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1
Husain, Ejaz. "Pakistan: Civil-Military Relations in a Post-Colonial State." PCD Journal 4, no. 1-2 (June 8, 2017): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/pcd.25771.
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This article has attempted to explain why the military has remained a powerful political institution/force in Pakistan. Its purpose was to test a hypothesis that posited that the colonial authority structure and the 1947 partition-oriented structural dynamics provided an important structural construct in explaining politics and the military in post-colonial Pakistan. To explain and analyse the problem, the study used books, journals, newspapers and government documents for quantitative/explanatory analysis. The analysis has focused on the military in the colonial authority structure in which the former, along with the civil bureaucracy and the landed-feudal class, formed an alliance to pursue politico-economic interests in British India. The article has also explained and analysed the partition-oriented structural dynamics in terms of territory (Kashmir) and population (Indian refugees). The findings proved that these 'structural dynamics' have affected politics and the military in Pakistan. The theoretical framework in terms of 'praetorian oligarchy' has been applied to structurally explain colonial politics ad well as politics and the military in Pakistan. The study treated Pakistan as a praetorian state which structurally inherited the pre-partition 'praetorian oligarchy'. This praetorian oligarchy constructed 'Hindu India' as the enemy to pursue politico-economic interests. The military, a part of praetorian oligarchy, emerged from this as a powerful political actor due to its coercive power. It has sought political power to pursue economic objectives independently.
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Arshad. "Understanding the Praetorian Rule of Fatah al-Sisi in Egypt." PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD) 2, no. 2 (August 30, 2021): 119–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.46404/panjogov.v2i2.3233.
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Gamal Abdel Nasser established the praetorian regime in 1952. Nasser ruled Egypt with the ‘party-state’ system to maintain the ‘social contract’ between the state and the Egyptians. The government thrived on the patrimonial relationship and de-politicization of the population. The ‘Egyptian upheaval’ in 2011 sought the protection of individuals’ rights, equality, and freedom against the military-led praetorian regime. A short-democratic experiment led to the arrival of Islamist majority rule in Egypt under the leadership of President Mohammed Morsi. The liberal-secular oppositions and the military removed President Morsi because Islamists failed to achieve the protesters’ aspirations. Egyptians supported the military’s rule that led to the election of General Abdel Fatah al-Sisi as President of Egypt. Fatah al-Sisi shifted the dynamics of government from ‘party-state’ to ‘ruler-arbiter’ praetorian rule that centralized the authority and power under his leadership through military domination to counter the Islamists and revolutionary aspirations. The research explains the causality behind the Egyptian military's intervention in politics, structuring of the praetorian regime in Egypt; the return of military praetorianism after the removal of President Hosni Mubarak; the rise of the Sisi as ‘ruler-arbiter’ and its implications on the democratization process. The paper’s method is explanatory to study the ‘structural’ (military) and ‘agential’ (Sisi’s rule) factors to determine the causes of establishing the praetorian ‘ruler-arbiter’ type Sisi’s regime. The approach to examine the ruler-arbiter phenomenon is the ‘actor-centric’ instead of the ‘mechanistic’ to understand the praetorian rule in Egypt. The research finds that the rise of the ‘ruler-arbiter’ regime under the leadership of the Sisi, caused by the military-established praetorian authority and President Sisi's choices and decisions, led to the failure of the democratization in Egypt.
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Larsen, Arne. "Hassan Gardezi & Jamil Rashid (Eds.), Pakistan: The Roots of Dictatorship. The Political Economy of a Praetorian State, London: Zed Press, 1983, 412 s., 8 £; Kirsten Westergaard, State and Rural Society in Bangladesh. A study in relationship, London and M." Politica 18, no. 2 (January 1, 1986): 205. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/politica.v18i2.68812.
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Hassan Gardezi & Jamil Rashid (Eds.), Pakistan: The Roots of Dictatorship. The Political Economy of a Praetorian State, London: Zed Press, 1983, 412 s., 8 £; Kirsten Westergaard, State and Rural Society in Bangladesh. A study in relationship, London and Malmo: Curzon Press, 1985, 198 s., 6.50 £.
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Strechie, Mădălina. "The Praetorian Guard, Rome’s Intelligence Service." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 27, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 136–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/kbo-2021-0022.
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Abstract Rome was a kingdom, then a republic, and culminated in a militaristic empire. For this, the city of Mars invented, perfected and organized efficient institutions to carry out its plans, which extended it from the Italic Peninsula throughout the world on which Rome had a say. One of the most efficient institutions, the essence of the Roman executive power, was not the Princeps, but the Praetorian Guard, a military and police institution, at the same time political, economic, but especially with the powers of a secret service, being one of the forerunners of European secret services, surpassing all that had existed until its functioning, not being matched to this day in terms of efficiency and impact in the life of a civilization. When founding the Principate, the Praetorian Guard was the one which transformed the imperial dream of Rome into a historical reality. The “wings of the Roman eagle” that spread over the world conquered by the Romans were Praetorian, if we consider that this institution was coordinated by ordo equester, the tagma of Rome’s career officers, its headquarters, but also the government of Rome, the praetorian prefect also fulfilling the function which today we would call prime minister, the second man in the hierarchy of the Roman state, of course after the princeps (the first of the citizens).Although as a military structure, the Praetorian Guard appeared with the professional Roman army, it reached its peak with the Principate, initially having a guard function for the Roman military commander, it became in time the most effective secret service of classical Antiquity. This success was due to the fact that the Romans were inspired by the Spartans (especially the Ephorian magistrates), but also by the Persians (from the administrative organization of the satrapies, the 10,000 immortals, and especially the royal postal service of Persia), the Roman creation being the most complete, therefore the etymology of the word “information” is Latin.From a military perspective, the Praetorian Guard was organized at all levels of a global society, such as Rome, covering informatively, politically, militarily, economically, but also diplomatically all Roman interests in the world controlled by Rome, being a true intelligence service. It was the first informative outpost in non-Roman territories, which had to be transformed into Roman territories, as was the case of Dacia.
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Mansur, Salim, Hassan Gardezi, and Jamil Rashid. "Pakistan: The Roots of Dictatorship: The Political Economy of a Praetorian State." International Journal 40, no. 2 (1985): 395. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40202270.
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Young, Crawford. "Zaïre: the Shattered Illusion of the Integral State." Journal of Modern African Studies 32, no. 2 (June 1994): 247–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0001274x.
