for the killing, and some are openly contradictory. Modern scholars, in turn, have not been in accord on the members of the conspiracy. A close examination of these sources demonstrates that only three men are reliably attested to have been involved: Heraclianus, Gallienus’ praetorian prefect; Claudius II Gothicus, emperor in 268-70; and Aurelian, emperor in 270-75. In addition, the investigation provides further insights into the development of the historical traditions pertaining to this period of Roman history.
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Mallan, C. T. "PLAUTIANUS' ZEBRAS: A ROMAN EXPEDITION TO EAST AFRICA IN THE EARLY THIRD CENTURY." Classical Quarterly 69, no. 1 (2019): 461–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838819000284.
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The kleptocratic supremacy of the praetorian prefect C. Fulvius Plautianus (PIR2 F 554) was felt throughout the city of Rome, the Empire and (according to one author) even beyond the imperial frontiers. Indeed, for the senatorial historian Dio Cassius, there was no more picturesque demonstration of Plautianus' acquisitiveness than his seizure of strange striped horse-like creatures from ‘islands in the Erythraean Sea’. The passage, as preserved in the text of Xiphilinus' Epitome, reads as follows (Dio Cass. 76[75].14.3): καὶ τέλος ἵππους Ἡλίῳ <ἱεροὺς> τιγροειδεῖς ἐκ τῶν ἐν τῇ Ἐρυθρᾷ θαλάσσῃ νήσων, πέμψας ἑκατοντάρχους, ἐξέκλεψεν·In the end he even stole tiger-like horses <sacred> to Helios from the islands in the Erythraean Sea, having sent some centurions to carry out the task.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Praetorian prefect"
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Roux, Marie. "Le devenir de l’administration civile en Gaule et en Hispanie de 284 à 536 après J.-C. : transformations des institutions romaines, mises en place des royaumes romano-barbares et mutations des élites." Thesis, Paris 10, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA100136.
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Les réformes menées sous Dioclétien et Constantin établirent des circonscriptions et des hiérarchies administratives qui demeurèrent stables dans les Gaules, les Espagnes et en Bretagne, tout au long du IVe siècle. Suite aux usurpations du début du Ve siècle et aux installations des groupes barbares, le pouvoir préfectoral arlésien perdit progressivement le contrôle sur ces provinces, ce qui perturba le fonctionnement de l’appareil fiscal. Au Ve siècle, des membres des familles sénatoriales les plus en vue, souvent originaires du diocèse des Sept Provinces, accaparèrent la charge de préfet du prétoire des Gaules. L’administration des provinces gauloises et hispaniques qui reconnaissaient encore le pouvoir impérial fut alors de plus en plus décentralisée. À partir de la fin des années 460, des aristocrates gallo ou hispano-romains apparaissent comme étant au service des rois, un phénomène qui indique que ces pouvoirs barbares devenaient des acteurs politiques incontournables. La disparition de l’autorité impériale en Occident et le fait que les royaumes romano-barbares devinrent des entités politiques autonomes parachevèrent les fragmentations territoriales, politiques et sociales initiées depuis le début du Ve siècle. Ces nouveaux pouvoirs n’eurent d’autres solutions que de conserver une partie des instances de l’administration judiciaire et fiscale romaine et de les adapter aux nouveaux espaces. Ainsi, c’est à l’échelle locale et, surtout, au niveau de la cité que l’essentiel des fonctions de l’administration civile furent dès lors accomplies et que les trois acteurs majeurs de la vie administrative dans la Gaule franque et l’Hispanie wisigothe, à savoir le comte, l’évêque et les élites des cités, évoluèrent<br>Reforms established under the age of Diocletian and Constantin set up circumscriptions and administrative hierarchies that remained stable throughout the IVth century in Gaul, Spain and Britain. As a consequence of usurpations at the beginning of the Vth century and of Barbarians’ settlements, the Arlesian prefectoral power progressively lost the control of these provinces, thus perturbing the fiscal system. In the Vth century, the prominent senatorial family members, who were often from the Seven Provinces diocese, monopolized the position of praetorian prefect of Gaul. The administration of Gallic and Spanish provinces, which still recognized the imperial power, became more and more decentralized. As of the late 460's, Gallic and Spanish aristocrats are established as kings' servants, which indicates that these Barbarian leaders were becoming very important political players. In the western territories, the disappearance of the imperial power, together with the fact that the Romano-Germanic kingdoms became autonomous political bodies, finished the territorial, political and social fragmentation process that had started at the beginning of the Vth century. These new power entities had no other solution than keeping some of the Roman legal and fiscal administration authorities and adapting them to the new territories. As a consequence, it is at the local scale, and mostly at city level, that most of the positions in civil administration were located and involved the three main players in the Frankish Gaul and Visigothic Spain administration, namely the count, the bishop and the city élites
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Vigneau, Marc-Antoine. "Cassiodore, Variae, Livre 11 : traduction et commentaire historique." Thèse, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/12560.
