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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Praetorian state

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Academic literature on the topic 'Praetorian state'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Praetorian state"

1

Husain, Ejaz. "Pakistan: Civil-Military Relations in a Post-Colonial State." PCD Journal 4, no. 1-2 (June 8, 2017): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/pcd.25771.

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This article has attempted to explain why the military has remained a powerful political institution/force in Pakistan. Its purpose was to test a hypothesis that posited that the colonial authority structure and the 1947 partition-oriented structural dynamics provided an important structural construct in explaining politics and the military in post-colonial Pakistan. To explain and analyse the problem, the study used books, journals, newspapers and government documents for quantitative/explanatory analysis. The analysis has focused on the military in the colonial authority structure in which the former, along with the civil bureaucracy and the landed-feudal class, formed an alliance to pursue politico-economic interests in British India. The article has also explained and analysed the partition-oriented structural dynamics in terms of territory (Kashmir) and population (Indian refugees). The findings proved that these 'structural dynamics' have affected politics and the military in Pakistan. The theoretical framework in terms of 'praetorian oligarchy' has been applied to structurally explain colonial politics ad well as politics and the military in Pakistan. The study treated Pakistan as a praetorian state which structurally inherited the pre-partition 'praetorian oligarchy'. This praetorian oligarchy constructed 'Hindu India' as the enemy to pursue politico-economic interests. The military, a part of praetorian oligarchy, emerged from this as a powerful political actor due to its coercive power. It has sought political power to pursue economic objectives independently.

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Arshad. "Understanding the Praetorian Rule of Fatah al-Sisi in Egypt." PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD) 2, no. 2 (August 30, 2021): 119–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.46404/panjogov.v2i2.3233.

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Gamal Abdel Nasser established the praetorian regime in 1952. Nasser ruled Egypt with the ‘party-state’ system to maintain the ‘social contract’ between the state and the Egyptians. The government thrived on the patrimonial relationship and de-politicization of the population. The ‘Egyptian upheaval’ in 2011 sought the protection of individuals’ rights, equality, and freedom against the military-led praetorian regime. A short-democratic experiment led to the arrival of Islamist majority rule in Egypt under the leadership of President Mohammed Morsi. The liberal-secular oppositions and the military removed President Morsi because Islamists failed to achieve the protesters’ aspirations. Egyptians supported the military’s rule that led to the election of General Abdel Fatah al-Sisi as President of Egypt. Fatah al-Sisi shifted the dynamics of government from ‘party-state’ to ‘ruler-arbiter’ praetorian rule that centralized the authority and power under his leadership through military domination to counter the Islamists and revolutionary aspirations. The research explains the causality behind the Egyptian military's intervention in politics, structuring of the praetorian regime in Egypt; the return of military praetorianism after the removal of President Hosni Mubarak; the rise of the Sisi as ‘ruler-arbiter’ and its implications on the democratization process. The paper’s method is explanatory to study the ‘structural’ (military) and ‘agential’ (Sisi’s rule) factors to determine the causes of establishing the praetorian ‘ruler-arbiter’ type Sisi’s regime. The approach to examine the ruler-arbiter phenomenon is the ‘actor-centric’ instead of the ‘mechanistic’ to understand the praetorian rule in Egypt. The research finds that the rise of the ‘ruler-arbiter’ regime under the leadership of the Sisi, caused by the military-established praetorian authority and President Sisi's choices and decisions, led to the failure of the democratization in Egypt.

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Larsen, Arne. "Hassan Gardezi & Jamil Rashid (Eds.), Pakistan: The Roots of Dictatorship. The Political Economy of a Praetorian State, London: Zed Press, 1983, 412 s., 8 £; Kirsten Westergaard, State and Rural Society in Bangladesh. A study in relationship, London and M." Politica 18, no. 2 (January 1, 1986): 205. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/politica.v18i2.68812.