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Zaïre, by the early 1990s, by some accounts had all but vanished. One senior American diplomat described it as nothing more than the presidential vessel ‘Kamanyola’ anchored safely offshore in the Zaïre River, an élite praetorian guard compensated in hard currency, the remote marble city of Gbadolite, a shrivelled state superstructure nourished by diamond smuggling. Its perennial President, Mobutu Sese Seko, was characterised contemptuously by a French official as ‘a walking bank account in a leopard-skin cap’. More than a decade ago, a former publicist for the central régime had relegated the once-powerful state to a zone of non-existence: ‘The state does not exist or no longer exists in Za’. The 1992 National Conference resolved to expunge Zaire from history by restoring its earlier colonial and post-colonial nomenclature of ‘Congo’.
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Łuć, Ireneusz. "Wojskowe monety Nerona. Typy adlocvt coh i decvrsio." Vox Patrum 67 (December 16, 2018): 361–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3404.
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The main recipients of the ADLOCVT COH and DECVRSIO sesterces were Roman soldiers. As part of the pay and occasional cash prizes, these coins were offered not only to the Praetorians or the soldiers of cohors Germanorum, but also to the legionnaires, the soldiers of the Auxilia and those who served in the fleet. Money played a vital role in the communication between the emperor and milites Romani. It was through the use of certain types of ideas and slogans that the ruler created his own image, e.g. as a trained horseman and a competent commander (vide DECVRSIO). In turn, by publicizing the fact that the emperor gave special speeches to the soldiers who participated in the military rallies (vide ADLOCVT COH) he could pursue the political goals that the current situation required, such as the restoration of the correct relations between Nero and the Praetorian soldiers after the failure of the Pisonian conspiracy. Emissions of the coins showing this type of encounter in the wider context always meant the “bond” of the emperor with the subordinates, which was certainly welcomed by them. Therefore, the use of the slogan adlocutio became a universal idea in the relations between the soldiers and the emperors of the Roman state.
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Carlton-Ford, Steve, Katherine Durante, Ciera Graham, and Thomas David Evans. "Essay: Common Fates, Common Goals—A Response to Cyr." Armed Forces & Society 46, no. 3 (May 6, 2019): 523–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x19845021.
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“The Soldier, the State, and the People—Costs and Benefits of Military Regimes”: Evaluating the Essay “Guns and Butter: Child Mortality and the Mediators of Militarization” raises several concerns about the theory and analyses in our article. We address what we see as the three most important: (1) the necessity of both qualitative and quantitative analyses in the study of militarization; (2) correlational versus causal analysis; and (3) the value of Huntington’s analysis of praetorian militarization. We have varying levels of agreement.
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Harris, Kevan. "THE RISE OF THE SUBCONTRACTOR STATE: POLITICS OF PSEUDO-PRIVATIZATION IN THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN." International Journal of Middle East Studies 45, no. 1 (February 2013): 45–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743812001250.
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AbstractSince 2009, analyses of Iran have stressed the centralizing takeover of the country's economy by a single state institution, the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps. At the same time, however, Iran's factionalized political elite uniformly advocate for rapid privatization of state-owned enterprises. Underneath this puzzling contradiction is a complex shift of economic ownership away from the state toward a variety of parastatal organizations including banks, cooperatives, pension funds, foundations, and military-linked contractors. The result is not a praetorian monolith but a subcontractor state. This article draws on interviews conducted in Iran during 2009 and 2010, primary data from parliamentary and governmental reports, and secondary sources to show how intraelite conflict and nonelite claims have structured the process of privatization. Framed comparatively with privatization outcomes in other middle-income countries, Iran's subcontractor state can be seen as a consequence of the way in which politics and society shaped the form of capitalism that has taken root in the Islamic Republic.
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Agyeman, Opoku. "Setbacks to Political Institutionalisation by Praetorianism in Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 26, no. 3 (September 1988): 403–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00011708.
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Praetorianism has been authoritatively defined as a situation in which ‘the military class of a given society exercises independent political power within it by virtue of an actual or threatened use of military force’.1 A praetorian state, by elaboration, is one in which the military tends to intervene and potentially could dominate the political system. The political processes of this state favor the development of the military as the core group and the growth of its expectations as a ruling class; its political leadership (as distinguished from bureaucratic, administrative and managerial leadership) is chiefly recruited from the military, or from groups sympathetic, or at least not antagonistic, to the military. Constitutional changes are effected and sustained by the militaty, and the army frequently intervenes in the government.2
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DANNREUTHER, ROLAND. "War and insecurity: legacies of Northern and Southern state formation." Review of International Studies 33, no. 2 (April 2007): 307–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210507007528.
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ABSTRACTMuch of the post-Cold War discourse about contemporary warfare posits a binary opposition between a ‘democratic peace’ in the North and the prevalence of virulent ‘new wars’ in the South. This article seeks to qualify these accounts by bringing out the deeper historical and sociological legacies of state formation critical for understanding the emergence of an internal peace amongst developed countries and the continuing insecurity and multiple civil wars in many poorer developing regions. It is argued that two features of Southern state formation – the external imposition of states and the enforced norm against territorial aggrandisement – have significantly constrained the development of many developing states, making it more difficult for them to forge strong, synergistic states whose security concerns are externally- rather than internally-oriented. The article argues that there is, though, much variation in how Southern states have responded to these historical legacies of state formation. The article concludes with a four-fold taxonomy to replace the simple North-South bifurcation, differentiating between developed, globalising, praetorian and failed states and identifying the differing potential for, and incidence of, violent conflict, insecurity, and war within these four types of state.
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Pazdernik, Charles F. "Breaking silence in the historiography of Procopius of Caesarea." Byzantinische Zeitschrift 113, no. 3 (August 1, 2020): 981–1024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bz-2020-0042.
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AbstractProcopius employs the motif of “grieving in silence” to describe the deliberations preceding Justinian’s invasion of Vandal North Africa in 533 (Wars 3.10.7-8) and his vendetta against the urban prefect of Constantinople in 523 (HA 9.41). The particularity of Procopius’ language in these passages makes their collocation especially pronounced. The distance between the Wars and the Secret History, which represents itself breaking the silence between what the Wars can state publicly and the unvarnished truth (HA 1.1-10), may be measured by two “wise advisers” who speak when others are silent: the quaestor Proclus, warmly remembered for his probity, and the praetorian prefect John the Cappadocian, a figure universally reviled. Discontinuities between the presentation of John in the Wars and the merits of the policies he endorses problematize readers’ impressions of not only John but also the relationship between the Wars and the historical reality the work claims to represent.
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Rizvi, Hasan-Askari. "Hassan Gardezi and Jamil Rashid, eds., Pakistan: The Roots of Dictatorship: The Political Economy of a Praetorian State (London: Zed Press, 1983). Pp. 414." International Journal of Middle East Studies 18, no. 1 (February 1986): 84–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800030294.
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Karpenko, K. V. "Constitutional identity and institutional autonomy of state." Journal of Law and Administration 17, no. 2 (July 16, 2021): 33–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2073-8420-2021-2-59-33-41.