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Ce mémoire est une traduction et un commentaire historique du livre 11 des Variae de Cassiodore concernant la période où il occupait le poste de préfet du prétoire (533-537). Si les Variae sont de la première importance comme sources pour l’Italie ostrogothique, cela ne se reflète malheureusement pas encore dans l’accessibilité du texte, qui n’a pas encore fait l’objet d’une traduction française ou d’un commentaire historique complet, d’où la nécessité de ce mémoire. On possède en effet peu de sources aussi pertinentes pour le VIe siècle en Italie, et ce qu’on sait par ailleurs sur l’administration de l’époque provient de sources éloignées géographiquement ou chronologiquement. Un commentaire de ce livre nous permet donc de dresser un bon portrait du préfet du prétoire et de son office ainsi que de la situation en Italie entre les années 530 et 540.<br>This thesis is a translation and historical commentary of the book 11 of the Variae by Cassiodorus corresponding to the period he served as praetorian prefect (533-537) under Ostrogothic rule. The Variae are sources of primary importance for Ostrogothic Italy, and they are not yet translated or commented in French, which is what this thesis will attempt to do for the book 11. It is indeed a very important and relevant source to the 6th century in Italy because all others sources for this subject are distant, geographically or chronologically. A commentary on this book allows us to draw a better picture of the praetorian prefect and his office as well as the situation in Italy between 530 A.D. and 540 A.D.
Books on the topic "Praetorian prefect"
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Cassiodorus, Flavius Magnus Aurelius. The Variae of Magnus Aurelius Cassiodorus Senator: The right honourable and illustrious ex-quaestor of the palace, ex-ordinary consul, ex-master of the offices, praetorian prefect and patrician : being documents of the kingdom of the Ostrogoths in Italy, chosen to illustrate the life of the author and the history of his family. Liverpool University Press, 1992.
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Brennan, T. Corey. Sabina ‘Augusta’. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190250997.003.0006.
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This chapter surveys the textual and material evidence for Sabina’s first dozen years as empress. Following his accession in August 117, Hadrian apparently made no special effort to promote Sabina until her designation as Augusta in early 128. This grant preceded but was coordinated with the emperor’s naming as pater patriae (“father of the fatherland”) that same year; both honors were preliminaries to the couple’s five-year journey to the east. Only after her elevation did Sabina see sustained production of empress coinage, and sculptures of her image. Sabina was largely an emblem of continuity with the Ulpian line: the living embodiment of her deified mother, Matidia, and grandmother Marciana. The chapter also examines a costly dedication at Perge (Pamphylia); a perplexing note about her absence from Hadrian’s private birthday celebration; and (most consequentially) a reported scandal linking her with one of Hadrian’s praetorian prefects and his correspondence secretary, Suetonius.
Book chapters on the topic "Praetorian prefect"
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"Introduction." In Tacitus: Annals V and VI, edited by Ronald Martin. Liverpool University Press, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9780856687211.003.0001.