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Hassan Gardezi & Jamil Rashid (Eds.), Pakistan: The Roots of Dictatorship. The Political Economy of a Praetorian State, London: Zed Press, 1983, 412 s., 8 £; Kirsten Westergaard, State and Rural Society in Bangladesh. A study in relationship, London and Malmo: Curzon Press, 1985, 198 s., 6.50 £.

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Strechie, Mădălina. "The Praetorian Guard, Rome’s Intelligence Service." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 27, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 136–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/kbo-2021-0022.

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Abstract Rome was a kingdom, then a republic, and culminated in a militaristic empire. For this, the city of Mars invented, perfected and organized efficient institutions to carry out its plans, which extended it from the Italic Peninsula throughout the world on which Rome had a say. One of the most efficient institutions, the essence of the Roman executive power, was not the Princeps, but the Praetorian Guard, a military and police institution, at the same time political, economic, but especially with the powers of a secret service, being one of the forerunners of European secret services, surpassing all that had existed until its functioning, not being matched to this day in terms of efficiency and impact in the life of a civilization. When founding the Principate, the Praetorian Guard was the one which transformed the imperial dream of Rome into a historical reality. The “wings of the Roman eagle” that spread over the world conquered by the Romans were Praetorian, if we consider that this institution was coordinated by ordo equester, the tagma of Rome’s career officers, its headquarters, but also the government of Rome, the praetorian prefect also fulfilling the function which today we would call prime minister, the second man in the hierarchy of the Roman state, of course after the princeps (the first of the citizens).Although as a military structure, the Praetorian Guard appeared with the professional Roman army, it reached its peak with the Principate, initially having a guard function for the Roman military commander, it became in time the most effective secret service of classical Antiquity. This success was due to the fact that the Romans were inspired by the Spartans (especially the Ephorian magistrates), but also by the Persians (from the administrative organization of the satrapies, the 10,000 immortals, and especially the royal postal service of Persia), the Roman creation being the most complete, therefore the etymology of the word “information” is Latin.From a military perspective, the Praetorian Guard was organized at all levels of a global society, such as Rome, covering informatively, politically, militarily, economically, but also diplomatically all Roman interests in the world controlled by Rome, being a true intelligence service. It was the first informative outpost in non-Roman territories, which had to be transformed into Roman territories, as was the case of Dacia.

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Mansur, Salim, Hassan Gardezi, and Jamil Rashid. "Pakistan: The Roots of Dictatorship: The Political Economy of a Praetorian State." International Journal 40, no. 2 (1985): 395. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40202270.

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Young, Crawford. "Zaïre: the Shattered Illusion of the Integral State." Journal of Modern African Studies 32, no. 2 (June 1994): 247–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0001274x.

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Zaïre, by the early 1990s, by some accounts had all but vanished. One senior American diplomat described it as nothing more than the presidential vessel ‘Kamanyola’ anchored safely offshore in the Zaïre River, an élite praetorian guard compensated in hard currency, the remote marble city of Gbadolite, a shrivelled state superstructure nourished by diamond smuggling. Its perennial President, Mobutu Sese Seko, was characterised contemptuously by a French official as ‘a walking bank account in a leopard-skin cap’. More than a decade ago, a former publicist for the central régime had relegated the once-powerful state to a zone of non-existence: ‘The state does not exist or no longer exists in Za’. The 1992 National Conference resolved to expunge Zaire from history by restoring its earlier colonial and post-colonial nomenclature of ‘Congo’.

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Łuć, Ireneusz. "Wojskowe monety Nerona. Typy adlocvt coh i decvrsio." Vox Patrum 67 (December 16, 2018): 361–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3404.