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Introduction. The article deals with the phenomenon of constitutional identity, which allows strengthening the protection of constitution. The author shows, that the constitutional courts are the creators of the constitutional identity all around the world. That is why its principles may be called «praetorian law», as a reference to Roman judicial practice. The principles of constitutional identity form by themselves a core of constitutional provisions, which guarantee historical continuity and durability of any legal order. A nation can use them to preserve its existence in a legal reality. Constitutional identity creates a subordination of norms in the constitutional text. The most important of them are on the top. Such a vertical system gives to the Constitutional courts a useful criterion for balancing different interests in a society. This criterion is fair enough, because it is stipulated by the constitution itself.Materials and methods. The materials for the study include the constitutions of states, whose content is related to the problem discussed, decisions of constitutional courts and the legal positions expressed in them, as well as the conclusions of the constitutional and legal doctrine. The study uses the comparative method, which makes it possible to compare homogeneous legal phenomena, the systemic method, with the help of which constitutional identity is considered as an integral part of the mechanism of legal regulation, the dogmatic method that reveals the legal nature of the subject under study, as well as the dialectical method, which gives a holistic idea of subject of research.Results. Constitutional identity, which determines the hierarchy of constitutional norms and values, characterizes a state, emphasizing its differences from others. Constitutional identity should be unchanged over time and free from ongoing changes to the constitutional text. Then it allows identifying the permanent features of a particular legal order and the state as a whole. Consequently, the principles of constitutional identity preserve the historical heritage of the people, the patterns of its development and a certain predictability of the future. Thus, constitutional identity ensures the continuity of different historical periods.Discussion and conclusions. According to the author, the application of the principles of constitutional identity can give the current legal order an internal structure, reflected in the text of the Basic Law. At the same time, constitutional norms build a hierarchy that can reflect the hierarchy of significant values. The presence of such a hierarchy expands the possibilities of legal protection of the constitution, since the constitutional courts have a criterion for «weighing» public and private interests.
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Gugnin, Eduard. "Corruption, illegitimacy and external influence: political factors of state instability." Grani 23, no. 8 (October 20, 2020): 49–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/172074.
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The article constructs a descriptive and analytical description of the connection between corruption, delegitimization and loss of state sovereignty over society as background factors for increasing external influence and the destruction of political and spatial cohesion. As a result of the study, a conclusion was formulated, according to which the complete or partial loss of legitimacy coincides with the spread of corruption, which entails the devaluation of value and regulatory systems of social behavior. It is emphasized that corrupt practices contribute to the destruction of morals, law, ideology, have a devastating effect on government structures, procedures for its institutionalization, prevent the nomination of elites and leaders to command positions in the state apparatus, negatively affect the power and centralizing capabilities of the state. legitimate physical violence. It is noted that the loss of legitimacy is preceded by the loss of dialogue between government and society, the habitualization of corruption and its transformation into an endemic component of social life.It was stated that corruption increases the level of public permeability for external actors who take advantage of the situation of blurring the boundaries of political space and encourage citizens to spontaneous protests, which should shake the procedural principles of law and order, to achieve open conflicts between government and self-organized communities. what are the conditions for dialogue. External actors can seek to actively discredit the ruling elites by simultaneously unscrewing instability and escalating waves of destructive criticism aimed at disavowing all kinds of legitimacy: ideological, ethnic, structural, personalistic (charismatic), and others.It is noted that the final destruction of the state is the loss of a monopoly on public violence within the procedures established by law. Actors of external influence can resort to various acts of violence in order to encourage the ruling elites to increase security with the use of special Praetorian groups (paramilitary formations).It is summarized that the emergence of paramilitary formations is an indicator of the fragility of the state and its inability to control its own power structures, as evidenced by the violation of paramilitary formations of the usual official hierarchies and privatization of legitimate violence by alternative centers of power. Finally, it is emphasized that the destructive accompaniment of the latter is the growth of shadow arms markets, criminalization of the behavior of ordinary citizens who cease to see the state as an authorized defender of sovereignty and security and cease to trust legitimate law enforcement agencies, and these processes precede their colonial expansion. frozen conflicts with accompanying negative consequences for the state.
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Sancha Díez, José Pablo. "Derechos de los reclusos en la jurisprudencia del Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos." Revista de Derecho de la UNED (RDUNED), no. 21 (January 31, 2018): 455. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rduned.21.2017.21170.
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A pesar de las reticencias de los Estados Partes del CEDH de ceder verdaderas porciones de soberanía, o por mejor decir, de ius puniendi estatales, al Consejo de Europa, de la problemática de la ejecución de las sentencias del TEDH al estar en manos del Comité de Ministros, un órgano político, intergubernamental y no jurisdiccional, disociándose así las funciones de juzgar y hacer ejecutar lo juzgado, al carecer el TEDH de facultades anulatorias o revocatorias de las resoluciones y actuaciones internas vulneradoras de derechos recogidos en el Convenio, y de la inexistencia de un catálogo de derechos fundamentales penitenciarios, recogidos por un lado en instrumentos internacionales de ius cogens, es decir, imperativos, y por otro, en Resoluciones y Recomendaciones meramente programáticas, carentes de fuerza obligatoria (vgr. Reglas Penitenciarias Europeas), hemos de reconocer que el TEDH ha venido cumpliendo dignamente el mandato de protección de los derechos y libertades contenidos en el Convenio, y muy especialmente respecto de los derechos de las personas privadas de libertad, y por ende, de los reclusos. Del análisis de la profusa jurisprudencia del TEDH se infiere que las garantías normativas de los presos consagradas en el CEDH, para no ser teóricas e ilusorias, sino reales y efectivas, han tenido que ser ampliadas, perfiladas y completadas por una serie de garantías jurisdiccionales, a través de un sistema o mecanismo jurisdiccional pretoriano, que debemos calificar de verdadera obra pretoriana del TEDH, y que fue cristalizándose o codificándose en los diversos Protocolos modificativos. Se convendrá, pues, fácilmente, que el grado de protección de los derechos humanos logrado en el ámbito del Consejo de Europa no tiene parangón en relación con otros sistemas universales o regionales nacidos con el mismo cometido, al albur de los procesos de humanización de los sistemas penitenciarios y de internacionalización de los derechos humanos, que tienen lugar a partir de la Segunda Guerra Mundial.Despite the reluctance of the State Parties of the ECHR to cede actual portions of their sovereignty or, more specifically, of their state ius punendi in favour of the Council of Europe; the issue of the ECHR sentences execution (given to the fact that this is carried out by the Committee of Ministers, a political, intergovernmental and non-judicial organ, dissociating then the tasks of judging and executing what has been judge); the lack of revocation powers by the ECHR regarding the resolutions and internal decisions relating to the violations of the Convention; the lack of an inventory of the fundamental rights included in ius cogens (i.e. imperative) international tools, and the only pragmatic non-compulsory Resolutions and Recommendations (e.g. European Prison Rules), we must admit that the ECHR has been worthily fulfilling its mandate of protecting the rights and freedoms contained in the Convention and, specially, regarding the rights of those deprived of liberty and consequently, of the inmates. The analysis of the extensive ECHR caselaw infers that the safeguards of the rights of inmates enshrined in the European Council, in order to be real and effective, instead of theoretical or illusory, must have been extended, shaped and completed by a set of judiciary safeguards. This has been possible thanks to a Praetorian judiciary system which must be considered as a real Praetorian work by the ECHR and which has been the object of many amending Protocols. Thus, it can be easily concluded that the level of protection of the human rights achieved by the Council of Europe is unparalleled if compared with other universal or local systems similarly conceived as a result of the human right penitentiary and internationalisation systems developed after the Second World War.