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This introductory chapter begins by looking at Roman historical writing before Tacitus. It then provides a background of the life and works of Tacitus. It is not known how many books the Annals comprised, when complete — or indeed whether Tacitus lived to complete the work which, as extant, breaks off in the middle of Book 16 in A.D. 66, two years before Nero's suicide. Though much of the material used by Tacitus for his portrait of Tiberius is found also in Suetonius' biography of the emperor, the structure that Tacitus gives to his narrative is his own. The six books of the reign are divided into two triads, a division that is clearly marked at the beginning of Book 4, where Tacitus states that at this point (A.D. 23) there was a significant change for the worse in Tiberius' reign, a change he ascribes to the malign influence that Aelius Sejanus, Prefect of the Praetorian Guard, now began to exert upon the Princeps. The missing portion of Book 5 will have seen Sejanus' power and authority grow still further, reaching its zenith when he became consul, with Tiberius himself as colleague. The chapter then details the structure, sources, language and style, and text and translation of Annals 5 and 6.
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Drijvers, Jan Willem. "Rise to Power." In The Forgotten Reign of the Emperor Jovian (363-364). Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197600702.003.0002.
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This chapter offers a reconstruction of Jovian’s rise to imperial power after Julian died in the Persian heartland. A few hours after Julian’s death, the army generals, the commanders of the legions and cavalry squadrons, as well as high civil officials assembled at the dawn of June 27, 363, to elect a successor. After the praetorian prefect Salutius had declined the emperorship and no agreement could be reached on a suitable candidate, the imperial guardsmen (protectores) put their commander (primicerius domesticorum) Jovian forward as the new emperor. He was soon accepted by the generals, high officials, and the complete army as their new ruler. Although sometimes argued otherwise, Jovian’s elevation to the throne was legitimate according to the primary sources. According to the Christian sources, Jovian initially refused to became emperor (recusatio imperii). Although Ammianus Marcellinus mentions that he was unfit for the emperorship, it is argued that Jovian’s background, his family connections (his own father Varronianus and his father-in-law Lucillianus), as well as his own military career, made him eligible for the emperorship. Nevertheless, Jovian was a compromise candidate and was made emperor not for his dynamic leadership, but in the expectation that he would work in collaboration with the senior staff (the men who had elected him) to get the army out of Persia and to lead the soldiers back to Roman territory.
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"Appendix 3: Praetorian Prefects." In Praetorian. Yale University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/9780300226270-016.
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"5. A Tale of Two Prefects (51–68)." In Praetorian. Yale University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/9780300226270-007.
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Sperber, Daniel. "Administration and Organization of the Market." In The City in Roman Palestine. Oxford University Press, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195098822.003.0006.
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To operate a market, or fair, individuals and communities needed the sanction of the Roman senate or the emperor. We are told that the Emperor Claudius held markets on his estates. Pliny mentions in one of his Letters that “Sollers, a man of praetorian rank, petitioned the Senate to be allowed to establish a market on his estate. His petition was opposed by envoys from Vicetia—no doubt because there was a market in that town which stood to lose from Sollers’ competition.” An inscription from 138 C.E. describes how a new market was established at Casae in the Roman province of Africa Proconsularis. The founding of this market required a specific vote of the Senate at Rome and granted Lucilius Africanus, a senator, permission to hold a market twice a month on a regular basis. The official decision of the Senate was formulated as follows: . . .Concerning this matter the senate decreed as follows: that Lucilius Africanus, vir clarissimus, be permitted to establish and maintain a market at Casae in the province of Africa, Beguensian district, territory of the Musulamians, on November 2 and 20 and every month there in the fourth day before the Nones and the twelfth day before the Kalends, and that people from the neighbourhood be permitted to gather and assemble there for the convenience of attending market only, without harm or inconvenience to anyone. . . . . . . But what was the real effect of the decision of the Roman Senate? John E. Stanbaugh gives us a hint in his book The Ancient Roman City: “Lurking clearly between the lines of the inscription are the prospect of big profits for Lucilius and the desire of the authorities that the market not become the focus of any political activity.” Normally, after receiving permission to establish a market, it became subject to the authority of the city prefect. Cicero writes that “there will be aediles who will oversee the city’s markets, merchandise, and food supplies. . . .”, while from the Digesta we learn that “It is his job to see that meat is offered for sale at a fair price, and for this reason the swine market is . . . under his supervision. Similarly other livestock which are used to provide meat are within his jurisdiction.”
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"Chapter Three. Praetorian Prefects And Other High-Ranking Equestrians." In Power and Status in the Roman Empire, AD 193-284. BRILL, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/ej.9789004203594.i-306.24.
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