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The main recipients of the ADLOCVT COH and DECVRSIO sesterces were Roman soldiers. As part of the pay and occasional cash prizes, these coins were offered not only to the Praetorians or the soldiers of cohors Germanorum, but also to the legionnaires, the soldiers of the Auxilia and those who served in the fleet. Money played a vital role in the communication between the emperor and milites Romani. It was through the use of certain types of ideas and slogans that the ruler created his own image, e.g. as a trained horseman and a competent commander (vide DECVRSIO). In turn, by publicizing the fact that the emperor gave special speeches to the soldiers who participated in the military rallies (vide ADLOCVT COH) he could pursue the political goals that the current situation required, such as the restoration of the correct relations between Nero and the Praetorian soldiers after the failure of the Pisonian conspiracy. Emissions of the coins showing this type of encounter in the wider context always meant the “bond” of the emperor with the subordinates, which was certainly welcomed by them. Therefore, the use of the slogan adlocutio became a universal idea in the relations between the soldiers and the emperors of the Roman state.

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Carlton-Ford, Steve, Katherine Durante, Ciera Graham, and Thomas David Evans. "Essay: Common Fates, Common Goals—A Response to Cyr." Armed Forces & Society 46, no. 3 (May 6, 2019): 523–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x19845021.

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“The Soldier, the State, and the People—Costs and Benefits of Military Regimes”: Evaluating the Essay “Guns and Butter: Child Mortality and the Mediators of Militarization” raises several concerns about the theory and analyses in our article. We address what we see as the three most important: (1) the necessity of both qualitative and quantitative analyses in the study of militarization; (2) correlational versus causal analysis; and (3) the value of Huntington’s analysis of praetorian militarization. We have varying levels of agreement.

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Harris, Kevan. "THE RISE OF THE SUBCONTRACTOR STATE: POLITICS OF PSEUDO-PRIVATIZATION IN THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN." International Journal of Middle East Studies 45, no. 1 (February 2013): 45–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743812001250.

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AbstractSince 2009, analyses of Iran have stressed the centralizing takeover of the country's economy by a single state institution, the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps. At the same time, however, Iran's factionalized political elite uniformly advocate for rapid privatization of state-owned enterprises. Underneath this puzzling contradiction is a complex shift of economic ownership away from the state toward a variety of parastatal organizations including banks, cooperatives, pension funds, foundations, and military-linked contractors. The result is not a praetorian monolith but a subcontractor state. This article draws on interviews conducted in Iran during 2009 and 2010, primary data from parliamentary and governmental reports, and secondary sources to show how intraelite conflict and nonelite claims have structured the process of privatization. Framed comparatively with privatization outcomes in other middle-income countries, Iran's subcontractor state can be seen as a consequence of the way in which politics and society shaped the form of capitalism that has taken root in the Islamic Republic.

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Agyeman, Opoku. "Setbacks to Political Institutionalisation by Praetorianism in Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 26, no. 3 (September 1988): 403–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00011708.

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Praetorianism has been authoritatively defined as a situation in which ‘the military class of a given society exercises independent political power within it by virtue of an actual or threatened use of military force’.1 A praetorian state, by elaboration, is one in which the military tends to intervene and potentially could dominate the political system. The political processes of this state favor the development of the military as the core group and the growth of its expectations as a ruling class; its political leadership (as distinguished from bureaucratic, administrative and managerial leadership) is chiefly recruited from the military, or from groups sympathetic, or at least not antagonistic, to the military. Constitutional changes are effected and sustained by the militaty, and the army frequently intervenes in the government.2

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Praetorian state"

1

In, Nam-sik. "Authoritarianism in Egypt and South Korea : praetorian regimes of Gamal Abdul Nasser and Chung Hee Park." Thesis, Durham University, 2003. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/1065/.

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Lavan, Luke. "Provincial capitals of late antiquity." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.364407.

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Šťastná, Ema. "Role armády ve státě v čase přechodu k demokracii : případová studie civilně-vojenských vztahů v Egyptě." Master's thesis, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-347856.