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Salonia, Paolo, Tommaso Leti Messina, Andrea Marcolongo, and Lorenzo Appolonia. "Photo Scanner 3D Survey for Monitoring Historical Monuments. the Case History of Porta Praetoria in Aosta." Geoinformatics FCE CTU 6 (December 21, 2011): 314–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.14311/gi.6.39.
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Accessibility to cultural heritage is one of the most important factors in cultural heritage preservation, as it assures knowledge, monitoring, Public Administration management and a wide interest on cultural heritage sites. Nowdays 3D surveys give the geometric basis for an effective artefact reconstruction but most of the times 3D data are not completely and deeply investigated to extract other useful information on historical monuments for their conservation and safeguard. The Cultural Heritage Superintendence of Aosta decided to run a time continual project of monitoring of the Praetorian Roman Gate with the collaboration of the ITABC, CNR of Italy. The Praetorian Roman Gate in Aosta, Italy, of Augustus ages, is one of the most well-known roman monumental gates, it is a double gate with three arches each side, 12 meters high, 20 meters wide, made of pudding stone ashlars, Badoglio, travertine, marble blocks and other stone insertion due to restorations between 1600 and 1950. In years 2000 a final restoration intervention brought the gate at the present state of art, within the frame of a restoration and conservation building site with the purpose of treat the different decay pathologies and conditions. A complete 3D geometric survey campaign has been the first step for the monitoring of the gate morphologic changes and decay progress in time. The main purpose is to collect both quantitative data, related to the geometry of the gate, and the qualitative data, related to the chromatic change on the surface due to the stone decay. The geometric data with colour information permits to associate materials and stone pathologies to chemical or mechanical actions and to understand and analyse superficial decay kinetics. The colours survey will also permit to directly locate on the 3D model areas of different stratigraphic units. The project aims to build a rigorous quantitative-qualitative database so to be uploaded into a GIS. The GIS will become the monitoring main means. Considering the huge dimension of the gate and its urban location a multi-scale approach has been considered. Controlled and free images have been taken from the ground and the top of the gate so to reconstruct all the walls and the upper cover. A topographic survey has been done so to be able to control and relate all the different acquisitions. It has been chosen a Photo Scanner 3D system. It is a photogrammetry-based survey technology for point clouds acquisition and 3D models configuration, from digital images processing. This technology allows to obtain point clouds (xyz coordinates) with RGB information and geometries at different levels of complexity by processing a number of images taken with a limited set of constraints, with the use of a simple acquisition equipment and through an image matching algorithm (ZScan, by Menci Software). Due to the high walls of the arch gates, the higher part has been surveyed with a remote controlled drone (UAV Unmanned Aerial Vehicle) with a digital camera on it, so to take pictures up to the maximum altitude and with different shooting angles ( 90 and 45 degree). This is a new technology which permits to survey inaccessible parts of a high monument with ease and accuracy, by collecting redundant pictures later bound together by an image block algorithm. This paper aims to present the survey experience architectural monuments trough the application of a trifocal quick photogrammetric system, in surveying at different scales and for different purposes.
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Strechie, Mădălina. "Forms of Terrorism in Ancient Rome." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 25, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 161–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/kbo-2019-0027.
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Abstract Terrorism is an old phenomenon in human civilization. Terminologically, it comes from Latin, but this scourge also fully manifested itself in Roman civilization, throughout its history. This study seeks to fill a bibliographic gap on this criminal phenomenon, most studies of it starting with the Middle Ages, without any reference to Ancient Rome, which is unfair, especially since Rome was confronted with this phenomenon, which it defined terminologically and to which it responded with the necessary force, thus transforming its defence policy. The first forms of terrorism emerged in Rome during the Kingdom, when, at the beginning of its political organization, Rome faced numerous terrorist manifestations, especially from outside the Roman state. The Gauls were, at the beginning of the Republic, genuine agents of terrorism in Rome through their plundering expeditions that caused real terror. Etruscan pirates were terrorists, too, for the Roman trade, the struggle of the plebeians and their withdrawal with barricades in order to obtain political rights meant real political terror at that time, then Spartacus’ revolt and his march which spread terror throughout Rome, the civil wars which bled Rome became genuine forms of internal terrorism, especially because of the assassination of Roman state leaders, as well as the corruption masterly unmasked by Cicero. The forms of external terrorism were also present, the most notorious episode being the Punic wars, in particular the war of Hannibal, the most effective terrorist for Rome, the Dacians’ plundering expeditions in the Roman garrisons in Moesia, the battles with the Parthians and the Britons are as many forms of the terrorism that Rome faced during its history, which compelled it into creating new forces capable of responding to this new way of fighting. We believe that the Praetorian Guard, with all its units, was the most effective counter-terrorist force in combating the terrorist phenomenon strongly manifested in Rome. Therefore Rome, knowing the phenomenon, defined it most precisely, a definition that still applies today.
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Sancha Díez, José Pablo. "Derechos de los reclusos en la jurisprudencia del Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos // Inmates’ rights Caselaw in the European Court of Human Rights." Revista de Derecho Político 1, no. 102 (July 31, 2018): 333. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rdp.102.2018.22396.
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Resumen:A pesar de las reticencias de los Estados Partes del CEDH de ceder verdaderas porciones de soberanía, o por mejor decir, de ius puniendi estatales, al Consejo de Europa, de la problemática de la ejecución de las sentencias del TEDH al estar en manos del Comité de Ministros, un órgano político, intergubernamental y no jurisdiccional , disociándose así las funciones de juzgar y hacer ejecutar lo juzgado, al carecer el TEDH de facultades anulatorias o revocatorias de las resoluciones y actuaciones internas vulneradoras de derechos recogidos en el Convenio, y de la inexistencia de un catálogo de derechos fundamentales penitenciarios, recogidos por un lado en instrumentos internacionales de ius cogens, es decir, imperativos, y por otro, en Resoluciones y Recomendaciones meramente programáticas, carentes de fuerza obligatoria (vgr. Reglas Penitenciarias Europeas), hemos de reconocer que el TEDH ha venido cumpliendo dignamente el mandato de protección de los derechos y libertades contenidos en el Convenio, y muy especialmente respecto de los derechos de las personas privadas de libertad, y por ende, de los reclusos. Del análisis de la profusa jurisprudencia del TEDH se infiere que las garantías normativas de los presos consagradas en el CEDH, para no ser teóricas e ilusorias, sino reales y efectivas, han tenido que ser ampliadas, perfiladas y completadas por una serie de garantías jurisdiccionales, a través de un sistema o mecanismo jurisdiccional pretoriano, que debemos calificar de verdadera obra pretoriana del TEDH, y que fue cristalizándose o codificándose en los diversos Protocolos modificativos. Se convendrá, pues, fácilmente, que el grado de protección de los derechos humanos logrado en el ámbito del Consejo de Europa no tiene parangón en relación con otros sistemas universales o regionales nacidos con el mismo cometido, al albur de los procesos de humanización de los sistemas penitenciarios y de internacionalización de los derechos humanos, que tienen lugar a partir de la Segunda Guerra Mundial.Summary:1. Introduction. 2. Judicial protection of human rights and its internationalisationprocess: ECHR. 2.1. The execution of the ECHR issue. 3. Analysis of the inmates’ rights in the ECHR caselaw. 3.1. The ECHR caselaw regarding inmates in spain. 3.2. Excursus on the parot doctrine. 3.3. ECHR caselaw regarding inmates out of spain. 4. Final remarks.Abstract:Despite the reluctance of the State Parties of the ECHR to cede actual portions of their sovereignty or, more specifically, of their state ius punendi in favour of the Council of Europe; the issue of the ECHR sentences execution (given to the fact that this is carried out by the Committee of Ministers, a political, intergovernmental and non-judicial organ, dissociating then the tasks of judging and executing what has been judge); the lack of revocation powers by the ECHR regarding the resolutions and internal decisions relating to the violations of the Convention; the lack of an inventory of the fundamental rights included in ius cogens (i.e. imperative) international tools, and the only pragmatic non-compulsory Resolutions and Recommendations (e.g. European Prison Rules), wemust admit that the ECHR has been worthily fulfilling its mandate of protecting the rights and freedoms contained in the Convention and, specially, regarding the rights of those deprived of liberty and consequently, of the inmates.The analysis of the extensive ECHR caselaw infers that the safeguards of the rights of inmates enshrined in the European Council, in order to be real and effective, instead of theoretical or illusory, must have been extended, shaped and completed by a set of judiciary safeguards. This has been possible thanks to a Praetorian judiciary system which must be considered as a real Praetorian work by the ECHR and which has been the object of many amending Protocols. Thus, it can be easily concluded that the level of protection of the human rights achieved by the Council of Europe is unparalleled if compared with other universal or local systems similarly conceived as a result of the human right penitentiary and internationalisation systems developed after the Second World War.
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Rubin, Barnett R. "Pakistan: The Roots of Dictatorship (The Political Economy of a Praetorian State). Edited by Hassan Gardezi and Jamil Rashid. London: Zed Press, 1983. xviii, 394 pp. Tables, Bibliography, Index. $40.50 (cloth); $12.50 (paper)." Journal of Asian Studies 44, no. 2 (February 1985): 422–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2055970.
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BOWMAN, JOYE. "THE POWER OF PRAETORIAN SOCIAL MEMORY Lineages of State Fragility: Rural Civil Society in Guinea-Bissau. By JOSHUA B. FORREST. Athens OH: Ohio University Press; Oxford: James Currey Ltd., 2003. Pp. xiv+312. $49.45 (ISBN 0-8214-1490-9); no price given, paperback (ISBN 0-85255-496-6)." Journal of African History 46, no. 2 (July 2005): 366–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853705450811.
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Cunliffe, Philip. "From peacekeepers to praetorians – how participating in peacekeeping operations may subvert democracy." International Relations 32, no. 2 (December 8, 2017): 218–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117817740728.
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This article provides a heuristic study of three cases where participation in peacekeeping operations prompted military rule in the peacekeeper-contributing state. These three atypical cases contradict the theory of diversionary peace, which claims that contributing to peacekeeping operations abroad should stimulate democracy at home. The experience of these three countries also calls into question the conventional wisdom that strongly associates peacekeeping with liberal democratic institutions, outcomes and practices. Via triangulation across literature, reports, elite interviews and WikiLeaks cables, these cases are examined in order to identify more generalisable observations regarding how participation in peacekeeping may enhance the role of the military at the expense of democratic order and civilian rule in the contributing state. The theory of diversionary peace is shown to suffer from serious conceptual flaws. Some preliminary efforts are made to generalise the findings, with Ghana and Uruguay identified as warranting further investigation. A number of variables are identified as offering scope for generalisation, namely, revenue, leadership and military size. Several promising areas for further research are also identified: how military dependence on peacekeeping may make political systems more permeable to outside influence, how far the United Nations (UN) can politically influence its contributor states and how peacebuilding may affect peacekeepers’ understanding of their role in their own countries. By examining the feedback effects of peacekeeping on peacekeeper-contributing states, the article reverses the conventional focus of peacekeeping scholarship and contributes to the growing literature examining the wider ramifications and unintended consequences of liberal conflict management.
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Eulmee Park. "Earliest Stage of Basso Continuo according to Viadana, Agazzari, & Praetorius." 이화음악논집 18, no. 1 (June 2014): 7–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17254/jemri.2014.18.1.001.
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Špak, Valerij. "Participation of the Turkish Military in the Economy of the State: Case of Indirect Praetorionism." Politologija 99, no. 3 (December 11, 2020): 8–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/polit.2020.99.1.
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Based on the example of the Turkish military’s involvement in the country’s economy, this article seeks to complement the concept of praetorionism and to highlight the mechanisms of indirect praetorionism. The Turkish army plays an important role in the country’s economy, while the military pension fund OYAK is considered one of the country’s business giants. It provides an opportunity to maintain disproportionate institutional autonomy and weakens civilian control mechanisms. This provides the military with additional instruments of political influence and encourages the emergence of hidden mechanisms of praetorianism. The article seeks to understand new phenomena and trends in the interaction between the society and the military, as the involvement of the Turkish army in the country’s economy changes the concept of praetorianism and provides new, indirect ways of intervening in public policy. Because of how the Turkish military controls business companies using a privileged position in the country’s economy, corruption mechanisms that influence the mechanisms of the redistribution of economic resources and the pursuit of rents have an indirect impact on the political system of the state. In this way, military entrepreneurship has transformed the conceptual structure of praetorians and complemented interventions with indirect forms of influence, such as corruption, economic dominance, and the distortion of economic reforms.