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In connection with the events of the Arab Spring in 2011, the region of northern Africa in particular underwent significant political changes. One of the states in which widespread protests caused the overturn of the authoritarian regime and subsequently established the democratization process was also Egypt, whose case is profoundly analysed in the second part of the thesis. Generally speaking, the thesis is concerned with the analysis of civil-military relations in states characterized by the low political culture. In the first place, it focuses on societies undergoing democratization process where the military traditionally maintains strong position within the state and hence often assumes the role of the leader of the transition. Therefore, the principal objective of the analysis constitutes the role of the army at the time of transition to democracy. At the same time, the thesis poses three research questions aiming partly at the military position, partly at the motives determining the willingness of the military to intervene. In the second part, the thesis analyses the given case through five defined factors which it subsequently examines in two levels: conceptual and interventionist. The goal of the thesis it to explain which factors determine strong position of the army in given praetorian...

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Books on the topic "Praetorian state"

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Thigpen, Jerry L. The Praetorian STARShip: The untold story of the Combat Talon. Maxwell Air Force Base, Ala: Air University Press, 2001.

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The Praetorian guard: The U.S. role in the new world order. Boston, MA: South End Press, 1991.

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3

John, Stockwell. The Praetorian guard: The U.S. role in the new world security complex. Boston, MA: South End Press, 1991.

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Soldiers and Diplomacy in Burma: Understanding The Foreign Relations Of The Burmese Praetorian State. National University of Singapore Press, 2013.

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Elkins, Nathan T. The Image of Political Power in the Reign of Nerva, AD 96-98. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190648039.001.0001.

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Nerva ruled from September AD 96 to January 98. His short reign provided little public building and monumental art, and study of Nerva has been the province of the historian, who often relies on textual sources written after his death. History has judged Nerva as an emperor who lacked the respect of the Praetorians and armed forces, and who was vulnerable to coercion. The most complete record of state-sanctioned art from Nerva’s reign is his imperial coinage, frequently studied with historical hindsight and thus characterized as “hopeful,” “apologetic,” or otherwise relating the anxiety of the period. But art operated independently of later and biased historical texts, always presenting the living emperor in a positive light. This book reexamines Nerva’s imperial coinage in positivistic terms and relates imagery to contemporary poetry and panegyric, which praised the emperor. While the audiences at which images were directed included the emperor, attention to hoards and finds also indicates what visual messages were most important in Nerva’s reign and at what other groups in the Roman Empire they were directed. The relationship between the imagery and the rhetoric used by Frontinus, Martial, Tacitus, and Pliny to characterize Nerva and his reign allows reinvestigation of debate about the agency behind the creation of images on imperial coinage. Those in charge of the mint were close to the emperor’s inner circle and thus walked alongside prominent senatorial politicians and equestrians who wrote praise directed at the emperor; those men were in a position to visualize that praise.

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Book chapters on the topic "Praetorian state"

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Perlmutter *, Amos. "The Praetorian State and the Praetorian Army." In Analyzing the Third World, 300–322. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351319645-21.

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Rizvi, Hasan Askari. "Pakistan: civil-military relations in a praetorian state." In The Military and Democracy in Asia and the Pacific. ANU Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.22459/mdap.03.2004.06.

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Sulehria, Farooq. "From Overdeveloped State to Praetorian Pakistan: Tracing the Media's Transformations." In New Perspectives on Pakistan's Political Economy, 241–55. Cambridge University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108761154.013.

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Barany, Zoltan. "After Military Rule in Latin America: Argentina, Chile, and Guatemala." In The Soldier and the Changing State. Princeton University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691137681.003.0006.

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This chapter describes the politics following Argentina's and Chile's last bout with authoritarianism. In spite of some important similarities between Argentina and Chile, military rule and the subsequent democratization process have been dissimilar. The chapter argues that the disparate performance of the Argentine and Chilean praetorian elites yielded for them different bargains with the opposition. These different deals led to vastly different outcomes, that is, profound disparities between military politics in contemporary Chile and Argentina. In Chile, democratizers have succeeded in gradually reducing the military's political autonomy to a level acceptable by democratic standards. On the other hand, their Argentine colleagues have gone too far in what has amounted to a virtual vendetta against the military as an institution and, in the process, seriously impaired its ability to protect and project Argentine national interests. The chapter's secondary case is Guatemala, a Central American state ruled for most of the Cold War by unusually brutal military dictators.