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Kozłowski, Jakub, and Krzysztof Królczyk. "Aspekty polityczne i militarne „roku czterech cesarzy” (68-69 r. po Chr.). Część 1: do śmierci Galby." Studia Europaea Gnesnensia, no. 11 (January 1, 2015): 29–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/seg.2015.11.2.
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The Year of the Four Emperors, as the period of civil wars in Rome after Nero’s death is often called, was the first major shake-up which affected the Roman state since a new system of rule, referred to as the Principate, had been established by Augustus. Following the imperial proclamation of Servius Sulpicius Galba, the governor of Spain (June 8th, 68) and the suicide of Nero (June 9th), the Roman state plunged into a profound political crisis. This was because the new emperor found no support either in the City itself, or among the soldiers of legions stationed on the Empire’s frontiers. On January 2nd, 69, Roman army on the Rhine hailed Aulus Vitellius, their commander, as the emperor. As Tacitus observed, this revealed the “secret of rule” (arcanum imperii) – namely one could become an emperor not only in the capital of the Empire but also on its remote periphery. Vitellius immediately began preparations for an armed contest with Galba. However, on January 15th, 69, the latter was murdered in Rome, and praetorians proclaimed M. Salvius Otho as the emperor.
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Smorczewski, Łukasz. "Kariera agens vice praefectorum praetorio Luciliusa Crispusa i chronologia utworzenia stanowiska wikariusza diecezjalnego w Poncie." Czasopismo Prawno-Historyczne 70, no. 1 (October 12, 2018): 313–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/cph.2018.1.11.
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The aim of the following article is to present chronologically the creation of the position of the diocese vicar in Pontus. The act of creation of the diocese was ascribed to emperor Diocletian according to the previously prevalent concept of historiography. However, this position is currently gradually criticized. The main source material which enables the dating of the territorial reform of the Roman state is the Verona List, which is also called Laterculus Veronensis. The document presents the earliest period of shaping ofthe diocese structure as well as the subscriptions of the bishops who authorized the decisions taken at the First Council of Nicaea. Besides the aforementioned evidence, another extremely significant source is the prosopographical data from the officials serving in the rank of vicarii and comites provinciarum in the late Roman period. In case of the Pontus diocese, we have at our disposal inscriptions which present the career of Lucilius Crispus as agens vice praefectorum praetorio. A detailed analysis of the epigraphical data facilitated the process of the dating of the term of office of this regional functionary. It can be ascertained that he performed his function at the time of the reign of emperor Galerius (terminus a quo at the end of November 308). His place of residence was in Galatian Ancyra. The next official of this rank was noted in relations between Lactantiusand Eusebius of Caesarea during the reign of Licinius (circa 313). This anonymous vice-prefect resided in Nicomedia at the time. Additional data is provided by hagiographic sources which describe the fate of Galatian martyrs and it also made note of two vicars, namely Domitianus and Aggripinus. However, the portrayal of the legal situation in the period of tetrarchy which was presented in the said sources raises reasonable doubts concerningtheir credibility. Nevertheless, both agentes (Lucilius Crispus and the anonymous vice-prefect of Licinius’) operated in the Black Sea region as extraordinary delegates of the praetorio prefect without the formation of a permanent organ of local administration. The implementationof a diocesan organisation most probably took place during the independent reign of Constantine the Great. Only then was it possible to carry out a consistent and permanent separation of jurisdiction of individual officials who had vice sacra iudicans jurisdiction. A passage, hitherto disregarded by historians, which comes from Vita Constantini points to this. Moreover, it explicitly states the name of the Pontus diocese. It allows the datingof terminus ante quem appointment of the Black Sea regional unit on the 19th of July 325.
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Little, Donald P. "Carl F. Petry, Protectors or Praetorians? The Last Mamluk Sultans and Egypt's Waning as a Great Power (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994). Pp. 280." International Journal of Middle East Studies 28, no. 2 (May 1996): 268–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074380006325x.
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Garcin, Jean-Claude. "CARL F. PETRY, Protectors or Praetorians? The Last Mamluk Sultans and Egypt's Waning as a Great Power, State University of New York Press, 1994, 280 p. $19.95." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 39, no. 4 (1996): 447–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568520962601126.
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Bouzinova, Elena V., Jeppe Praetorius, Leila V. Virkki, Søren Nielsen, Walter F. Boron, and Christian Aalkjaer. "Na+-dependent HCO3− uptake into the rat choroid plexus epithelium is partially DIDS sensitive." American Journal of Physiology-Cell Physiology 289, no. 6 (December 2005): C1448—C1456. http://dx.doi.org/10.1152/ajpcell.00313.2005.
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Several studies suggest the involvement of Na+ and HCO3− transport in the formation of cerebrospinal fluid. Two Na+-dependent HCO3− transporters were recently localized to the epithelial cells of the rat choroid plexus (NBCn1 and NCBE), and the mRNA for a third protein was also detected (NBCe2) (Praetorius J, Nejsum LN, and Nielsen S. Am J Physiol Cell Physiol 286: C601–C610, 2004). Our goal was to immunolocalize the NBCe2 to the choroid plexus by immunohistochemistry and immunogold electronmicroscopy and to functionally characterize the bicarbonate transport in the isolated rat choroid plexus by measurements of intracellular pH (pHi) using a dual-excitation wavelength pH-sensitive dye (BCECF). Both antisera derived from COOH-terminal and NH2-terminal NBCe2 peptides localized NBCe2 to the brush-border membrane domain of choroid plexus epithelial cells. Steady-state pHi in choroidal cells increased from 7.03 ± 0.02 to 7.38 ± 0.02 ( n = 41) after addition of CO2/HCO3− into the bath solution. This increase was Na+ dependent and inhibited by the Cl− and HCO3− transport inhibitor DIDS (200 μM). This suggests the presence of Na+-dependent, partially DIDS-sensitive HCO3− uptake. The pHi recovery after acid loading revealed an initial Na+ and HCO3−-dependent net base flux of 0.828 ± 0.116 mM/s ( n = 8). The initial flux in the presence of CO2/HCO3− was unaffected by DIDS. Our data support the existence of both DIDS-sensitive and -insensitive Na+- and HCO3−-dependent base loader uptake into the rat choroid plexus epithelial cells. This is consistent with the localization of the three base transporters NBCn1, Na+-driven Cl− bicarbonate exchanger, and NBCe2 in this tissue.
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Berkey, Jonathan P. "Protectors or Praetorians? The Last Mamluk Sultans and Egypt’s Waning as a Great Power, by Carl F. Petry. (SUNY Series in Medieval Middle East History) 280 pages, maps, appendices, bibliographic references, index. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994. $19.95 (Cloth) isbn 0-7914-2139-2." Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 31, no. 1 (July 1997): 86–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400035203.
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Vasyl, Nepyivoda, and Nepyivoda Ivanna. "Precedent as a Core Component of Anglo-American Law and Its Penetration into the Legal System of Ukraine." Yearly journal of scientific articles “Pravova derzhava”, no. 31 (2020): 119–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.33663/0869-2491-2020-31-119-127.
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The Anglo-American law have a considerable amount of accomplishments, which have become a worldwide asset. In terms of globalization and interaction, to use these achievements would be beneficial for further development of Ukrainian legal system. However, the very philosophy and reasoning behind the precedent-based common law is different from that in the civil law tradition of which the Ukrainian law is a part. This paper is intended to contribute to the examination how the mechanism of Anglo-American law operates in view of the expediency to introduce some of its elements into the Ukrainian jurisdiction. The initial part devoted to the emergence of, and formation of, the common law. It is noted that in the case of common law the influence of Roman law should not be denied. Relying mostly on praetorium ius experience, it has manifested itself in other directions and forms compare to civil law system. Therefore, the both, common law and civil law, despite their differences have been formed on the common ground – the Roman legal tradition. Taking into consideration that throughout their history they exchanged fruitful ideas, there is no irreconcilable, "genetic" incompatibility between them. Thus, it would allow to successfully implant certain common law elements, first of all precedent as a source of law, in the body of Ukrainian law, a part of civil law system. The paper notes that issues of common law mechanism have never been a priority for scholarly research in Ukraine as in a country of civil law tradition. The inertial influence of the Soviet law has also contributed to this situation. According to the communist ideology and the positivist visions on which the Soviet law was based, the precedent has not been considered as an acceptable legal instrument. In order to clarify how the mechanism works, the paper provides an overview of precedent and stare decisis doctrine as key components of common law. While a principle of stare decisis binding courts to follow legal precedents in cases with similar circumstances is in the core of Anglo-American law, in civil law systems precedent is not considered as binding. This discussion is followed by an analysis of judicial lawmaking. The paper specifies that in the common law systems, courts are not absolutely bound by precedents. In terms of radical changes in political, social or legal areas, they are entitled to re-examine and apply the law differently without legislative intervention, to adapt it to new circumstances. Thus, the Anglo-American legal tradition provides much broader scope for judicial lawmaking than Romano-German law. However, there is no consensus on the range to which it should be extended and to which extent it should rely on precedent. Within the framework of this controversial issue judicial activism and judicial restraint, two opposite philosophies of making a ruling in common law, are addressed. In order to examine the multifaceted nature of correlation between stare decisis principle and judicial lawmaking, the latest experience of the Supreme Court of the United States' on overruling precedents is considered. The paper summarizes that, most likely, mixed legal system associated with Nordic countries should be set as the reference point for the movement of Ukraine in this area. Such approach would provide rather broad scope for the operation of the common law elements, while safeguarding its omissions such as unjustified judicial activism.
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LOURENÇON, Jorge Luís dos Santos, and Ana Maria Ortega ALONSO. "A AÇÃO DIRETA DE INCONSTITUCIONALIDADE Nº 4.439 EM FACE DAS TEORIAS DA CONSTITUIÇÃO DE HANS KELSEN E CARL SCHMITT." UNIFUNEC CIENTÍFICA MULTIDISCIPLINAR 10, no. 12 (June 10, 2021): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.24980/ucm.v10i12.4168.
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No século XX, os pensadores Hans Kelsen e Carl Schmitt travaram um embate sobre a quem incumbiria a guarda da Constituição. Para aquele, a tarefa seria de um órgão técnico, qual seja, uma corte constitucional, capaz de uma análise de compatibilidade entre normas de hierarquia superior com as de hierarquia inferior. Para Schmitt, por outro lado, ao chefe de Estado caberia tal responsabilidade, por ser detentor da vontade política e, assim, mostrar-se afim aos anseios populares; sendo a Constituição uma decisão política, o representante do povo teria legitimidade para protegê-la, de acordo com a vontade pública. Discute-se, neste estudo, a qual teoria o Supremo Tribunal Federal se aproximou, quando do julgamento da Ação Direta de Inconstitucionalidade nº 4.439, em que se decidiu pela compatibilidade do ensino religioso de natureza confessional e matrícula facultativa, na rede pública de ensino, com a Constituição Federal de 1988, isto é, se a argumentação desenvolvida pela Corte Maior se reveste de caráter técnico, como pretendia Kelsen, ou se consideram os pensamentos do povo brasileiro, como defendido por Schmitt. Conclui-se que, pela análise de votos dos Ministros do Pretório Excelso, a argumentação técnica restou vencida por uma argumentação jurídica e de ordem política, em consonância com a vontade popular, distanciando a atuação do STF da guarda da Carta Política tal como pretendida por Hans Kelsen. A metodologia empregada é a revisão bibliográfica, sob o método dedutivo. THE DIRECT UNCONSTITUTIONALITY ACTION 4.439 UNDER HANS KELSEN’S AND CARL SCHMITT’S CONSTITUTIONAL THEORIES PERSPECTIVE ABSTRACT In the 20th century, Hans Kelsen and Carl Schmitt raised an issue about who was responsible for The Guardian of the Constitution. For Kelsen, a technical body would be held responsible, wherever, a constitutional court, qualified to a compatibility analysis between superior hierarchy and inferior hierarchy. For Schmitt, on the other hand, the Head of State would bear such responsibility, for being the holder of the political will, and thus depicting popular aspirations; being the Constitution a political decision, the representative of the people would have the legitimacy to protect it, in accordance with the will of the people. In this study, it is discussed which theory the Supreme Court approached, in the judgment of Direct Unconstitutionality Action 4.439, in which, it was decided in favor of the compatibility of the confessional natural theology nature and the elective enrollment in public school systems, with the Federal Constitution of 1988, that is, if the arguments developed by the Major Court holds a technical character, as Kelsen intended, or if they consider the thoughts of Brazilian people, as defended by Schmitt. It is concluded that, by the analysis of the votes of the Ministers of Praetorium Excelso, the technical argument was defeated by a legal and political argument, in agreement with the popular will, intervening the performance of the STF from the custody of the Political Charter as intended by Hans Kelsen. The methodology used was the literature review, under the deductive method. Keywords: Direct Unconstitutionality Action. Hans Kelsen. Carl Schmitt. Theory of Constitution. Secularism.