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"Bully praetorian states." In Globalization and the Politics of Development in the Middle East, 134–67. Cambridge University Press, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511807688.008.

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Pagés, Juan Luis Requejo. "The Spanish Constitutional Tribunal." In The Max Planck Handbooks in European Public Law, 719–78. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198726418.003.0014.

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This chapter examines the Spanish Tribunal Constitucional. It showcases the story of the Tribunal as one of an institution that has been crucial for the success of the 1978 Constitution and thus for the setting up and consolidation of the Spanish constitutional democracy. It has brought to an end the work that the founding fathers were not able to conclude in 1978 as far as the territorial distribution of power is concerned. However, the chapter considers if maybe it is finally time to translate its praetorian construction of the autonomic State (Estado autonómico) into the words of the written Constitution, and by doing so closing a process that should not stay open permanently, and exposed to eventual substantial changes in the jurisprudence of the Tribunal, with all that this would imply at the expense of the definition of the territorial Constitution and its stability. In any case, the experience shows that entrusting a constitutional court with such a task implies to overburden it with a responsibility that no court is able to deal with for a long time.

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Davidson, Christopher M. "Advanced Sultanism: A Category Emerges." In From Sheikhs to Sultanism, 237–56. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197586488.003.0010.

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The first of two summary discussions, this chapter begins by assessing the extent to which MBS and MBZ’s regimes converge or diverge with other examples of contemporary sultanism. With regard to convergence, it notes: their political patronage networks; their dominance over economic affairs; the extent to which their extended families have served as surrogates for ruling parties; their tightening up of almost all civil society and media organizations; their increasing control over military forces and security services (including the development of more potent praetorian guards); the apparently non-ideological nature of their regimes; and—with some caveats—their erection of personal charismatic façades. With regard to divergence, it notes: Saudi Arabia and the UAE’s relatively well-performing health and education systems; their advances in women’s access to education and health; their fairly positive economic development indicators; their strong global economic integration; and what seems to have been a genuine reduction in corruption. Seeking to explain these divergences, the chapter suggests that Saudi Arabia and the UAE’s rentier state legacies combined with their continuing use of Western and other advanced economy consultants are key to understanding MBS and MBZ’s more ‘advanced’ strain of sultanism. In this context, ‘advanced sultanism’ is posited as an important new sub-set of contemporary sultanism.

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"Creating Tourist “Meccas” in Praetorian States:." In The Politics of Tourism in Asia, 153–77. University of Hawaii Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv9zcjr9.10.

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Perlmutter, Amos. "Civil–Military Relations in Socialist Authoritarian and Praetorian States: Prospects and Retrospects." In Soldiers, Peasants, and Bureaucrats, 310–31. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003108542-17.

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Łajtar, Adam. "Divus Probus(?) in a fragmentary building(?) inscription in Latin found in Kato (Nea) Paphos, Cyprus." In Classica Orientalia. Essays presented to Wiktor Andrzej Daszewski on his 75th Birthday, 341–52. DiG Publisher, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.37343/pcma.uw.dig.9788371817212.pp.341-352.

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The paper concerns a fragmentary Latin inscription on a broken slab of marble, found in secondary fill in the residential villa excavated by the Polish team in Nea Paphos. It is dated by the type of script to the second half of the 3rd or the first half of the 4th century AD. A review of an updated collection of Latin texts (including some bilingual inscriptions in Latin and Greek) discovered in Cyprus demonstrated that they are either directly or indirectly connected with the Roman state and Roman institutions. The juncture cum porticibus indicates that it was either a building inscription or a honorific inscription for someone, possibly Divus Probus (although the text could be supplemented with the names of other divine or divinized figures), who was involved in some kind of building activity, either by giving money for the construction or by consecrating it. The commemoration could have concerned the construction of an important administrative building (praetorium), military installation, road station etc. or a municipal structure founded by a Roman or consecrated by a Roman state official and incorporating a portico (bath, market place, theater, temple, etc.).

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