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Irwin, Robert. "Protectors or praetorians? The last Mamlūk sultans and Egypt's waning as a great power. By Carl F. Petry. (SUNY Series in Medieval Middle East History.) pp. xv, 280, 4 maps. Albany, NY, State University of New York Press, 1994. US $19.95. - Struggle for domination in the Middle East: the Ottoman–Mamluk war 1485–91. By Shai Har-El. (The Ottoman Empire and its Heritage, Vol. 4.) pp. xix, 238, 7 illus., 7 maps and plans. Leiden etc., E.J. Brill, 1995. NLG 115, US $65.75." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 7, no. 1 (April 1997): 133–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186300008452.
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Noor, Ph.D, Firman. "KONFERENSI JOGJA 1955: SUATU MOMENTUM MENUJU KEBANGKITAN MILITER PRETORIAN DI INDONESIA." Jurnal Pertahanan & Bela Negara 3, no. 1 (August 7, 2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.33172/jpbh.v3i1.376.
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<p><em>Today, Indonesia has enjoyed a limited role of military in politics. But not long time ago, during the New Order Era, the role of military was strong and even omnipresents. This paper wants to trace back the moment that indicates the early stage of the Indonesia military to be independent power, which was also implying the very characteristic of praetorian. From the discussion, we can see that the TNI outlook as one of the powerful body in Indonesia political system evolves gradually. The position of military was in fact at a nadir point when the civilian politicians took control in every aspect of national politics, particularly in the early years of “Liberal Democracy” era. The Jogja conference in 1955 indicates the important shift from professional to be praetorian in Indonesia military history.</em></p><p><em> </em></p><p><strong><em>Keywords :</em></strong><em> praetorian, civil supremacy, military politics,TNI</em></p>
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Akkoyunlu, Karabekir, and José Antonio Lima. "Brazil’s Stealth Military Intervention." Journal of Politics in Latin America, September 6, 2021, 1866802X2110398. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x211039860.
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Between 2016 and 2020, a group of activist generals successfully plotted the Brazilian military's gradual return to the political center stage with powers unseen since the dictatorship. They achieved this without formally breaking the law, suspending the democratic process or overthrowing the government. We call this a “stealth intervention,” an incremental yet systematic attempt to redesign politics without causing a rupture, that fits neither in the existing typology of coups nor in the literature on democratic backsliding. We argue that Brazil’ stealth intervention, built upon the military’s existing tutelary prerogatives and driven by an unreformed praetorian worldview that resurfaced amidst a sustained crisis of democracy, challenges the prevalent view of the armed forces as a reactive force that intervenes in civilian politics only when its institutional interests are threatened. Finally, we show that democratic backsliding in Brazil started under Bolsonaro’s predecessor, Michel Temer, and point to the generals’ understudied role in this process.
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"Genesis of consular institutions of european countries in Aincient and Middle Ages." Journal of Economics and International Relations, no. 7 (2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.26565/2310-9513-2018-7-02.
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The article finds out the peculiarities of the formation and development of consular institutions from the ancient times to the Middle Ages. The article deals with the specifics of the institutions that carried out the corresponding functions in the ancient Greek policies (including those located in the southern territories of modern Ukraine), ancient Rome, the leading states of medieval Europe. The foundations of the consular service in the Ancient Age were discovered at the Ancient Greek Institute of Proxenia, the Old Roman institutions, clientele (patronage) and praetorians (practors in the affairs of perigins). Subsequently, during the Middle Ages, on this basis a consultative institute emerged and began to act as representatives of the state in the trade and political sphere, first of all, by ensuring that the authorities of the country of residence adhere to the rules of local law and international customs against their fellow citizens, while protecting their personal and property rights and interests.
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Mark Tait. "THE CONSUMER PROTECTION ACT AND THE INNKEEPER’S LIABILITY FOR THE PROPERTY OF THE GUEST." Obiter 38, no. 3 (December 20, 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/obiter.v38i3.11435.
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Literally thousands of consumer agreements are concluded every day between innkeepers and their guests. For present purposes an innkeeper is understood to be a supplier of accommodation services and, in turn, implies the proprietor of an accommodation establishment, such as a hotel, lodge and bed and breakfast establishment. It is unfortunately not uncommon that property of some consumers of accommodation services are damaged or lost through theft or other causes whilst making use of these services. As an example may serve a media report where the Daily Dispatch reported on an incident stemming from an alleged theft by employees of the Kariega Game Reserve from guests at the Reserve. This perennial problem raises the issue as to the liability of the supplier for loss of or damage to the property of the consumer whilst the latter is making use of the accommodation services of the supplier. In the praetorian edict de nautius, cauponibus et stabulariis the common law provides a specific solution as to the liability of the supplier. The edict, which is a consequence of the contract for accommodation services between the supplier and the consumer of those services, imposes strict liability on the supplier for loss of, or damage to, the property of the consumer. This protection, however, is largely negated by the general practice of expressly excluding the liability imposed by the edict in the consumer agreement between the parties.The introduction of the Consumer Protection Act 68 of 2008 (CPA) saw a number of specific provisions impacting the relationship between consumer and supplier of accommodation services – such as provisions pertaining to equality (s 8 and 9); privacy (s 11 and 12); cancellation of advance reservations (s 17); and customer loyalty programmes (s 35), to name but a few.The CPA also has implications for the supplier of accommodation services when it comes to the supplier’s liability for the loss of, or damage to, the property of the consumer. This note focuses on two particular aspects. The first considers briefly the impact of the Act on clauses excluding the liability of the supplier for loss or damage to the consumer’s property. Provisions of the CPA regulating the use of clauses excluding liability may therefore have relevance for the praetorian edict, as the protection provided by the edict is excluded as a standard practice, as stated. The edict, because of the impact of the CPA, therefore may resume its relevance of earlier years.The second aspect pertains specifically to section 65(2) of the CPA. This provision imposes a duty on suppliers in general to account for the property of the consumer when such property is in possession of the supplier. As a matter of course guests bring property into the accommodation establishment of the innkeeper with which the consumer has contracted. If such property is lost or damaged (through no fault of the consumer) the question arises whether section 65(2) can find application. If it does, it can have significant consequences for both suppliers and consumers, but if not, then an understanding of the impact of the CPA on the use of clauses in a consumer contract excluding liability becomes even more important.
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"Carl F. Petry. Protectors or Praetorians? The Last Mamlük Sultans and Egypt's Waning as a Great Power. (Suny Series in Medieval Middle East History.) Albany: State University of New York Press. 1994. Pp. xv, 280. $19.95." American Historical Review, October 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr/101.4.1256.
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